# 2026-06-26 - A Day In Old Athens by William Stearns Davis
I don't remember learning much about Greek history in school. I
vaguely recall an English teacher telling the story of the Trojan
horse and then mentioning the Iliad and the Odyssey. Perhaps I
just forgot parts of the curriculum. Anyhow, i've always imagined
ancient Greece through rose-colored lenses as some golden age that
inspired Western civilization.
Recently i read The Echo of Greece by Edith Hamilton [1]. This
broadened my perspective a little. I still felt that my
"mental map" needed to be fleshed out. So i selected
A Day In Old Athens by William Stearns Davis to read next.
This is the second book i've read by this author. In 2012 i read
Life on a Medieaval Barony [2], which was a real treat.
What a book! I reviewed the maps [5], then stepped into the time
machine and set the dial to 360 B.C. What i saw next blew the
rose-colored goggles right off my face. The more i learned about
ancient Greece, the less ideal it appeared. Ancient Athens had
a host of social ills and -isms. And it's all told as though by
Vincent Price [4], sitting in a tall chair and narrating with a
smile.
Neither Edith Hamilton nor William Stearns Davis mentioned the slave
operated Laurion silver mine [3] outside of Athens. At one time it
was the major economic driver in Athens. Wikipedia says it was
re-opened in 370 B.C. and was more successful than expected,
resulting in an economic boom. That means that the mine would have
been in operation during our hypothetical visit in 360 B.C.
What follows are excerpts from the book with my comments in brackets.
# Preface
This little book tries to describe what an intelligent person would
see and hear in ancient Athens, if by some legerdemain [they] were
translated to the fourth century B.C. and conducted about the city
under competent guidance.
The year 360 B.C. has been selected for the hypothetical time of this
visit, not because of any special virtue in that date, but because
Athens was then architecturally almost perfect, [its] civic and [its]
social life seemed at their best...
# Chapter 1: The Physical Setting of Athens
To three ancient nations the [people] of the twentieth century owe an
incalculable debt. To the Jews we owe most of our notions of
religion; to the Romans we owe traditions and examples in law,
administration, and the general management of human affairs which
still keep their influence and value; and finally, to the Greeks we
owe nearly all our ideas as to the fundamentals of art, literature,
and philosophy, in fact, of almost the whole of our intellectual
life. ... When we examine closely, we see that the civilized life of
Greece, during the centuries when [it] was accomplishing the most,
was peculiarly centered at Athens. Without Athens, Greek history
would lose three quarters of its significance, and modern life and
thought would become infinitely the poorer.
Because, then, the contributions of Athens to our own life are so
important, because they touch (as a Greek would say) upon almost
every side of "the true, the beautiful, and the good," it is obvious
that the outward conditions under which this Athenian genius
developed deserve our respectful attention.
To understand the Athenian civilization and genius it is not enough
to know the outward history of the times, the wars, the laws, and the
lawmakers. We must see Athens as the average [person] saw it and
lived in it from day to day, and _then_ perhaps we can partially
understand how it was that during the brief but wonderful era of
Athenian freedom and prosperity [*], Athens was able to produce so
many [people] of commanding genius...
[*] That era may be assumed to begin with the battle of Marathon (490
B.C.), and it certainly ended in 322 B.C., when Athens passed
decisively under the power of Macedonia...
Attica was a very small country according to modern notions, and
Athens the only large city therein. The land barely covered some 700
square miles... It was thus far smaller than the smallest of our
American "states" (Rhode Island = 1250 square miles), and was not so
large as many American counties. ... Yet small as it was, the hills
inclosing it to the west, the seas pressing it form the northeast and
south, gave it a unity and isolation all its own. ... Attica was thus
distinctly separated from the rest of Greece.
This triangle of Attica had its peculiar shortcomings and virtues.
It was for the most part stony and unfertile. Only a shallow layer
of good soil covered a part of its hard foundation rock, which often
in turn lay bare on the surface. The Athenian farmer had a sturdy
struggle to win a scanty crop, and about the only products [one]
could ever raise in abundance for export were olives (which seemed to
thrive on scanty soil and scanty rainfall) and honey, the work of the
mountain bees.
All Greece, to be sure, was favored by the natural beauty of its
atmosphere, seas, and mountains, but Attica was perhaps the most
favored portion of all...
In the Athens of to-day it is reckoned that the year averages
179 days in which the sun is not concealed by clouds one instant; and
157 days more when the sun is not hidden more than half an hour.
Ancient Athens was surely not more cloudy. Nevertheless, despite this
constant sunshine and a southern latitude, Athens was stricken
relatively seldom with semitropical heat. The sea was a good friend,
bringing tempering breezes. In the short winter there might be a
little frost, a little snow, and a fair supply of rain. For the rest
of the year, one golden day was wont to succeed another, with the sun
and the sea breeze in ever friendly rivalry.
The climate saved the Athenians from being obliged to wage a stern
warfare with nature as did the northern peoples. Their life and
civilization could be one developed essentially "in the open air"...
The city lay in a plain, somewhat in the south central part of
Attica, and about four miles back from the sea.
We may select the year 360 B.C. At that time Athens had recovered
from the ravages of the Peloponnesian War, while the Macedonian peril
had not as yet become menacing. The great public buildings were
nearly all completed. No signs of material decadence were visible,
and if Athens no longer possessed the wide naval empire of the days
of Pericles, [its] fleets and [its] armies were still formidable.
The harbors were full of commerce; the philosophers were teaching
their pupils in the groves and porticoes; the democratic constitution
was entirely intact.
# Chapter 2: The First Sights in Athens
There are few late risers at Athens; the Council of Five Hundred, the
huge Jury Courts, and the Public Assembly (if it has met to-day) are
appointed to gather at sunrise. The plays in the theater, which,
however, are given only on certain festivals, begin likewise at
sunrise. The philosophers say that "the [person] who would
accomplish great things must be up while yet it is dark."
...hither and thither bevies of sturdy slave girls, carrying graceful
pitchers on their heads, are hurrying towards the fountains which
gush cool water at most of the street corners. Theirs is a highly
necessary task, for few or no houses have their own water supply...
[The streets] are only fifteen feet wide or even less,--intolerable
alleys a later age would call them,--and dirty to boot. Sometimes
they are muddy, more often extremely dusty. Worse still, they are
contaminated by great accumulations of filth; for the city is without
an efficient sewer system or regular scavengers.
The narrow, dirty, ill-paved streets are also very crooked. One can
readily be lost in a labyrinth of filthy little lanes the moment one
quits the few main thoroughfares.
There are no street numbers. There are often no street names.
Every guess at the population of Athens rests on mere conjecture;
yet, using the scanty data which we possess, it seems possible that
_the population of all Attica_ at the height of its prosperity was
about _200,000 free persons_ (including the _metics_--resident
foreigners without citizenship); and a rather smaller number of
slaves--say 150,000 or less. Of this total of some 350,000, probably
something under one half resided in the city of Athens during times
of peace, the rest in the outlying farms and villages. _Athens may
be imagined as a city of about 150,000_--possibly a trifle more.
When we investigate, we will find conditions like these--houses
absolutely without plumbing, beds without sheets, rooms as hot or as
cold as the outer air, only far more drafty. We must cross rivers
without bridges; we must fasten our clothes (or rather our "two
pieces of cloth") with two pins instead of with a row of buttons; we
must wear sandals without stockings (or go barefoot); must warm
ourselves over a pot of ashes; judge plays or lawsuits on a cold
winter morning sitting in the open air; we must study poetry with
very little aid from books, geography without real maps, and politics
without newspapers; and lastly, "we must learn how to be civilized
without being comfortable!"
Or, to reverse the case: we must understand that an Athenian would
have pronounced our boasted "civilization" hopelessly artificial, and
our life so dependent on outward material props and factors as to be
scarcely worth the living.
Preëminently Athens may be called the "City of the Simple Life."
Bearing this fact in mind, we may follow the multitude and enter the
Marketplace; or, to use the name that stamps it as a peculiarly Greek
institution,--the Agora.
# Chapter 3: The Agora and its Denizens
Full market time! Between nine and twelve A.M.
The Agora is a square of spacious dimensions, planted here and there
with graceful bay trees. Its greatest length runs north and south.
Ignoring for the time the teeming noisy swarms of humanity, let our
eyes be directed merely upon the encircling buildings. The place is
almost completely enclosed by them, although not all are of equal
elegance or pretension. Some are temples of more or less size, like
the temple of the "Paternal Apollo" near the southwestern angle; or
the "Metroön," the fane of Cybele "the Great Mother of the Gods,"
upon the south. Others are governmental buildings; somewhat behind
the Metroön rise the imposing pillars of the Council House, where
the Five Hundred are deliberating on the policy of Athens; and hard
by that is the Tholos, the "Round House," with a peaked,
umbrella-shaped roof, beneath which the sacred public hearth fire is
ever kept burning, and where the presiding Committee of the Council
and certain high officials take their meals, and a good deal of state
business is transacted. The majority of these buildings upon the
Agora, however, are covered promenades, porticoes, or stoæ.
[Stoicism was named after the stoas because Zeno liked to hang out on
there and converse.]
The stoæ are combinations of rain shelters, shops, picture
galleries, and public offices.
Cross the square, and on the opposite side is one of the most
magnificent of the porticoes, the "Painted Porch"
("_Stoa Poikilë_"), a long covered walk, a delightful refuge alike
from sun and rain. Almost the entire length of the inner walls (for
it has columns only on the side of the Agora) is covered with vivid
frescoes. Here Polygnotus and other master painters have spread out
the whole legendary story of the capture of Troy and of the defeat of
the Amazons; likewise the more historical tale of the battle of
Marathon. Yet another promenade, the "Stoa of Zeus," is sacred to
Zeus, Giver of Freedom. The walls are not frescoed, but hung with
the shields of valiant Athenian warriors.
If an Athenian has no actual business to transact, [they] will at
least go to the Agora to get the morning news. Two turns under the
"Painted Porch" will tell [them] the last rumor...
The major part of the square is covered with little booths of boards
and wicker work, very frail and able to be folded up, probably every
night. There are little lanes winding amid these booths; and each
manner of huckster has its own especial "circle" or section of the
market. "Go to the wine," "to the fish," "to the myrtles"
(_i.e._ the flowers), are common directions for finding difficult
parts of the Agora.
Lentils and peas can be had either raw, or cooked and ready to eat on
the spot.
To have a social gathering without garlands, in short, is impossible.
... The usual garland was made of myrtle or ivy and then entwined
with various flowers.
Athenians boast themselves of being no hearty "meat eaters" like
their Bœotian neighbors, but of preferring the more delicate fish.
No dinner party is successful without a seasonable course of fish.
One [fact] is the extraordinarily large proportion of _men_ among the
moving multitudes. Except for the bread women and the flower girls,
hardly one female is to be found among the sellers. Among the
purchasers there is not a single reputable lady. No Athenian
gentlewoman dreams of frequenting the Agora. Even a poor man's wife
prefers to let her spouse do the family marketing. As for the
"men folk," the average gentleman will go daily indeed to the Agora,
but if he is really pretentious, it will be merely to gossip and to
meet his friends; a trusted servant will attend to the regular
purchasing.
Another thing is striking. The average poor Athenian seems to have
no purse. Or rather he uses the purse provided by nature. At every
booth one can see unkempt buyers solemnly taking their small change
from their mouths.
"Fixed prices" are absolutely unknown. The slightest transaction
involves a war of bargaining.
There is great _political_ democracy in Athens, but not so much
_social_ democracy. "Leisure," _i.e._ exemption from every kind of
sordid, money-getting, hard work, is counted the true essential for a
respectable existence, and to live on the effort of others and to
devote oneself to public service or to letters and philosophy is the
open satisfaction or the private longing of every Athenian.
This habit of genteel idleness naturally develops various peculiar
institutions. For example, the barber shops are almost club rooms.
Few Hellenes at this time shave their beards, but to go with unkempt
whiskers and with too long hair is most disgraceful. The barber
shops, booths, or little rooms let into the street walls of the
houses, are therefore much frequented.
Alexander the Great (336-323 B.C.) required his soldiers to be shaved
(as giving less grasp for the enemy!), and the habit then spread
generally through the whole Hellenic world.
# Chapter 4: The Athenian House and its Furnishings
We observe that almost the entire crowd leaving the Agora goes on
foot. To ride about in a chariot is a sign of undemocratic
presumption; while only women or sick men will consent to be borne in
a litter.
As we enter behind him (carefully advancing with right foot foremost,
for it is bad luck to tread a threshold with the _left_) we notice
above the lintel some such inscription as "Let no evil enter here!"
or "To the Good Genius," then a few steps through a narrow passage
bring us into the _Aula_, the central court, the indispensable
feature of every typical Greek house.
All domestic architecture, later investigators will discover, falls
into two great categories--of the northern house and the southern
house. The northern house begins with a single large room,
"the great hall," then lesser rooms are added to it. It gets its
light from windows in the outer walls, and it is covered by a single
steep roof. The southern (Greek and Oriental) house is a building
inclosing a rectangular court. The rooms, many or few, get their
light from this court, while they are quite shut off from the world
outside. All in all, for warm climates this style of house is far
more airy, cool, comfortable than the other. The wide open court
becomes the living room of the house save in very inclement
weather.
[The southern house sounds like a Japanese or Roman design.]
Dark, ill ventilated, and most scantily furnished, it is no wonder
that the average Athenian loves the Agora better than his chamber.
Directly behind the open court is a sizable chamber forming a passage
to the inner house. This chamber is the _Andron_, the dining hall
and probably the most pretentious room in the house.
In the rear wall of the Andron facing the Andronitis is a solid door.
We are privileged guests indeed if we pass it. Only the father,
sons, or near male kinsmen of the family are allowed to go inside,
for it leads into the _Gynæconitis_, the hall of the women. To
thrust oneself into the Gynæconitis of even a fairly intimate friend
is a studied insult at Athens, and sure to be resented by bodily
chastisement, social ostracism, and a ruinous legal prosecution. The
Gynæconitis is in short the Athenian's holy of holies. Their women
are forbidden to participate in so much of public life that their own
peculiar world is especially reserved to them. To invade this world
is not bad breeding; it is social sacrilege.
Houses of more than two stories seem to have been unknown in Athens.
But the average citizen is also a householder, because forsooth
houses are very cheap. The main cost is probably for the land. The
chief material used in building, sun-dried brick, is very
unsubstantial, and needs frequent repairs, but is not expensive.
Demosthenes the Orator speaks of a "little house" worth only seven
minæ [about $126.00 (1914) or $2,242.80 (2000)], and this is not the
absolute minimum. A very rich banker has had one worth 100 minæ
[about $1,800.00 (1914) or $32,040.00 (2000)], and probably this is
close to the maximum.
This material was so friable and poor that the Greek burglar was
known as a "Wall-digger." It did not pay him to pick a lock; it was
simpler for him to quarry his way through the wall with a pickax.
These houses, even owned by the lordly rich, are surprisingly simple
in their furnishings. The accumulation of heavy furniture, wall
decorations, and bric-a-brac which will characterize the dwellings of
a later age, would be utterly offensive to an Athenian--contradicting
all his ideas of harmony and "moderation."
Oriental carpets are indeed met with, but they are often used as wall
draperies or couch covers rather than upon the floors. Greek costume
is so simple that there is small need for elaborate chests of
drawers, and a line of pegs upon the wall cares for most of the
family wardrobe.
All this is true; yet what furniture one finds is fashioned with
commendable grace. ... Moreover, the different household vessels, the
stone and bronze lamps, the various table dishes, even the common
pottery put to the humblest uses, all have a beauty, a chaste
elegance, a saving touch of deft ornamentation, which transforms them
out of "kitchen ware" into works of art.
Of course the well-to-do Athenian is proud to possess certain
"valuables." He will have a few silver cups elegantly chased, and at
least one diner's couch in the _andron_ will be made of rare imported
wood, and be inlaid with gilt or silver. On festival days the house
will be hung with brilliant and elaborately wrought tapestries which
will suddenly emerge from the great chests. Also, despite frowns and
criticisms, the custom is growing of decorating one's walls with
bright-lined frescoes after the manner of the Agora colonnades. In
the course of a few generations the homes of the wealthier Greeks
will come to resemble those of the Romans, such as a later age has
resurrected at Pompeii.
# Chapter 5: The Women of Athens
Over this typical Athenian home reigns the wife of the master.
Public opinion frowns upon celibacy, and there are relatively few
unmarried men in Athens. An Athenian girl is brought up with the
distinct expectation of matrimony. Opportunities for a romance
almost never will come her way; but it is the business of her parents
to find her a suitable husband. ... Besides she will be "given away"
when only about fifteen...
If a young man (who will marry at about thirty) is independent in
life, the negotiations will be with him directly. If he is still
dependent on the paternal allowance, the two sets of parents will
usually arrange matters themselves...
The dowry was a great protection to the bride. If her husband
divorced her (as by law he might), the dowry must be repaid to her
guardians with 18% interest.
Sometimes marriages are arranged in which any sentiment is obviously
prohibited. A father can betroth his daughter by will to some
kinsman, who is to take her over as his bride when he takes over the
property. A husband can bequeath his wife to some friend who is
likely to treat her and the orphan children with kindness. Such
affairs occur every day. Do the Athenian women revolt at these
seemingly degrading conditions, wherein they are handed around like
slaves, or even cattle?--According to the tragic poets they do.
Despite the suggestions in the poets, probably the normal Athenian
woman is neither degraded nor miserable. If she is a girl of good
ancestry and the usual bringing up, she has never expected any other
conditions than these. She knows that her parents care for her and
have tried to secure for her a husband who will be her guardian and
solace when they are gone.
An Athenian never allows his wife to visit the Agora. She cannot
indeed go outside the house without his express permission, and only
then attended by one or two serving maids; public opinion will
likewise frown upon the man who allowed his wife to appear in public
too freely...
Assuredly the Athenian house mother... has her own home problems and
confronts them well. A dozen or twenty servants must be kept busy.
From her, all the young children must get their first education, and
the girls probably everything they are taught until they are married.
Probably, too, the family will own a country farm, and spend a part
of the year thereon. Here she will be allowed a delightful freedom
of movement, impossible in the closely built city. All in all, then,
she will complain of too much enforced activity rather than of too
much idleness.
# Chapter 6: Athenian Costume
Two general styles of garment have divided the allegiance of the
world,--the clothes that are _put on_ and the clothes that are
_wrapped around_. The former style, with its jackets, trousers, and
leggings, is not absolutely unknown to the Athenians,--their old
enemies, the Persians, wear these; but such clumsy, inelegant
garments are despised and ridiculed as fit only for the "Barbarians"
who use them. They are not merely absurdly homely; they cannot even
be thrown off promptly in an emergency, leaving the glorious human
form free to put forth any noble effort. The Athenians wear the
wrapped style of garments, which are, in final analysis, one or two
large square pieces of cloth flung skillfully around the body and
secured by a few well-placed pins. This costume is infinitely
adjustable; it can be expanded into flowing draperies or contracted
into an easy working dress by a few artful twitches. It can be
nicely adjusted to meet the inevitable sense of "beauty" bred in the
bone of every Athenian. True, on the cold days of midwinter the
wearers will go about shivering; but cold days are the exception,
warm days the rule, in genial Attica.
The Persians no doubt learned to use this style of garment during
their life on the cold, windy steppes of Upper Asia, before they won
their empire in the more genial south.
The whole civilization of Athens was, of course, based on a climate
in which artificial heat would be very little needed.
This simplicity of costume has produced certain important results.
There are practically no tailors in Athens, only cloth merchants,
bleachers, and dyers.
The essential garments of an Athenian man are only two--the _chiton_
and the _himation_. The chiton may be briefly described as an oblong
of woolen cloth large enough to wrap around the body somewhat
closely, from the neck down to just above the knees. The side left
open is fastened by fibulæ--elegantly wrought pins perhaps of silver
or gold; in the closed side there is a slit for the arm. There is a
girdle, and, if one wishes, the skirt of the chiton may be pulled up
through it, and allowed to hang down in front, giving the effect of a
blouse.
The himation is even simpler than the chiton. It is merely a
generous oblong woolen shawl. There are innumerable ways of
arranging it according to the impulse of the moment; but usually it
has to be worn without pins, and that involves wrapping it rather
tightly around the body, and keeping one of the hands confined to
hold the cloak in place. That is no drawback, however, to a genteel
wearer. It proclaims to the world that _he_ does not have to work,
wearing his hands for a living; therefore he can keep them politely
idle.
Workingmen often wore no himation, and had a kind of chiton
(an exömis) which was especially arranged to leave them with free
use of their arms.
There is a third garment sometimes worn by Athenians. Young men who
wish to appear very active, and genuine travelers, also wear a
_chlamys_, a kind of circular mantle or cape which swings jauntily
over their shoulders, and will give good protection in foul weather.
There are almost no other masculine garments. No shirts (unless the
chiton be one), no underwear. In their costume, as in so many things
else, the Athenians exemplify their oft-praised virtue of simplicity.
The dress of the women is like that of the men, but differs, of
course, in complexity. They also have a chiton, which is more
elaborately made, especially in the arrangement of the blouse...
A Greek lady again cannot imitate her husband, and appear in public
in her chiton only. A himation, deftly adjusted, is absolutely
indispensable whenever she shows herself outside the house.
Children wear miniature imitations of the dress of their elders.
Boys are taught to toughen their bodies by refraining from thick
garments in cold weather. In hot weather they can frequently be seen
playing about with very little clothing at all!
Upon his feet the Athenian frequently wears nothing. He goes about
his home barefoot; and not seldom he enjoys the delight of running
across the open greensward with his unsandaled feet pressing the
springing ground; but normally when he walks abroad, he will wear
_sandals_, a simple solid pair of open soles tied to his feet by
leather thongs passing between the toes. For hard country walking
and for hunting there is something like a high leather boot, though
doubtless these are counted uncomfortable for ordinary wear.
Actors, too, wore a leather boot with high soles to give them extra
height--the _cothurnus_.
# Chapter 7: The Slaves
The Athenians never had the absurd armies of house slaves which
characterized Imperial Rome; still the numbers of their domestic
servants were, from a modern standpoint, extremely large.
No prominent Greek thinker seems to contest the righteousness and
desirability of slavery. It is one of the usual, nay, inevitable,
things pertaining to a civilized state.
[
Edith Hamilton wrote in The Echo of Greece:
> Plato could not look at the matter comfortably.
>
> The attitude in [Menander's] plays toward slavery is proof enough
> by itself that the Athenians of the day were not at their ease
> about slaves.
>
> ...the great school of the Stoics, most widely spread of Greek
> philosophies, was denouncing [slavery] as an intolerable wrong.
]
There are two great sources of slave supply: the Asia Minor region
(Lydia and Phrygia, with Syria in the background), and the Black Sea
region, especially the northern shores, known as Scythia. It is
known to innumerable heartless "traders" that human flesh commands a
very high price in Athens or other Greek cities.
A small but fairly constant supply of slaves would come from the
seizure of the persons and families of bankrupt debtors...
Even if a slave becomes freed, [they don't] become an Athenian
citizen; [they are] only a "metic," a resident foreigner, and [their]
old master, or some other Athenian, must be [their] patron and
representative in every kind of legal business.
The community, no less than an individual, can own slaves just as it
can own warships and temples. Athens owns "city slaves" (_Demosioi_)
of several varieties. ...
But chiefest of all, _the city owns its public police force_. The
"Scythians" they are called from their usual land of origin, or the
"bowmen," from their special weapon, which incidentally makes a
convenient cudgel in a street brawl. There are 1200 of them, always
at the disposal of the city magistrates. They patrol the town at
night, arrest evil-doers, sustain law and order in the Agora, and
especially enforce decorum...
# Chapter 8: The Children
Public opinion, as well as the law, allows a father (at least if he
has one or two children already) to exercise a privilege [of deciding
whether to keep the child.] ... He has until the fifth day after the
birth to decide. In the interval he can utter the fatal words,
"Expose it!" The helpless creature is then put in a rude cradle, or
more often merely in a shallow pot and placed near some public place;
_e.g._ the corner of the Agora, or near a gymnasium, or the entrance
to a temple. Here it will soon die of mere hunger and neglect unless
rescued.
The harpies who raise slaves and especially slave girls, for no
honest purposes, are prompt to pounce upon any promising looking
infant. They will rear it as a speculation; if it is a girl, they
will teach it to sing, dance, play. The race of light women in
Athens is thus really recruited from the very best families. The
fact is well known, but it is constantly winked at.
[I believe the author used the term "harpies" in a pejorative sense,
not as a literal name nor as a mythological reference.]
The first seven years of a Greek boy's life are spent with his nurses
and his mother. Up to that time his father takes only unofficial
interest in his welfare. Once past the first perilous "five days,"
an Athenian baby has no grounds to complain of his treatment. Great
pains are taken to keep him warm and well nourished. A wealthy
family will go to some trouble to get him a skilful nurse, those from
Sparta being in special demand, as knowing the best how to rear
healthy infants.
Until about seven years old brothers and sisters grow up in the
_Gynæconitis_ together. Then the boys are sent to school. The
girls will continue about the house until the time of their marriage.
It is only in the rarest of cases that the parents feel it needful to
hire any kind of tutor for _them_. What the average girl knows is
simply what her mother can teach her. Perhaps a certain number of
Athenian women (of good family, too) are downright illiterate; but
this is not very often the case. A normal girl will learn to read and
write, with her mother for school mistress. Very probably she will
be taught to dance, and sometimes to play on some instrument... Much
more important it is that she should know how to weave, spin,
embroider, dominate the cook, and superintend the details of a dinner
party. She will have hardly time to learn these matters thoroughly
before she is "given a husband," and her childhood days are forever
over.
Plato suggested in his _Republic_ (V. 451 f.) that women should
receive the same educational opportunities as the men. This was a
proposition for Utopia and never struck any answering chord.
# Chapter 9: The Schoolboys of Athens
Education is not compulsory by law in Athens, but the father who
fails to give his son at least a modicum of education falls under a
public contempt, which involves no slight penalty. ... "He can
neither swim nor say his letters," is a common phrase for describing
an absolute idiot.
_Character not book-learning, is the main object of Athenian
Education_, _i.e._ to make the boy self-contained, modest, alert,
patriotic, a true friend, a dignified gentleman, able to appreciate
and participate in all that is true, harmonius, and beautiful in
life. To that end his body must be trained, not apart from, but
along with his mind. ... Also after he is fairly in school
"the teacher is enjoined to pay more attention to his morals and
conduct than to his progress in reading and music."
It is a great day for an Athenian boy when he is given a pedagogue.
This slave (perhaps purchased especially for the purpose) is not his
teacher, but he ought to be more than ordinarily honest, kindly, and
well informed. His prime business is to accompany the young master
everywhere out-of-doors, especially to the school and to the
gymnasium; to carry his books and writing tablets; to give informal
help upon his lessons; to keep him out of every kind of mischief; to
teach him social good manners; to answer the thousand questions a
healthy boy is sure to ask; and finally, in emergencies, if the
schoolmaster or his father is not at hand, to administer a needful
whipping.
As early as Solon's day (about 590 B.C.) a law had to be passed
forbidding schools to open _before_ daybreak, or to be kept open
after dusk.
Athenian schools have to be numerous, because they are small.
The pupils sit on rude, low benches, each lad with his boxwood tablet
covered with wax upon his lap, and presumably busy, scratching
letters with his stylus. This wax tablet was practically a slate.
The letters written could be erased with the blunt upper end of the
metallic stylus, and the whole surface of the tablet could be made
smooth again by a judicious heating.
As to the subjects studied, the Athenian curriculum is well fixed and
limited: letters, music, and gymnastics. Every lad must have a
certain amount of these. ... The main effort with a young boy is
surely to teach him to read and write. And here must be recalled the
relative infrequency of complete books in classic Athens. To read
public placards, inscriptions of laws, occasional epistles,
commercial documents, etc., is probably, for many Athenians, reading
enough. The great poets he will learn by ear rather than by eye; and
he may go through a long and respected life and never be compelled to
read a really sizable volume from end to end. So the teaching of
reading is along very simple lines. It is perhaps simultaneous with
the learning of writing. ... Progress in mere literacy is very rapid.
There is no waste of time on history, geography, or physical
science... The whole effort is to develop a fair, noble, free, and
lofty character, not to earn a living.
It is for the developing of the best moral and mental qualities in
the lads that they are compelled to memorize long passages of the
great poets of Hellas. ... Even in the small school we visit, several
of the pupils can repeat five or six long episodes from both the
_Iliad_ and the _Odyssey_, and there is one older boy present (an
extraordinary, but by no means an unprecedented case) who can repeat
_both_ of the long epics word for word.
Clearly the absence of many books has then its compensations. The
average Athenian lad has what seems to be a simply marvelous memory.
[The same was true of indigenous oral traditions.]
The tale of "George Washington and the cherry tree" would never have
found favor in Athens. The great Virginian would have been blamed
for failing to concoct a clever lie.
The study of foreign languages has no place in a Greek course of study.
But the Athenian has a substitute for this omission of foreign
language study: _Music_. This is... practically the study of
whatever will develop the noble powers of the emotions, as contrasted
to the mere intellect. Indeed everything which comes within the
ample provinces of the nine Muses, even sober history, might be
included in the term. However, for special purposes, the study of
"Music" may be considered as centering around playing instruments and
singing.
Learning to sing is probably the most important item, for every boy
and man ought to be able to bear his part in the great chorals which
are a notable element in most religious festivals; besides, a
knowledge of singing is a great aid to appreciating lyric poetry, or
the choruses in tragedy, and in learning to declaim.
Very soft music, in "Lydian modes," is counted effeminate, fit only
for the women's quarters and likely to do boys no good. The riotous
type also, of the "Ionic mode," is fit only for drinking songs and is
even more under the ban. What is especially in favor is the stern,
strenuous Dorian mode. This will make boys hardy, manly, and brave.
Very elaborate music with trills and quavers is in any case frowned
upon. It simply delights the trained ear, and has no reaction upon
the character; and of what value is a musical presentation unless it
leaves the hearers and performer better, worthier men? Let the
average Athenian possess the opportunity, and he will infallibly
stamp with disapproval a great part of both the popular and the
classical music of the later ages.
The "Phrygian mode" from which the "Ionic" was derived was still more
demoralizing; it was counted "orgiastic," and proper only in certain
excited religious rhapsodies.
We have extremely few Greek melodies preserved to us and these few
are not attractive to the modern ear.
To have a pale, untanned skin was "womanish" and unworthy of a free
Athenian citizen.
By eighteen the young Athenian's days of study will usually come to a
close.
For the next year he will serve as a military guard at the Peiræus,
and receive a certain training in soldiering. The next year the state
will present him with a new shield and spear, and he will have a
taste of the rougher garrison duty at one of the frontier forts
towards Bœtia or Megara. Then he is mustered out. He is an ephebus
no longer, but a full-fledged citizen, and all the vicissitudes of
Athenian life are before him.
These two years which the _ephebi_ of Athens had to serve under arms
have been aptly likened to the military service now required of young
men in European countries.
# Chapter 10: The Physicians of Athens
A slight but significant witness to the general healthiness of the
Greeks is found in the very rare mention in their literature of such
a common ill as _toothache_.
[Dr. Weston Price said the same of indigenous people prior to
adopting a modern diet.]
There exist in Athens and in other Greek cities real sanataria; these
are temples devoted to the healing gods... Here the patient is
expected to sleep over night in the temple, and the god visits him in
a dream, and reveals a course of treatment which will lead to
recovery. ... Nevertheless it is a great deal to convince the patient
that he is sure of recovery, and that nobody less than a god has
dictated the remedies. Attached to the temple are skilled physicians
to "interpret" the dream, and opportunities for prolonged residence
with treatment by baths, purgation, dieting, mineral waters, sea
baths, all kinds of mild gymnastics, etc.
[Kind of like a medical vision quest.]
These visits to the healing temples are, however, expensive: not
everybody has entire faith in them; for many lesser ills also they
are wholly unnecessary. Let us look, then, at the regular
physicians.
There are salaried public medical officers in Athens, and something
like a public dispensary where free treatment is given citizens in
simple cases; but the average man seems to prefer his own doctor. We
may enter the office of Menon, a "regular private practitioner," and
look about us. The office itself is a mere open shop in the front of
a house near the Agora; and, like a barber's shop is something of a
general lounging place. In the rear one or two young disciples
(doctors in embryo) and a couple of slaves are pounding up drugs in
mortars. There are numbers of bags of dried herbs and little glass
flasks hanging on the walls. Near the entrance is a statue of
Asclepius the Healer, and also of the great human founder of the real
medical science among the Greeks--Hippocrates.
Menon himself claims to have been a personal pupil of the great
Hippocrates, and about every other reputable Greek physician will
make the same claim. He has studied more or less in a temple of
Asclepius, and perhaps has been a member of the medical staff thereto
attached. He has also become a member of the Hippocratic
brotherhood, a semi-secret organization, associated with the
Asclepius cult, and cheerfully cherishing the dignity of the
profession and the secret arts of the guild.
Menon's skill as a physician and surgeon is considerable. True, he
has only a very insufficient conception of anatomy. His
_theoretical_ knowledge is warped, but he is a shrewd judge of human
nature and his _practical_ knowledge is not contemptible. ... He has
no modern anæsthetics or opium, but has a very insufficient
substitute in mandragora. He can treat simple diseases of the eye;
and he knows how to put gold filling into teeth. His surgical
instruments, however, are altogether too primitive. He is personally
cleanly; but he has not the least idea of antiseptics; the result is
that obscure internal diseases, calling for grave operations, are
likely to baffle him. He will refuse to operate, or if he does
operate the chances are against the patient. In other words, his
medical skill is far in advance of his surgery.
Seemingly a really serious operation was usually turned over by the
local physician to a traveling surgeon, who could promptly disappear
from the neighborhood if things went badly.
He counts it part of his equipment to be able to persuade his
patients, by all the rules of logic and rhetoric, to submit to
disagreeable treatment; and for that end has taken lessons in
informal oratory from Isocrates or one of his associates. Some of
Menon's competitors (feeling themselves less eloquent) have actually
a paid rhetorician whom they can take to the bedside of a stubborn
invalid, to induce him by irrefutable arguments to endure an
amputation.
There appears to be no law against anybody who wishes to pose as a
physician, and to sell his inexperience and his quack nostrums.
All in all, despite Menon's good intentions and not despicable skill,
it is fortunate the gods have made "Good Health" one of their
commonest gifts to the Athenians. Constant exercise in the gymnasia,
occasional service in the army, the absence of cramping and
unhealthful office work, and a climate which puts out-of-door
existence at a premium, secure for them a general good health...
# Chapter 11: The Funerals
The customary obol is put in the mouth of the corpse... This was not
originally (as later asserted) a fee to Charon the ferryman to Hades,
but simply a "minimum precautionary sum, for the dead man's use"
(Dr. Jane Harrison), placed in the mouth, where a Greek usually kept
his small change.
Religion seems to have very little place in the Athenian funeral:
there are no priests present, no prayers, no religious hymns. But
the dead man is now conceived as being, in a very humble and
intangible way, a deity himself: his good will is worth propitiating;
his memory is not to be forgotten.
# Chapter 12: Trade, Manufactures, and Banking
To understand the full extent of Athenian commercial prosperity we
must visit the Peiræus, yet in the main city itself will be found
almost enough examples of the chief kinds of economic activity.
Attica is the seat of much manufacturing. Go to the suburbs:
everywhere is the rank odor of the tanneries; down at the harbors are
innumerable ship carpenters and sail and tackle makers, busy in the
shipyards; from almost every part of the city comes the clang of
hammer and anvil where hardware of all kinds is being wrought in the
smithies; and finally the potter makers are so numerous as to require
special mention hereafter.
The competition of slave labor, however, tends to keep wages very
low. An unskilled laborer will have to be content with his 3 obols
(9 cents [1914] or $1.51 [2000]) per day; but a trained workman will
demand a drachma (18 cents [1914] or $3.02 [2000]) or even more.
There are no labor unions or trade guilds. A son usually, though not
invariably, follows his father's profession. Each industry and line
of work tends to have its own little street or alley, preferably
leading off the Agora. "The Street of the Marble Workers," the
"Street of the Box Makers," and notably the "Street of the Potters"
contain nearly all the workshops of a given kind.
Part of Athenian wealth comes from the busy factories, great and
small, which seem everywhere; still more riches come in by the great
commerce which will be found centered at the Peiræus. Here is the
spacious _Deigma_, a kind of exchange-house where ship masters can
lay out samples of their wares on display, and sell to the important
wholesalers...
There are certain articles of which various districts make a
specialty, and which Athens is constantly importing: Bœtia sends
chariots; Thessaly, easy chairs; Chios and Miletos, bedding; and
Miletos, especially, very fine woolens. Greece in general looks to
Syria and Arabia for the much-esteemed spices and perfumes; to Egypt
for papyri for the book rolls; to Babylonia for carpets. To discuss
the whole problem of Athenian commerce would require a book in
itself; but certain main facts stand out clearly. One is that Attica
[it]self has extremely few natural products to export--only [its]
olive oil, [its] Hymettus honey, and [its] magnificent marbles...
Again we soon notice the great part which _grain_ plays in Athenian
commerce. Attica raises such a small proportion of the necessary
breadstuffs, and so serious is the crisis created by any shortage,
that all kinds of measures are employed to compel a steady flow of
grain from the Black Sea ports into the Peiræus.
There is no one fixed standard of coinage for Greece, let alone the
Barbarian world. Athens strikes its money on a standard which has
very wide acceptance, but Corinth has another standard, and a great
deal of business is also transacted in Persian gold darics. The
result is that at the Peiræus and near the Agora are a number of
little "tables" where alert individuals, with strong boxes beside
them, are ready to sell foreign coins to would-be travelers, or
exchange darics for Attic drachmæ, against a pretty favorable
commission.
Without the Arabic system of numerals, elaborate bookkeeping surely
presented a sober face to the Greeks. Their method of numeration was
very much like that with the so-called Roman numerals.
For more than two hundred years Attica has been supplying the world
with a pottery which is in some respects superior to any that has
gone before, and also (all things considered) to any that will
follow, through night two and a half millenniums. The articles are
primarily tall vases and urns... however, besides the regular vases
there is a great variety of dishes, plates, pitchers, bowls, and cups
all of the same general pattern,--a smooth, black glaze covered with
figures in the delicate red of the unglazed clay. At first the
figures had been in black and the background in red, but by about 500
B.C. the superiority of the black backgrounds had been fully realized
and the process perfected. For a long time Athens had a monopoly of
this beautiful earthenware, but now in 360 B.C. there are creditable
manufactories in other cities, and especially in the Greek towns of
Southern Italy. The Athenian industry is, however, still
considerable...
# Chapter 13: The Armed Forces of Athens
Every citizen, physically fit, is liable to military service from his
eighteenth to his sixtieth year. To make efficient soldiers is
really the main end of the constant physical exercise. If a young
man takes pride in his hard and fit body, if he flings spears at the
stadium, and learns to race in full armor, if he goes on long marches
in the hot sun, if he sleeps on the open hillside, or lies on a bed
of rushes watching the moon rise over the sea,--it is all to prepare
himself for a worthy part in the "big day" when Athens will confront
some old or new enemy on the battlefield.
After a young "ephebus" has finished his two years of service in the
garrisons he returns home subject to call at the hour of need. When
there is necessity to make up an army, enough men are summoned to
meet the required number and no more.
These shields are brilliantly painted, and although the Greeks have
no heraldic devices, there are all manner of badges and
distinguishing marks in vogue. Thus all Theban shields are blazoned
with a club; Sicyonian shields are marked with the initial "Sigma"
(Σ), and we note that the Athenian shields are all marked Alpha
(A).
[Athenians] will also add, quite properly, that the army of Athens is
in the main for home defense. [Athens] does not claim to be a
preëminently military state. The glory of Athens has been the
mastery of the sea.
# Chapter 14: The Peiræus and the Shipping
The Peiræus has all the life of the Athenian Agora many times
multiplied. Everywhere there is work and bustle. ... There is such
confusion one can hardly analyze one's surroundings. However, we
soon discover the Peiræus has certain advantages over Athens itself.
The streets are much wider and are quite straight, crossing at right
angles... Down at the water front of the main harbor ("the Peiræus"
harbor to distinguish it from Zea and Munychia) we find about one
third, nearest the entrance passage and called the Cantharus,
reserved for the use of the war navy. This section is the famous
_Emporium_, which is such a repository of foreign wares that
Isocrates boasts that here one can easily buy all those things which
it is extremely hard to purchase anywhere else in Hellas. Along the
shore run five great stoas or colonnades, all used by the traders for
different purposes;--among them are the Long Stoa (_Makra Stoa_), the
_Deigma_ used as a sample house by the wholesalers, and the great
Corn Exchange built by Pericles. Close down near the wharves stands
also a handsome and frequented temple, that of Athena Euploia
(Athena, Giver of good Voyages), to whom many a shipman offers prayer
ere hoisting sail, and many another comes to pay grateful vows after
surviving a storm.
The population contains a very high percentage of metics, and
downright Barbarians,--indeed, long-bearded Babylonians, clean bronze
Egyptians, grinning Ethiopians, never awaken the least comment, they
are so familiar.
The very biggest of these craft run up to 250 gross tons... The
average of the ships, however, will reckon only 30 to 40 tons or even
smaller. It is really a mistake, any garrulous sailor will tell us,
to build merchant ships much bigger. It is impossible to make
sailing vessels of the Greek model and rig sail very close to the
wind; and in every contrary breeze or calm, recourse must be had to
the huge oars piled up along the gunwales.
Indeed it was the superior discipline of the Athenian crews which in
the days of Themistocles and Pericles gave Athens the supremacy of
the seas.
# Chapter 15: An Athenian Court Trial
Athens is notorious for the fondness which [its] citizens display for
litigation. In fact it is a somewhat rare and exceptionally
peaceable, harmless, and insignificant citizen who is not plaintiff
or defendant in some kind of action every few years or so. Says
Aristophanes, "The cicada [grasshopper] sings for only a month, but
the people of Athens are buzzing with lawsuits and trials their whole
life long."
Athens does not draw a sharp line between public and private
litigation. There is no "state" or "district attorney" to prosecute
for the offenses against public order. Any full citizen can
prosecute anybody else upon such a criminal charge as murder, no less
than for a civil matter like breach of contract. All this leads to
the growth of a mischievous clan--the _sycophants_. These... are
professional accusers who will prosecute almost any rich individual
upon whom they think they can fasten some technical offense. Their
gains are from two quarters. If they convict the defendant, about
half of the fine or property taken will go to the informer. But very
likely there will be no trial. The victim (either consciously
guilty, or innocent but anxious to avoid the risk) will pay a huge
blackmail at the first threat of prosecution, and the case is hushed
up.
This hearing before the magistrate is in any event an important part
of the trial. Here each side proffers the laws it cites to sustain
its claims, and brings its witnesses, who can be more or less
cross-examined. All the pertinent testimony is now written down, and
the tablets sealed up by the magistrate. At the final trial this
evidence will be merely _read_ to the jury, the witness in each
instance standing up before the court and admitting when duly asked,
"This is my testimony on the case."
Free men testify under oath, but a slave's oath is counted worthless.
The slaves may be the only important witnesses to a given act, but
under only one condition can they testify. With the consent of their
master they may testify _under torture_. It is a critical moment at
this hearing when a litigant who is confident of his case proudly
announces, "I challenge my enemy to put my slaves under torture"; or
the other, attacking first, cries out, "I demand that my enemy submit
his slaves to torture." Theoretically the challenged party might
refuse, practically a refusal is highly dangerous. "If his slaves
didn't know something bad, why were they kept silent?" the jury will
ask. So the rack is brought forth. The wretched menials are
stretched upon it.
...Athenian juries are very large; 201, 401, 501, 1001 are numbers
heard of, and sometimes even greater. The more important the case,
the larger the jury...
Each court room had its distinguishing color. There were about ten
regular court rooms, besides some for special tribunals; _e.g._ the
Areopagus for the trial of homicides.
[The court door and police weapons are painted the same color.]
The huge urns (one of bronze, one of wood) with narrow mouths are
passed among the benches. Each juror has two round bronze disks, one
solid, one with a hole bored in the middle. The solid acquit, the
pierced ones convict. A juror drops the ballot he wishes to count
into the bronze urn; the other goes into the wooden urn. The bronze
urn is carried to the archon, and there is an uneasy hush while the
401 ballots are counted by the court officers.
[The first verdict is guilty or innocent. If guilty, then both sides
will propose a penalty and the jurors will cast a second verdict for
the penalty.]
The verdict of the dicastery is final.
[There are no appeals to a higher court.]
Greek courts can inflict death, exile, fines, but almost never
imprisonment. There is no "penitentiary" or "workhouse" in Athens;
and the only use for a jail is to confine accused persons whom it is
impossible to release on bail before their trial. The Athens city
jail ("The House," as it is familiarly called _Oikēma_) is a very
simple affair, one open building, carelessly guarded and free to
visitors all through the daylight. The inmates have to be kept in
heavy fetters, otherwise they would be sure to take flight; and
indeed escapes from custody are somewhat common.
An Athenian will regard locking a criminal up for a term of years as
a very foolish and expensive proceeding. If he has nothing wherewith
to pay a round fine, why, simply send him into exile. This penalty
is direful indeed to a Greek.
The execution of Athenian citizens, however, is extremely humane.
The condemned is given a cup of poisonous hemlock juice and allowed
to drink it while sitting comfortably among his friends in the
prison. Little by little his body grows numb; presently he becomes
senseless, and all is over without any pain.
[Harry Tanner wrote in The Queer Thing About Sin that death by
hemlock is a painful process involving convulsions, like a seizure.
Elsewhere i read that it can be painless or painful depending on the
dosage and how it is administered.]
# Chapter 17: The Afternoon at the Gymnasia
The Academy is worthy of the visit. The park itself is covered with
olive trees and more graceful plane trees. The grass beneath us is
soft and delightful to the bare foot (and nearly everybody, we
observe, has taken off his sandals). There are marble and bronze
statues skillfully distributed amid the shrubbery--shy nymphs,
peeping fauns, bold satyrs. Yonder is a spouting fountain surmounted
by a noble Poseidon with his trident; above the next fountain rides
the ocean car of Amphitrite. Presently we come to a series of low
buildings. Entering, we find them laid out in a quadrangle with
porticoes on every side, somewhat like the promenades around the
Agora. Inside the promenades open a series of ample rooms for the
use of professional athletes during stormy weather, and for the
inevitable bathing and anointing with oil which will follow all
exercise.
It must be confessed that not everybody at the Academy comes here for
physical or mental improvement. We see a little group squatting and
gesticulating earnestly under an old olive tree--they are obviously
busy, not with philosophic theory, but with dice. Again, two young
men pass us presenting a curious spectacle. They are handsomely
dressed and over handsomely scented, but each carries carefully under
each arm a small cock; and from time to time they are halted by
fiends who admire the birds. Clearly these worthies' main interests
are in cockfighting; and they are giving their favorites
"air and exercise" before the deadly battle, on which there is much
betting, at the supper party that night. Also the shouting and
rumbling from a distance tells of the chariot course, where the sons
of the more wealthy or pretentious families are lessening their
patrimonies by training a "two" or a "four" to contend at the
Isthmian games or at Olympia.
All these things are true, and Athens makes full display here of the
usual crop of knaves or fools. Nevertheless this element is in the
minority. Here a little earlier or a little later than our visit
(for just now he is in Sicily) one could see Plato himself--walking
under the shade trees and expounding to a little trailing host of
eager-eyed disciples the fundamental theories of his ideal Attic the
philosophy, the poetry, the oration, which has been partly considered
in the Agora this morning, and which will be further discussed at the
symposium to-night. Everything is entirely informal. Even
white-haired gentlemen do not hesitate to cast off chiton and
himation and spring around nimbly upon the sands, to "try their
distance" with the quoits, or show the young men that they have not
forgotten accuracy with the javelin, or even, against men of their
own age, to test their sinews in a mild wrestling bout. ... No one
expects any great proficiency from most of those present. It is
enough to attempt gracefully, and to laugh merrily if you do not
succeed.
The Greek worship of the beautiful masculine form is something which
the later world will never understand. In this worship there is too
often a coarseness, a sensual dross, over which a veil is wisely
cast. But the great fact of this worship remains: to the vast
majority of Greeks "beauty" does not imply a delicate maid clad in
snowy drapery; it implies a perfectly shaped, bronzed, and developed
youth, standing forth in his undraped manhood for some hard athletic
battle. This ideal possesses the national life, and effects the
entire Greek civilization. Not beauty in innocent weakness, but
beauty in resourceful strength...
It is useless to talk to an Athenian of a "beautiful old age." Old
age is an evil to be borne with dignity, with resignation if needs
be, to be fought against by every kind of bodily exercise; but to
take satisfaction in it?--impossible.
If the data of the ancients are to be believed, the Greeks achieved
records in leaping far beyond those of any modern athletes, but it is
impossible to rely on data of this kind.
Indeed, the Greeks take all their foot races seriously, and there are
plenty of instances when the victor has sped up to the goal, and then
dropped dead before the applauding stadium.
# Chapter 18: Athenian Cookery and the Symposium
We have said very little of eating or drinking during our visit in
Athens, for, truth to tell, the citizens try to get through the day
with about as little interruption for food and drink as possible.
But now, when warehouse and gymnasium alike are left to darkness, all
Athens will break its day of comparative fasting.
Roughly speaking, the Greeks anticipate the latter-day "Continental"
habits in their meal hours. The custom of Germans and of many
Americans in having the heartiest meal at noonday would never appeal
to them. The hearty meal is at night, and no one dreams of doing any
serious work after it. When it is finished, there may be pleasant
discourse or varied amusements, but never real business; and even if
there are guests, the average dinner party breaks up early. Early to
bed and early to rise, would be a maxim indorsed by the Athenians.
Promptly upon rising, our good citizen has devoured a few morsels of
bread sopped in undiluted wine; that has been to him what "coffee and
rolls" will be to the Frenchmen,--enough to carry him through the
morning business, until near to noon he will demand something more
satisfying. He then visits home long enough to partake of a
substantial déjeuner (_ariston_, first breakfast = _akratisma_). He
has one or two hot dishes--one may suspect usually warmed over from
last night's dinner--and partakes of some more wine. This _ariston_
will be about all he will require until the chief meal of the
day--the regular dinner (_deïpnon_) which would follow sunset.
Often enough the citizen must dine alone at home with "only" his wife
and children for company, but if possible he will invite friends
(or get himself invited out). ... There are innumerable little eating
clubs; the members go by rotation to their respective houses. ... In
the fine weather picnic parties down upon the shore are common.
Bread, oil, and wine, in short, are the three fundamentals of Greek
diet. With them alone man can live very healthfully and happily;
without them elaborate vegetable and meat dishes are poor
substitutes.
All Greeks, however, drink their wine so diluted with water that it
takes a decided quantity to produce a "reaction." The average
drinker takes three parts water to two of wine. ...equal parts
"make men mad" as the poet says, and are probably reserved for very
wild dinner parties. As for drinking pure wine no one dreams of the
thing--it is a practice fit for Barbarians. There is good reason,
however, for this plentiful use of water. In the original state
Greek wines were very strong, perhaps almost as alcoholic as
whisky...
No wine served in Athens, however, will appeal to a later-day
connoisseur. It is all mixed with resin, which perhaps makes it more
wholesome, but to enjoy it then becomes an acquired taste.
[Kind of like hops, bitters, mugwort, absinthe, gin, etc.]
The Greeks seem to have cooked over a rather simple open fireplace
with a wood or charcoal fire. They had an array of cooking utensils,
however, according to all our evidence, elaborate enough to gladden a
very exacting modern _chef_.
No ladies will be among these. Had there been any women invited to
the banquet, they would surely be creatures of no very honest sort;
and hardly fit, under any circumstances, to darken the door of a
respectable citizen. The mistress and her maids are "behind the
scenes." There may be a woman among the hired entertainers provided,
but for a refined Athenian lady to appear at an ordinary symposium is
almost unthinkable.
Soups are not unknown, and had they been served might have been eaten
with spoons; but Athens like all the world is innocent of forks, and
fingers take their place. Each guest has a large piece of soft bread
on which he wipes his fingers from time to time and presently casts
it upon the floor. When this first course is finished, the tables
are all taken out to be reset, water is again poured over the hands
of the guests, and garlands of flowers are passed. The use of
garlands is universal...
A little wine is now passed about. Then back come the tables with
the second course--fruits, and various sweetmeats and confectionary
with honey as the staple flavoring. Before this disappears a goblet
of unmixed wine is passed about, and everybody takes a sip:
"To the Good Genius," they say as the cup goes round.
So far we have witnessed not a symposium, but merely a dinner; and
many a proper party has broken up when the last of the dessert has
disappeared; but, after all, the drinking bout is the real crown of
the feast. It is not so much the wine as the things that go with the
wine that are so delightful. As to what these desirable condiments
are, opinions differ. Plato (who is by no means too much of a
philosopher to be a real man of the world) says in his _Protagoras_
that mere conversation is _the_ thing at a symposium. But this
ideal, though commended, is not always followed in decidedly
intellectual circles. Zenophon shows us a select party wherein
Socrates participated, in which the host has been fain to hire in a
professional Syracusian entertainer with two assistants, a boy and a
girl, who bring their performance to a climax by a very suggestive
dumb-show play of the story of Bacchus and Ariadne. Prodicus's
friends, being solid, somewhat pragmatic men--neither young sports
nor philosophers--steer a middle course. There is a flute girl
present, because to have a good symposium without some music is
almost unimaginable; but she is discreetly kept in the background.
Everybody must feel himself acting spontaneously and freely. He must
try to take his part in the conversation and neither speak too seldom
nor too little. It is not "good form" for two guests to converse
privately among themselves, nor for anybody to dwell on unpleasant or
controversial topics.
By the time the craters are one third emptied the general
conversation is beginning to be broken up. It is time for various
standard diversions. Eunapius therefore begins by enjoining on each
guest in turn to sing a verse in which a certain letter must not
appear, and in event of failure to pay some ludicrous forfeit. Thus
the bald man is ordered to begin to comb his hair; the lame man (halt
since the Mantinea campaign), to stand up and dance to the flute
player, etc. There are all kinds of guessing of riddles--often very
ingenious as become the possessors of "Attic salt." Another
diversion is to compare every guest present to some mythical
monster... At some point in the amusement the company is sure to get
to singing songs:--"Scolia"--drinking songs indeed, but often of a
serious moral or poetic character...
# Chapter 19: Country Life Around Athens
The Ilissus, unlike its sturdier rival, the Cephisus, ran dry during
the summer heats; but there was enough water along its bed to create
a dense vegetation.
The Athenians and Greeks in general live in a land of such natural
beauty that they take this loveliness as a matter of course. Very
seldom do their poets indulge in deliberate descriptions of
"beautiful landscapes"; but none the less the fair things of nature
have penetrated deeply into their souls. The constant allusions in
Homer and the other masters of song to the great storm waves, the
deep shades of the forest, the crystal brooks, the pleasant rest for
wanderers under the shade trees, the plains bright with spring
flowers, the ivy twining above a grave, the lamenting nightingale,
the chirping cicada, tell their own story; men seldom describe at
length what is become warp and woof of their inmost lives.
As the plodding steeds take their way let us recall our Plato--his
_Phædrus_, written probably not many years before this our
visit.
> Socrates is walking with Phædrus outside the walls, and urges the
> latter: "Let us go to the Ilissus and sit down in some quiet spot."
>
> "I am fortunate," answers Phædrus, "in not having my sandals on,
> and, as you never have any, we may go along the brook and cool our
> feet. This is the easiest way, and at midday is anything but
> unpleasant." He adds that they will go on to the tallest plane tree
> in the distance, "where are shade and gentle breezes, and grass
> whereon we may either sit or lie... The little stream is
> delightfully clear and bright. I can fancy there might well be
> maidens playing near [according to the local myth of Boreas's rape
> of Orithyia]."
>
> And so at last they come to the place, when Socrates says: "Yes
> indeed, a fair and shady resting place it is, full of summer sounds
> and scents. There is the lofty and spreading plane tree, and the
> agnus castus, high and clustering in the fullest blossom and the
> greatest fragrance, and the stream which flows beneath the plane
> tree is deliciously cool to the feet. Judging by the ornaments and
> images [set] about, this must be a spot sacred to Achelous and the
> Nymphs; moreover there is a sweet breeze and the grasshoppers are
> chirruping; and the greatest charm of all is the grass like a
> pillow, gently sloping to the head."
There is another reason why the Athenians rejoice in the country.
The dusty streets are at best a poor playground for the children, the
inner court of the house is only a respectable prison for the wife.
In the country the lads can enjoy themselves; the wife and the
daughters can roam about freely with delightful absence of
convention. There will be no happier day in the year than when the
master says, "Let us set out for the farm."
* * *
Another is the occasional olive tree we see standing, gnarled and
venerable, but carefully fenced about; or even (not infrequently) we
see fences only with but a dead and utterly worthless stump within.
Do not speak lightly of these "stumps," however. They are none the
less "moriai"--sacred olive trees of Athena, and carefully tended by
public wardens. Contractors are allowed to take the fruit of the
olive trees under carefully regulated conditions; but no one is
allowed to remove the stumps, much less hew down a living tree. An
offender is tried for "impiety" before the high court of the
Areopagus, and his fate is pretty surely death, for the country
people, at least, regard their sacred trees with a fanatical devotion
which it would take long to explain to a stranger.
* * *
Also upon the way one is pretty sure to meet a wandering beggar--a
shrewd-eyed, bewhiskered fellow. He carries, not a barrel organ and
monkey, but a blinking tame crow perched on his shoulder, and at
every farmstead he halts to whine his nasal ditty and ask his dole.
Good people, a handful of barley bestow
On the child of Apollo, the sleek sable crow;
Or a trifle of whet, O kind friends, give;
Or a wee loaf of bread that the crow may live.
It is counted good luck by the housewife to have a chance to feed a
"holy crow," and the owner's pickings are goodly.
Part of the farm lands lie on the level ground watered by the
irrigation ditches; part upon the hillsides, and here the slopes have
been terraced in a most skilful fashion in order to make the most of
every possible inch of ground, and also to prevent any of the
precious soil from being washed down by the torrents of February and
March.
Like every Athenian farmer, Hybrias has an olive orchard. The olives
are sturdy trees. They will grow in any tolerable soil and thrive
upon the mountain slopes up to as far as 1800 feet above sea level.
They are not large trees, and their trunks are often grotesquely
gnarled, but there is always a certain fascination about the
wonderful shimmer of their leaves, which flash from gray to
silver-white in a sunny wind. Hybrias has wisely planted his olives
at wide intervals, and in the space between the ground has been
plowed up for grain. Olives need little care. Their harvest comes
late in the autumn, after all the other crops are out of the way.
They are among the most profitable products of the farm, and the
owner will not mind the poor wheat harvest "if only the olives do
well."
The great drawback to olive culture was the great length of time
required to mature the trees--sixteen years. The destruction of the
trees, _e.g._ in war by a ravaging invader, was an infinitely greater
calamity than the burning of the standing grain or even of the
farmhouses.
The fig orchard forms another great part of the farm, but more
interesting to strangers are the vineyards. Some of the grapes are
growing over pointed stakes set all along the upland terraces; a
portion of the vineyards, however, is on level ground. Here a most
picturesque method has been used for training the vines. Tall and
graceful trees have been set out--elm, maple, oak, poplar. The lower
limbs of the trees have been cut away and up their trunks and around
their upper branches now swing the vines in magnificent festoons.
The growing vines have sprung from tree to tree. The warm breeze has
set the rich clusters--already turning purple or golden--swaying
above our heads. The air is filled with brightness, greenery, and
fragrance. The effect of this "vineyard grove" is magical.
Hybrias himself will display with more refined pride the gardens used
by his wife and children when they come out from Athens,--a fountain
feeding a delightful rivulet; myrtles, roses, and pomegranate trees
shedding their perfumes, which are mingled with the odors from the
beds of hyacinths, violets, and asphodel. In the center of the
gardens rises a chaste little shrine with a marble image and an
altar, always covered with flowers or fruit by the mistress and her
women. "To Artemis," reads the inscription, and one is sure that the
virgin goddess takes more pleasure in this fragrant temple than in
many loftier fanes.
For the description of a very beautiful and elaborate country estate,
with a temple thereon to Artemis, see Xenophon's _Anabasis_,
bk. V. 3.
# Chapter 20: The Temples and Gods of Athens
First of all we observe that the Greek religion is a religion of
purely natural growth. No prophet has initiated it, or claimed a new
revelation to supplement the older views. It has come from primitive
times without a visible break even down to the Athens of Plato.
[Zeus and the gods overthrew the titans, who were the former gods,
now evil.]
Secondly, this religion is not a church, nor a belief, but is part of
the government.
Thirdly, notice that this religion is one mainly of outward reverence
and ceremony. There is no "Athenian church"; nobody has drawn up an
"Attic creed"--"I believe in Athena, the City Warder, and in Demeter,
the Earth Mother, and in Zeus, the King of Heaven, etc." Give
outward reverence, participate in the great public sacrifices, be
careful in all the minutiæ of private worship, refrain from obvious
blasphemies--you are then a sufficiently pious man. What you
_believe_ is of very little consequence. Even if you privately
believe there are no gods at all, it harms no one, provided your
outward conduct is pious and moral.
The religion of Athens is something very elastic, and really every
man makes his own creed for himself, or--for paganism is almost never
dogmatic--accepts the outward cultus with everybody else, and
speculates at his leisure on the nature of the deity.
This Greek religious morality is built up without any clear belief in
a future life.
The "Orphic Mysteries," those secret religious rites which have
gained such a hold in many parts of Greece, including Athens,
probably hold out an earnest promise to the "initiates" of a blessed
state for them hereafter. The doctrine of a real elysium for the
good and a realm of torment for the evil has been expounded by many
sages. Pindar, the great bard of Thebes, has set forth the doctrine
in a glowing ode. ... All this is true,--and it is also true that
these ideas have made no impression upon the general Greek
consciousness. They are accepted half-heartedly by a relatively few
exceptional thinkers. Men go through life and face death with no
real expectation of future reward or punishment, or of reunion with
the dear departed. ... This fundamental deduction from the Greek
religion must usually, therefore, be made--it is a religion for
_this world only_.
Assuredly there is a better way still to read the future; at least so
Greeks of earlier ages have believed. Go to one of the great oracles,
whereof that of Apollo at Delphi is the supreme, but not the unique,
example. Ask your question in set form from the attendant priests,
not failing to offer an elaborate sacrifice and to bestow all the
"gifts" (golden tripods, mixing bowls, shields, etc.) your means will
allow. Then (at Delphi) wait silent and awe-stricken while the lady
Pythia, habited as a young girl, takes her seat on a tripod over a
deep cleft in the rock, whence issues an intoxicating vapor. She
inhales the gas, sways to and fro in an ecstasy, and now, duly
"inspired," answers in a somewhat wild manner the queries which the
priest will put in behalf of the supplicants. Her incoherent words
are very hard to understand, but the priest duly "interprets" them,
_i.e._ gives them to the suppliant in the form of hexameter verses.
Sometimes the meaning of these verses is perfectly clear. Very often
they are truly "Delphic," with a most dubious meaning--as in that
oft-quoted instance, when the Pythia told Crœsus if he went to war
with Cyrus, "he would destroy a mighty monarchy," and lo, he
destroyed his own!
The two chief elements of Greek worship, however, are not
consideration of the future, but sacrificial and prayer.
Almost every Greek city has its own formidable citadel, its own
_acropolis_,—for "citadel" is really all this word conveys.
Corinth boasts of its "Acro-Corinthus," Thebes of its "Cadmeia,"--but
_the_ Acropolis is in Athens.
The Acropolis dominates the plain of Athens. All the city seems to
adjust itself to the base of its holy citadel. It lifts itself as
tawny limestone rock rising about 190 feet above the adjacent level
of the town. In form it is an irregular oval with its axis west and
east. It is about 950 feet long and 450 feet at its greatest
breadth. On every side but the west the precipice falls away sheer
and defiant... To the westward, however, the gradual slope makes a
natural pathway always possible, and human art has long since shaped
this with convenient steps. Nestling in against the precipice are
various sanctuaries and caves; _e.g._ on the northwestern side, high
up on the slope beneath the precipice, open the uncanny grottoes of
Apollo and of Pan. On the southern side, close under the very shadow
of the citadel, is the temple of Asclepius, and, more to the
southeast, the great open theater of Dionysus has been scooped out of
the rock, a place fit to contain an audience of some 15,000.
Every temple and statue in Athens is not left in its bare white
marble, as later ages will conceive is demanded by
"Greek Architecture" and statuary, but is decked in brilliant
color--"painted," if you will use an almost unfriendly word. The
columns and gables and ceilings of the buildings are all painted.
Blue, red, green, and gold blaze on all the members and ornaments.
The backgrounds of the pediments, metopes, and frieze are tinted some
uniform color on which the sculptured figures in relief stand out
clearly. The figures themselves are tinted or painted, at least on
the hair, lips, and eyes. Flesh-colored warriors are fighting upon a
bright red background. The armor and horse trappings on the
sculptures are in actual bronze. The result is an effect
indescribably vivid. Blues and reds predominate: the flush of light
and color from the still more brilliant heavens above adds to the
effect. Shall we call it garish? We have learned to know the taste
of Athenians too well to doubt their judgment in matters of pure
beauty. And they are right.
One thing more. There are hardly any straight lines in the
Parthenon. To the eye, the members and the steps of the substructure
may seem perfectly level; but the measuring rod betrays marvelously
subtle curves. As nature abhors right angles in her creations of
beauty, so have these Greeks. Rigidity, unnaturalness, have been
banished. The Parthenon stands, not merely embellished with
inimitable sculptures, but perfectly adjusted to the natural world
surrounding.
It was an inability to discover and execute these concealed curves
which give certain of the modern imitations of the Parthenon their
unpleasant impressions of harness and rigidity.
The whole Acropolis is the home of Athena. The other gods harbored
thereon are only her inferior guests.
... in one prayer, which Plato puts in Socrates's mouth, almost all
the best of Greek ideals and morality seems uttered. It is spoken
not on the Acropolis, but beside the Ilissus at the close of the
delightful walk and chat related in the _Phædrus_.
> Beloved Pan, and all ye other gods who haunt this place, give me
> the beauty of the inward soul, and may the outward and the inward
> man be joined in perfect harmony. May I reckon the wise to be
> wealthy, and may I have such a quantity of gold as none but the
> temperate can carry. Anything more?--That prayer, I think, is
> enough for me.
# Chapter 21: The Great Festivals of Athens
In Gulick (_Life of the Ancient Greeks_, pp. 304-310) there is a
valuable list of Attic festivals. The Athenians had over thirty
important religious festivals, several of them, _e.g._, the
Thesmorphoria (celebrated by the women in honor of Demeter),
extending over a number of days.
Our first festival is the Eleusinia, the festival of the Eleusinian
mysteries. It is September, the "19th of Boēdromiōn," the
Athenians will say. Four days have been spent by the "initiates" and
the "candidates" in symbolic sacrifices and purifications. On one of
these days the arch priest, the "Hierophant," has preached a manner
of sermon at the Painted Porch in the Agora setting forth the
awfulness and spiritual efficacy of these Mysteries, sacred to
Demeter the Earth Mother, to her daughter Persephone, and also to the
young Iacchus, one of the many incarnations of Dionysus, and who is
always associated at Elusis with the divine "Mother and Daughter."
The great cry has gone forth to the Initiates--"To the Sea, ye
Mystæ!" and the whole vast multitude has gone down to bathe in the
purifying brine.
Women could be initiated as well as men.
Again we are in Athens in the springtime:
"The eleventh of Elapheboliön" [March]. It is the third day of the
Greater Dionysia. The city has been in high festival; all the booths
in the Agora hum with redoubled life; strangers have flocked in from
outlying parts of Hellas to trade, admire, and recreate; under
pretext of honoring the wine god, inordinate quantities of wine are
drunk with less than the prudent mixture of water. There is
boisterous frolicking, singing, and jesting everywhere. It is early
blossom time. All whom you meet wear huge flower crowns, and pelt you
with the fragrant petals of spring.
So for two days the city has made merry, and now on the third, very
early, "to the theater" is the word on every lip.
Early dawn it is when the crowds pour through the barriers around the
Theater of Dionysus upon the southern slope of the Acropolis. They
sit (full 15,000 or more) wedged close together upon rough wooden
benches set upon the hill slopes.
These benches (before the stone theater was built in 340 B.C.) may be
imagined as set up much like the "bleachers" at a modern baseball
park. We know that ancient audiences wedged in very close.
The keen Attic imagination will take the place of the thousand arts
of the later stage-setter. Sophocles and his rivals, even as
Shakespeare in Elizabeth's England, can sound the very depths and
scale the loftiest heights of human passion, with only a simulacrum
of the scenery, properties, and mechanical artifices which will trick
out a very mean twentieth century theater.
To analyze the Attic drama is the task of the philosopher and the
literary expert. We observe only the superficialities. There are
never more than _three_ speaking actors before the audience at once.
They wear huge masques, shaped to fit their parts. The wide
mouthpieces make the trained elocution carry to the most remote parts
of the theater. The actors wear long trailing robes and are mounted
on high shoes to give them sufficient stature before the distant
audience. When a new part is needed in the play, an actor retires to
the booth, and soon comes forth with a changed masque and costume--an
entirely new character. In such a costume and masque, play of
feature and easy gesture is impossible; but the actors carry
themselves with a stately dignity and recite their often ponderous
lines with a grace which redeems them from all bombast. An essential
part of the play is the chorus; indeed the chorus was once the main
feature of the drama, the actors insignificant innovations.
The audience follows all the philosophic reasoning of the tragedies,
the often subtle wit of the comedies, with that same shrewd alertness
displayed at the jury courts of the Pnyx.
Then for the last time let us visit Athens, at the fête which in its
major form comes only once in four years. It is the 28th of
Metageitniön (August), and the eighth day of the Greater
Panathenæa, the most notable of all Athenian festivals. By it is
celebrated the union of all Attica by Theseus, as one happy united
country under the benign sway of mighty Athena,--an ever fortunate
union, which saved the land from the sorrowful feuds of hostile
hamlets such as have plagued so many Hellenic countries. On the
earlier days of the feast there have been musical contests and
gymnastic games much after the manner of the Olympic games, although
the contestants have been drawn from Attica only. There has been a
public recital of Homer.
Now we are at the eighth day. All Athens will march in its glory to
the Acropolis, to bear to the shrine of Athena the sacred "peplos"--a
robe specially woven by the noble women of Athens to adorn the image
of the guardian goddess. [*] The houses have opened; the wives, maids,
and mothers of gentle family have come forth to march in the
procession, all elegantly wreathed and clad in their best, bearing
the sacred vessels and other proper offerings. The daughters of the
"metics," the resident foreigners, go as attendants of honor with
them. The young men and the old, the priests, the civil magistrates,
the generals, all have their places. Proudest of all are the wealthy
and high-born youths of the cavalry, who now dash to and fro in their
clattering pride. The procession is formed in the outer Ceramicus.
Amid cheers, chants, chorals, and incense smoke it sweeps through the
Agora, and slowly mounts the Acropolis. Center of all the marchers
is the glittering peplos, raised like a sail upon a wheeled barge of
state--"the ship of Athena." Upon the Acropolis, while the old
peplos is piously withdrawn from the image and the new one
substituted, there is a prodigious sacrifice. A mighty flame roars
heavenward from the "great altar"; while enough bullocks and kine
have been slaughtered to enable every citizen--however poor--to bear
away a goodly mess of roasted meat that night.
[*] Note that this robe was for the revered ancient and wooden image
of Athena Polias, not for the far less venerable statue of
Athena Parthenos.
We will not wait for the feasting but rather will take our way to the
Temple of Wingless Victory, looking forth to the west of the
Acropolis Rock. So many things we see which we would fain print on
the memory. Behind us we have just left the glittering Parthenon,
and the less august but hardly less beautiful Erechtheum, with its
"Porch of the Maidens." To our right is the wide expanse of the
roofs of the city and beyond the dark olive groves of Colonus, and
the slopes of Ægaleos. In the near foreground, are the red crags of
Areopagus and the gray hill of the Pnyx. But the eye will wander
farther. It is led away across the plainland to the bay of Phaleron,
the castellated hill of Munychia, the thin stretch of blue water and
the brown island seen across it--Salamis and its strait of the
victory. Across the sparkling vista of the sea rise the headlands of
Ægina and of lesser isles; farther yet rise the lordly peaks of
Argolis. Or we can look to the southward. Our gaze rounds down the
mountainous Attic coast full thirty miles to where Sunium thrusts out
its haughty cape into the Ægean and points the way across the
island-studded sea.
Evening is creeping on . Behind us sounds the great pæan, the solemn
chant to Athena, bestower of good to men. As the sun goes down over
the distant Argolic hills his rays spread a clear pathway of gold
across the waters. Islands, seas, mountains far and near, are
touched now with shifting hues,--saffron, violet, and rose,--beryl,
topaz, sapphire, amethyst. There will never be another landscape
like unto this in all the world. Gladly we sum up our thoughts in
the cry of a son of Athens, Aristophanes, master of song, who loved
[Athens] with that love which the land of Athena can ever inspire in
all its children, whether its own by adoption or by birth:
> Oh, thou, our Athens! Violet-crowned, brilliant, most enviable of
> cities!
author: Davis, William Stearns, 1877-1930
(TXT) detail: gopher://gopherpedia.com/0/William_Stearns_Davis
(HTM) source: ftp://ftp.mirrorservice.org/sites/ftp.ibiblio.org/pub/docs/books/gutenberg/4/7/1/4716/
tags: ebook,history
title: A Day In Old Athens
# Footnotes
(DIR) [1] The Echo of Greece by Edith Hamilton
(HTM) [2] Life on a Medieaval Barony by William Stearns Davis (gutenberg)
(TXT) [3] Mines of Laurion (wikipedia)
(IMG) [4] Vincent Price, The Telltale Bart
[5] Maps
(IMG) Attica (360 B.C.)
(IMG) Peiraeus & Harbors (360 B.C.)
(IMG) Athens (360 B.C.)
(IMG) The Acropolis (360 B.C.)
# Tags
(DIR) ebook
(DIR) history