[HN Gopher] Is English a "creole Language"?
       ___________________________________________________________________
        
       Is English a "creole Language"?
        
       Author : 082349872349872
       Score  : 87 points
       Date   : 2024-09-28 11:15 UTC (2 days ago)
        
 (HTM) web link (languagelog.ldc.upenn.edu)
 (TXT) w3m dump (languagelog.ldc.upenn.edu)
        
       | 39896880 wrote:
       | Creole is both a sociohistoric and linguistic term. The fact that
       | the linguistic attributes are difficult to put boundaries on is
       | extremely common for linguists: we won't even claim to tell you
       | what the definition of "word" is!
       | 
       | As for whether English is a Creole, it's important to understand
       | the motivation for Creolistics at its origin. It started, and
       | continues, as an effort to legitimize a set of languages that
       | before were considered illegitimate, un-interesting and utterly
       | lacking on features worth studying. Part of that reputation is
       | inextricably bound up in colonialism and racism.
       | 
       | Could you squint and call English a Creole? Sure. But you'd be
       | doing the same disservice to "Creole" as you would by saying
       | "technically we're all [in the US] African American because all
       | humans originated in Africa." It's a disingenuous point, and one
       | that could easily be mistaken for trying to reverse the
       | legitimization efforts that brought the term into existence to
       | begin with.
        
         | throwup238 wrote:
         | _> we won't even claim to tell you what the definition of
         | "word" is!_
         | 
         | What's your best attempt? :-)
        
           | flir wrote:
           | \s\w+\s
           | 
           | ;)
        
             | eesmith wrote:
             | "Ain't ain't a word 'cause it don't match the regex."
             | 
             | BTW, should be "\b\w+\b". The \b is a zero-width match for
             | the start or end of a word. Your pattern requires a space
             | before and after:                 >>> import re       >>>
             | re.compile(r"\b\w+\b").findall("What's the problem?")
             | ['What', 's', 'the', 'problem']       >>>
             | re.compile(r"\s\w+\s").findall("What's the problem?")
             | [' the ']
        
               | flir wrote:
               | That makes sense. I was trying to translate "A word is a
               | group of letters with whitespace on either side" into
               | regex.
               | 
               | I was being facetious, obviously, but you've already
               | identified a serious problem with that definition (is
               | "what's" two words or one?)
        
             | koito17 wrote:
             | cljs.user> (re-seq #"\s\w+\s" "yariZhi shite")       nil
             | 
             | Joking aside, is it common to use regular expressions?
             | Seems like the method only works for languages with spaces.
             | I think a more sophisticated lexer may be necessary, but
             | are there are non-regex, "fast approximations" that work
             | across most languages? This is a problem that I have not
             | tried solving before.
        
               | nine_k wrote:
               | sumimasen! It's because you have no space around. A more
               | correct regexp would be \b\w+\b, with zero-width "word
               | boundary" psttetbs instead of spaces.
        
               | Liquid_Fire wrote:
               | That's just passing the problem onto how you define \b.
               | Since Japanese uses no spaces, it would match entire
               | phrases or sentences as "words", treating only
               | punctuation as word boundaries.
        
           | Xophmeister wrote:
           | It's a bit like the old saying, "All models are wrong, some
           | models are useful." The concept of a "word" is useful in
           | everyday language, particularly in English -- it's host
           | language, unsurprisingly enough -- and (probably) other Indo-
           | European languages. However, in a more precise context, it
           | breaks down because of edge cases.
           | 
           | For example, "words" in agglutinative languages[1] (e.g.,
           | Turkish) act very differently from "words" in English. It's
           | hard (impossible?) to capture all that variety in a pithy
           | way. "A string of morphemes" might work, but that's hardly a
           | satisfactory definition!
           | 
           | Maybe a good analogy for the HN crowd would be like asking,
           | "How many characters are in a string?"
           | 
           | [1]: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agglutinative_language
        
             | DiogenesKynikos wrote:
             | In Chinese, it's very difficult to define word boundaries.
             | 
             | Each character is a syllable, with a particular
             | pronunciation and a constellation of meanings, usually
             | closely related to one another. There are very common
             | combinations of characters that appear together, which one
             | could define as words. However, often, you could just as
             | easily view the individual characters as words, or the
             | combination as a word.
             | 
             | In some cases, the combination of two characters means
             | something totally different from what the characters alone
             | would mean (e.g., Dong Xi , where the characters literally
             | mean "East-West," but the combination means "thing"), so
             | the combination is clearly a word. But sometimes, the
             | meaning of the combination is basically a combination of
             | the words' meanings (e.g., Chi Fan , where the characters
             | literally mean "eat-food," and the combination means "to
             | eat, have a meal").
             | 
             | Because written Chinese doesn't use spaces, I guess it
             | doesn't really matter what one defines as a word. The issue
             | just doesn't come up, practically speaking.
        
               | tsimionescu wrote:
               | I should note that typically discussions of language are
               | more fruitful around spoken (or signed) languages rather
               | than writing. Writing is an artificial formal system, and
               | as such sometimes has aspects which are much more
               | socilogiclaly determined than spoken language, which
               | tends to evolve more freely.
               | 
               | Also, the problems you raise here are mostly just as
               | applicable to English, though perhaps for somewhat fewer
               | words. Is a "walkie-talkie" one word, or two? How about
               | "unmarried"? The un- prefix has a distinct meaning on its
               | own, even if it never appears alone, after all. Or how
               | about "can't"? Technically it's a contraction of "can
               | not", and those words do sometimes appear separately as
               | well, even in this same meaning.
        
               | DiogenesKynikos wrote:
               | The issues I raise are somewhat applicable to English,
               | but to a far lesser extent.
               | 
               | In Chinese, just about every syllable has its own set of
               | meanings. In English, there are compound words, and some
               | words have prefixes or suffixes, but you can't just
               | arbitrarily break a word into its syllables and assign a
               | meaning to every syllable. Imagine if the word "syllable"
               | could be broken down as syl-la-ble, and every person who
               | spoke English could tell you what "syl," "la" and "ble"
               | individually meant. That's the situation in Chinese, for
               | almost every polysyllabic word you can utter. They can
               | almost all be decomposed into syllables that have
               | individual meanings. It's a very different paradigm from
               | English.
        
               | tsimionescu wrote:
               | Yes, I understand there is a huge difference of the
               | degree to which this applies to the language. I was just
               | pointing out that none of these things should be alien to
               | an English speaker, and even a linguist who only knew
               | English would have had similar struggles to define "word"
               | because of these problems (though of course they could
               | have decided to file them under "exceptions", which
               | doesn't work for Chinese).
        
             | mr_toad wrote:
             | Some times the boundaries between words in English are
             | clear, and sometimes they are a bit blurry.
        
             | 3np wrote:
             | (IANALinguist).
             | 
             | I think it's obvious that there might not be one unifying
             | definition that spans all human languages. "Word" is an
             | English word refering to a specific of the English
             | language. A class in JS is not the same as class in C++,
             | big deal? ;)
             | 
             | As for English, I'm happy defining it through written
             | language and spacing. "Can't", "unmarried", and "walkie-
             | talkie" all one word each.
             | 
             | We might as well think of "word" in foreign enough
             | languages as separate concepts. Doesn't seem meaningful to
             | try to fit fundamentally different structures into the same
             | conceptual molds. Which I guess ties back to your original
             | point regarding if it's a useful excercise taxonimizing
             | English as creole.
        
           | throw__away7391 wrote:
           | It depends on the architecture of your CPU.
        
           | nivertech wrote:
           | There is no generally accepted definition in linguistics, but
           | AI researchers have come to the consensus that a word is one
           | or more LLM tokens ;)
           | 
           | I'm not a linguist, but I would define a word as a part of a
           | sentence composed out of one or more syllables, with word
           | boundaries either implicitly or explicitly specified by
           | different methods in different languages, e.g. by using
           | pauses, longer or shorter phonemes, by using accents, rhythm,
           | or intonation, or simply by remembering words as part of
           | learning a lexical vocabulary.
           | 
           | A word is something that can be categorized as to which part
           | of speech it belongs (noun, verb, adjective, adverb, etc.)
           | 
           | Depending on the languages it's not always clear whether
           | prefixes and/or suffixes are part of the word a separate
           | words.
           | 
           | Similarly with compound words - do they count as a single or
           | multiple words?
           | 
           | A short sentence in one language may enter another language
           | as a single opaque word.
        
         | ycombinete wrote:
         | It's more about how people define the term. I don't think I've
         | seen the position made disingenuously.
         | 
         | Most people I've spoken to think of creole as a mixed language
         | that becomes it's own language. To them that describes English
         | and how it came to be.
         | 
         | Even if you require colonisation to be part of it the position
         | can stand. The Anglo-Saxon's colonisation by the Romans and the
         | Normans are a big part of how the English mixture was formed.
         | 
         | If your definition requires an indigenous, non-European,
         | language being modified by contact with a European coloniser's
         | language. Then sure, English isn't a creole language. But I
         | don't think that's how most people use the term creole
         | colloquially.
        
           | thaumasiotes wrote:
           | > The Anglo-Saxon's colonisation by the Romans
           | 
           | That never happened; it was the other way around.
        
             | ithkuil wrote:
             | Germanic conquerors may be first partially reverse-
             | colonized by the culture they conquered (which heavily
             | romanized with Celtic substrate) and then later further
             | colonized by norman conquerors who were themselves carriers
             | of the remnants of the Roman cultural heritage.
             | 
             | Germanic people (franks) conquered Gaul and you wouldn't
             | call modern french a Germanic language.
             | 
             | Linguistic dynamics are utterly fascinating and complex
        
               | ycombinete wrote:
               | I've been listening to The Rest is History podcast
               | lately, and a lot of this happened in Islam via converts.
               | 
               | Tom Holland was saying that many now fundamental Islamic
               | practices were imported into the faith via converts. For
               | example such as praying 5 times a day was apparently a
               | Zoroastrian practice.
        
               | ithkuil wrote:
               | The same thing happened to many Cristian practices.
               | 
               | The Eucharist may have originated in the cult of
               | Dionysus.
               | 
               | Probably also Christmas is also a tradition that bears
               | the roots of a pre-christian festivity that has been
               | merged with / subsumed in Christian tradition
        
               | fch42 wrote:
               | Slightly off-topic, but for the Frankish/French/German
               | evolution, this is usually considered a "marker":
               | https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oaths_of_Strasbourg
               | 
               | I'm not sure if any such "foundational" documents exist
               | for English.
        
           | defrost wrote:
           | You're going to have to explain how fifth century Germanic
           | settlers in Britain were colonised by the Romans who arrived
           | in Britain four centuries earlier and were largely a spent
           | force by the time the Germans rolled in ...
        
             | ycombinete wrote:
             | Thanks, I'd have a hard time doing that. I got the history
             | reversed.
             | 
             | Dang, and it's too late for me to add an edit now as well.
             | 
             | I think the broad point still stands, in spite of that
             | error.
        
         | k__ wrote:
         | Why don't just define a new word?
         | 
         | I mean you're linguists! :D
         | 
         | Pseudo-Creole, a language that's technically a Creole, but
         | doesn't fit the sociohistoic context.
         | 
         | I think, it would be funny if a word for giving specific
         | languages legitimacy is used to define a language that had more
         | legitimacy to begin with.
        
           | ithkuil wrote:
           | Post-creole
           | 
           | I expect that a creole language will evolve over centuries
           | into something that is less and less considered as a creole
           | when compared with more recent creole languages.
           | 
           | I think it's more useful to consider "creolization events" in
           | the history of a language rather than a blanket "creole/non-
           | creole" attribute
        
           | 082349872349872 wrote:
           | Do pseudocreoles include concreoles, eg
           | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Belter_Creole ?
           | 
           |  _Oye Hakalowda! Kowmang showxa lang belta hiya ke?_
        
         | thaumasiotes wrote:
         | > The fact that the linguistic attributes are difficult to put
         | boundaries on is extremely common for linguists: we won't even
         | claim to tell you what the definition of "word" is!
         | 
         | The definition of a "word" is always straightforward: a word is
         | an atomic unit of language.
         | 
         | However, which units are or aren't atomic varies according to
         | what it is you're measuring.
         | 
         | Lexically, "catch fire" is an atomic entity, which cannot be
         | understood as the sum of its parts. It's just one part, and it
         | needs its own dictionary entry, separate from "catch" and from
         | "fire".
         | 
         | Syntactically, "catch fire" is definitely not atomic, because
         | the past tense is "caught fire". From this perspective, it's
         | enough to know "catch" and "fire".
         | 
         | Syntactically again, we can see that "an elephant" is in
         | variation with "two elephants" / "my elephant" / "every
         | elephant" / etc., and it's clear that "an elephant" is not
         | atomic, but is understood as the composition of "a(n)" with
         | "elephant".
         | 
         | Phonologically, as the citation-form spelling above hinted, "an
         | elephant" _is_ atomic; the article cannot exist independently
         | and must attach to another word. Without knowing what that word
         | is, you won 't know how the article is pronounced.
         | 
         | Specialized terms for both of these types of phenomena exist -
         | lexical words that are too large to be syntactic words are
         | called idioms; syntactic words that are too small to be
         | phonological words are called clitics. But the general lesson
         | is that, despite the definition of "word" being clear,
         | membership in the category varies according to what aspect of
         | the language you're looking at.
        
           | barrucadu wrote:
           | By god you've done it, you've solved linguistics!
        
           | gvx wrote:
           | Relevant xkcd: https://xkcd.com/793/
        
           | tsimionescu wrote:
           | This doesn't even begin to cover things, even for English.
           | First of all, "catch fire" is at least partly understandable
           | from its constituent parts - "catch" has a great variety of
           | related meanings, and they all have to do with something
           | taking hold of something else; I'm sure any English speaker
           | who has encountered both words would intuit the meaning of
           | "catch fire" without any problem, especially if they also
           | encountered "to catch a cold". Of course, the meaning _is_
           | slightly different, and it is quite invariant.
           | 
           | Your analysis of the phonetic atomicity is also
           | unsatisfactory. First, the article can very well be
           | pronounced independently - I can say "English has a single
           | indefinite article, with two forms: 'a' or 'an'". Secondly,
           | the 'a' form can be pronounced in two different ways,
           | depending on how you want to highlight it within a sentence:
           | "he ate a piece" could use the schwa, or the "long a" if you
           | want to highlight the article itself "he ate [ay] piece, not
           | _your_ piece ". So the article's pronunciation can change
           | independently of the word it is applying to. Finally, in at
           | least some English accents, many words can be pronounced
           | differently in certain sequences than others - for example,
           | in modern Southern English, an "r" sound is introduced almost
           | always in speech when a word that ends in a vowel sound is
           | followed by another word that starts with a vowel sound, e.g.
           | "I saw-R-it". By your description, neither "saw" nor "it" are
           | individual word phonologically, since you don't know how they
           | will be pronounced unless we know the following word.
           | 
           | Overall, the atomicity of a linguistic construct is highly
           | debatable, even in a particular context.
        
             | thaumasiotes wrote:
             | > First of all, "catch fire" is at least partly
             | understandable from its constituent parts - "catch" has a
             | great variety of related meanings, and they all have to do
             | with something taking hold of something else
             | 
             | If you want to analyze it that way, you'll find that the
             | semantics are the reverse of what you predict: when you
             | catch fire, it's the fire that takes hold of you.
             | 
             | > First, the article can very well be pronounced
             | independently - I can say "English has a single indefinite
             | article, with two forms: 'a' or 'an'".
             | 
             | This argument is predicated on forgetting the difference
             | between use and mention. What part of speech would you say
             | _an_ is in that sentence? Is it an article?
             | 
             | > Secondly, the 'a' form can be pronounced in two different
             | ways, depending on how you want to highlight it within a
             | sentence
             | 
             | Yes, problems arise when you need to place sentence-level
             | stress on a feature that is too weak to bear stress. The
             | same problem occurs for any English clitic, including _'
             | s_, which in the general case doesn't even include a vowel.
             | Most notably here, there's nothing about this specific to
             | _a_ before consonants; the rules for placing stress don 't
             | know what word you're following _a_ with. If you need to
             | stress _an_ , the usual choice is /ae/. But also notably,
             | when native speakers do this, they recognize it as a
             | problem - it's just one they may not be able to work
             | around.
             | 
             | > Finally, in at least some English accents, many words can
             | be pronounced differently in certain sequences than others
             | - for example, in modern Southern English, an "r" sound is
             | introduced almost always in speech when a word that ends in
             | a vowel sound is followed by another word that starts with
             | a vowel sound, e.g. "I saw-R-it". By your description,
             | neither "saw" nor "it" are individual word phonologically
             | 
             | This is not a word-level phenomenon in any way; intrusive R
             | also occurs between syllables of a single word, as long as
             | there's an appropriate vowel-vowel sequence. Placing one
             | between _saw_ and _it_ would not normally be viewed as
             | altering the pronunciation of either word (Which one do you
             | think is altered? I guess by nonrhotic standards it would
             | have to be _it_ ), but as the application of a general
             | rule.
             | 
             | Placing /n/ between _a_ and _elephant_ is not the
             | application of a general rule, it 's the application of a
             | rule specific to _a_.
             | 
             | > Overall, the atomicity of a linguistic construct is
             | highly debatable, even in a particular context.
             | 
             | You're saying that people argue over which items count as
             | words, not that they argue over what it means to count as a
             | word.
        
               | tsimionescu wrote:
               | > If you want to analyze it that way, you'll find that
               | the semantics are the reverse of what you predict: when
               | you catch fire, it's the fire that takes hold of you.
               | 
               | That is one of the meanings of catch, just like when you
               | catch a cold, the cold takes hold of you, or when you
               | catch your foot on something, that thing took hold of
               | your foot.
               | 
               | > This argument is predicated on forgetting the
               | difference between use and mention. What part of speech
               | would you say an is in that sentence? Is it an article?
               | 
               | Fair enough, though I would still argue that being able
               | to make a noun out of the article in this way relies on
               | them having a stable, recognizable, individual
               | pronunciation.
               | 
               | > This is not a word-level phenomenon in any way;
               | intrusive R also occurs between syllables of a single
               | word, as long as there's an appropriate vowel-vowel
               | sequence.
               | 
               | Well, we are trying to define what a "word" even is, so
               | you can't bring this distinction in. A priori, "saw it"
               | could be a word, just as my whole comment could be a
               | single word. We are trying to come up with a formal
               | definition of what it means to be a word; if we want "an
               | elephant" to be a single word and "saw-r-it" to be two
               | words, we need to come up with a distinction between
               | these that doesn't presuppose that "saw" and "it" are
               | separate words.
               | 
               | > Placing one between saw and it would not normally be
               | viewed as altering the pronunciation of either word
               | (Which one do you think is altered? I guess by nonrhotic
               | standards it would have to be it), but as the application
               | of a general rule.
               | 
               | Depending on the exact accent, not all words follow this
               | rule. In certain accents, at least, it is quite specific
               | to words that have an 'r' in their spelling (well, to
               | words that historically had an r sound that was lost, and
               | is usually preserved in the spelling), so "four o'clock"
               | would get a linking R, but "saw it" would not. So at
               | least in these cases, by your definition, we'd have to
               | say that "four" is not an individual word, phonetically
               | speaking. Also note that linking/intrusive R doesn't
               | appear inside morphemes, normally, only between
               | morphemes, or between morphemes and suffixes. So you get
               | [Kafka-r-esque] in certain accents, but never inside,
               | say, "dais".
               | 
               | > Placing /n/ between a and elephant is not the
               | application of a general rule, it's the application of a
               | rule specific to a.
               | 
               | This could also have been a general rule, that happens to
               | apply to a single word in modern English. Regardless, as
               | I have mentioned before, if you want to define
               | "phonological word" as a unit whose exact pronunciation
               | is only knowable when you have all parts present, then
               | lots of phrases are phonological words in English, unless
               | you add a lot of exceptions to your definition.
               | 
               | > You're saying that people argue over which items count
               | as words, not that they argue over what it means to count
               | as a word.
               | 
               | These are not that different in practice. If you have a
               | good formal definition, then you should be able to say
               | for any object whether it is a word, a part of a word, or
               | a sequence of words. If you can't do that, you don't
               | really have a definition. The definition you gave
               | basically equates word with atomic, but then if "atomic"
               | is not well defined, or even definable, then we're back
               | to square one of not knowing what a word actually means.
        
         | nkrisc wrote:
         | My personal definition of "word" is "a unit of semantic
         | meaning". Don't ask me to define that.
         | 
         | Are numbers words? Are abbreviations words? Can a words contain
         | other words? Can the same sentence have a different number of
         | words when spoken versus written? Yes to all, and more.
        
           | RiverCrochet wrote:
           | Well, a good example is "ice cream" - I've seen it described
           | as a "compound word without a hyphen" - which is fair because
           | while ice cream has ice and cream as things that are used to
           | make it, "ice cream" is definitely something distinct that is
           | not trivially decomposable from the individual words.
           | 
           | A good definition of "a unit of semantic meaning" might be
           | "fulfills a 'part of speech' in a sentence" - but even that
           | is hard in English. For example: "I set the table up" - up
           | modifies set to create the "phrasal verb" _set up_ , and
           | isn't related to its typical meaning of position. But remove
           | that little word and the whole meaning of the sentence
           | drastically changes. I've seen "up" in this instance
           | described as an adverb, which tends to be the "throwaway
           | stat" for words that don't fit any of the other traditional
           | parts of speech.
        
             | nkrisc wrote:
             | Those are all very good examples.
             | 
             | Another I like is contractions. If say "can not" but it
             | _sounds_ like "can't", how many words is that?
             | 
             | I might say that "not" does not have any semantic meaning
             | in isolation, as its only use is to negate the meaning of
             | some other word, so perhaps "can not" and "can't" are both
             | just one word.
             | 
             | Perhaps such graphemes and phonemes aren't actually words.
             | 
             | Another interesting question is whether words are truly a
             | product of language (the natural skill) or writing (the
             | synthetic technology). Did "words" exist before writing?
        
           | mananaysiempre wrote:
           | > Are numbers words? Are abbreviations words?
           | 
           | Not the interesting part, I think.
           | 
           | Is the English _un-_ a word? Before you reflexively say no,
           | consider that it has a specific meaning even though it never
           | appears on its own and never receives word stress.
           | 
           | Is the French _je_ a word? Before you reflexively say yes,
           | consider that it never appears on its own and never receives
           | word stress even though it has a specific meaning.
           | 
           | Is the Latin _que_ a word? (The Q in SPQR, "senatus
           | populusque Romanus", although perhaps it'd be more authentic
           | to write "SENATVSPOPVLVSQVEROMANVS".) It has a well-defined
           | meaning: "and". It goes after whatever word you'd put "and"
           | before; not syntactic constituent, _word_. It counts as a
           | part of that word for the purposes of stress, so _POpulus_
           | but _popuLUSque_.
        
         | pessimizer wrote:
         | I don't understand this comment. It makes absolutely no claims
         | about the definition of a creole, and it makes no claims about
         | how English doesn't conform to that definition. It just talks
         | about "squinting" at languages, mentions black Americans for no
         | particular reason, and accuses anyone who would argue that
         | English is a creole of being "disingenuous" for trying to
         | reverse the "legitimazation."
         | 
         | It's like the perfect troll comment. Makes no argument, implies
         | anyone who would disagree is probably racist, and uses black
         | Americans as a comparison for no particular reason.*
         | 
         | Here's my opinion: English is the result of a simplification of
         | grammar caused by Old Norse and Old English crashing into each
         | other with the same words but different grammar; then the
         | French forced French usage in commerce, so most people started
         | using a ton of French words with this English grammar. That
         | last part sounds exactly like a creole.
         | 
         | Is your argument that considering English a creole lets English
         | people off the hook for something? Are things that happen to
         | non-white people somehow delegitimized when they are also noted
         | in white people? Are white people so special and unique that
         | everything else has to be defined by it's non-whiteness? If I'm
         | missing your point, what was it?
         | 
         | [*] As a black American, I'm starting to recognize this as a
         | long-standing feature of western rhetoric. A lot of modern
         | argument seems to boil down to which side is more like black
         | Americans. Humorously, actual black Americans are never
         | considered to be like metaphorical black Americans; we're
         | actually spoiled whiners with a sense of entitlement.
        
           | imbnwa wrote:
           | >Here's my opinion: English is the result of a simplification
           | of grammar caused by Old Norse and Old English crashing into
           | each other with the same words but different grammar; then
           | the French forced French usage in commerce, so most people
           | started using a ton of French words with this English
           | grammar. That last part sounds exactly like a creole.
           | 
           | Grandparent's point is that you're stretching the meaning of
           | the term to a level of generality that applies to everything,
           | therefore meaning nothing in particular.
           | 
           | Your point applies to French just as much as English: Gaulic
           | Celtic speakers poorly adopt Latin after getting bull rushed
           | by Romans, then mix in Frankish terms when the Romans' former
           | allies take over; or how about Sicilian: a mash-up of Latin,
           | Greek, Germanic, Arabic conquerors.
           | 
           | You have to go pretty far to find a language which isn't a
           | fusion of other languages that results from different peoples
           | entering into extended contact.
           | 
           | 'Creole' is a word that only appears with its current meaning
           | and history in the last 100 or so years, grandparent is
           | simply preserving that particularity. Nothing more.
           | 
           | No one in 1200s Europe thought English or Sicilian were
           | languages not worth engaging with as actual languages owing
           | to modern racial connotations.
        
             | empath75 wrote:
             | They definitely did think English was not a language worth
             | engaging with. Even literate people in England barely
             | thought of English as a language worth studying -- they
             | wrote everything in Latin. Certainly the Norman conquerers
             | only bothered to learn the minimum amount of English they
             | had to to talk to the locals. That's why there are so many
             | French words in English.
             | 
             | I think the status of a "creole" language is sort of time
             | limited. After enough people are born speaking it and it's
             | diverged enough from it's origin languages, it's just a
             | language. English probably was very much like a creole
             | language in particular places and times (particularly in
             | northern england after the viking invasions for example).
        
               | tremon wrote:
               | That attitude is not unique to England though. Latin was
               | the lingua franca of the European literate and scientific
               | world, first because of the Church, and then because of
               | the Renaissance. Descartes, Leibniz and Spinoza also
               | wrote primarily in Latin instead of their country's
               | language. Pretty similar to how we are conversing in
               | English right now, regardless of what language we speak
               | in our home town.
        
         | BurningFrog wrote:
         | > _It started, and continues, as an effort to legitimize a set
         | of languages_
         | 
         | OK, but this is not a scientific definition.
         | 
         | Nothing wrong with such words, but trying to logically reason
         | about them is not going to be fruitful.
        
           | 39896880 wrote:
           | The subject of the quote is Creolistics, not the definition
           | of Creole. If you are looking for scientific definitions of
           | linguistic categories you are going to be very disappointed.
           | Language involves humans. Language is _messy_.
           | 
           | As well, any question that involves "meaning" must itself
           | answer the question "to whom?" I answered from the
           | perspective of (some) linguists, but as another user pointed
           | out, non-linguists might very well and with no ill intention
           | consider it an appropriate term.
        
             | cryptonector wrote:
             | In Spanish 'criollo' is the word for 'creole', and its
             | meaning has changed a fair bit from the French. It's more
             | like "local", "ex-colonial", "dating all the way back to
             | colonial times".
        
           | danans wrote:
           | > OK, but this is not a scientific definition.
           | 
           | > Nothing wrong with such words, but trying to logically
           | reason about them is not going to be fruitful
           | 
           | Very few phenomena outside of physics have scientific
           | definitions, yet we logically reason about them all the time,
           | as we indeed must to make any sense of our world ethically,
           | socially, and economically. Even making the physical human-
           | built world around us relies a great deal on non-scientific
           | definitions.
           | 
           | The entire field of linguistics is based upon reasoning about
           | and finding patterns on top of "non-scientific" definitions.
           | As professor McWhorter (quoted in the article) has said in
           | his lectures: "It's all just a puff of air".
        
         | nicole_express wrote:
         | This is an interesting take; I've often seen the opposition to
         | English as a creole trying to stress that English is a "real"
         | language as opposed to the true creoles, which are as you say
         | often treated as less legitimized.
         | 
         | In that sense saying that English, the language of global
         | communication and commerce, originated from a creole shows that
         | that is a perfectly legitimate type of language and the same is
         | true as other creoles. So to me it does more of a service than
         | a disservice!
        
         | empath75 wrote:
         | It's not a very interesting concept if it's limited to one
         | place and time. I think you can abstract a lot of the features
         | of the languages originally classified as creoles and apply
         | them where-ever they make sense.
         | 
         | Personally I would say that Modern English is not a creole, and
         | Old English is not a creole, but there was certainly a period
         | of time in the early middle english period were England was
         | invaded by the Norse and Normans that a lot of creole-like
         | changes happened to the english language -- particularly the
         | loss of grammatical gender and many declensions and
         | conjugations and a simplification of grammar, and it happened
         | for similar reasons -- an upper strata of society that spoke a
         | different language being forced to communicate with the local
         | people. And English at the time was definitely not considered
         | an important language worth studying and people very rarely
         | bothered even writing any books in English. I think it's worth
         | thinking about the similarities and difference between what
         | happened to english in the early middle english period, and
         | other "true" creole languages beyond just saying it's not
         | creole because it didn't happen in the 18th century.
        
       | teleforce wrote:
       | Is English just badly pronounced French [video]:
       | 
       | https://news.ycombinator.com/item?id=40495393
        
         | bryanrasmussen wrote:
         | https://www.ling.upenn.edu/~beatrice/humor/spelling-reform.h...
         | 
         | If so it is equally badly spelled German.
        
           | xanderlewis wrote:
           | *spelt.
        
             | philshem wrote:
             | Nope.
             | 
             | https://english.stackexchange.com/a/5714/
        
               | whatshisface wrote:
               | Long after the sword was smelt
               | 
               | In foreign lands did wielder welt.
               | 
               | The script upon the scabbard belt
               | 
               | Thereupon became misspelt.
        
               | 73kl4453dz wrote:
               | A missing n?
        
             | ndileas wrote:
             | personally I prefer wheat.
        
             | ndsipa_pomu wrote:
             | "Spelled" is a perfectly cromulent word in UK English (the
             | best English).
        
               | walthamstow wrote:
               | Interesting. I thought spelt and learnt were UK English.
        
               | ndsipa_pomu wrote:
               | They are UK English, but "spelled" and "learned" are in
               | common usage too. I wouldn't consider it to be an
               | Americanism if I read/heard those versions (I'm English,
               | myself).
        
           | vidarh wrote:
           | German is badly spelt German. Damn High German consonant
           | shift.
           | 
           | (E.g.compare ship, schip, Schip, skib, skip vs. Schiff, or
           | day, dag, Dag, dag, vs. Tag etc. - we'd have a far neater,
           | gradual Germanic transition around the North Sea if Low
           | German had "won".
        
         | theodric wrote:
         | With 40%+ Germanic vocabulary (per Braudel), is French rather a
         | Germanic creole?
        
           | bonzini wrote:
           | Is that the vocabulary of Germanic origin and imported from
           | Germanic, or is it just the part of PIE that has not diverged
           | between Latin and Germanic languages?
        
             | biorach wrote:
             | Mostly the former. Much of what is now France was dominated
             | by speakers of Germanic languages after the fall of the
             | Roman empire. They were eventually assimilated but left a
             | linguistic legacy.
        
         | LeonB wrote:
         | Here is a different video by the same person (the `robWords`
         | channel)
         | 
         | "How to translate French words WITHOUT KNOWING FRENCH (3 clever
         | tricks)"
         | 
         | https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=3BGaA3PC9tQ
         | 
         | I learned a lot from this and continue to find words that these
         | lessons apply to.
        
           | rahen wrote:
           | Brilliant video. I would hardly have seen the connection
           | between 'guepe' and 'wasp' before.
        
         | kreyenborgi wrote:
         | "that strategy of borrowing a word but giving it a slightly
         | narrower meaning" - I think this happens with most borrowing,
         | into any language. E.g. "opsjon" in Norwegian is from "option"
         | but only means stock/legal options, never used in the common
         | meaning of "choices". (And the video's own example with "les
         | peoples".)
         | 
         | But my favorite example is when going into English from Norse,
         | "fjord" has a quite narrow meaning in English, but must have
         | been much broader in Norse when you look at Limfjorden in flat
         | Denmark (more of a sound than a fjord) and Tunhovdfjorden (even
         | Norwegians would think of this as a lake these days)
        
           | agumonkey wrote:
           | this kind of crippled borrowing seems universal though, you
           | only complement your own language where you have a hole
        
           | readthenotes1 wrote:
           | Well of course, fjords should have a narrow meaning. That's
           | kind of what separates them from bays isn't it?
        
             | vidarh wrote:
             | The Norwegian words for bay - like vik, bukt, does not
             | necessarily imply broad or open. The main distinction
             | appear to be length.
             | 
             | Bukt or gulf are the words mostly use for major bays, but
             | bukt in particular can also be used for very short, narrow
             | inlets, while fjords are used for some of our largest bays.
             | 
             | The Oslo fjord for example, is quite broad and open for
             | most of its length. Most of the smaller bays in the fjord
             | are bukter, but the largest, longest of them are also named
             | fjords.
        
         | agumonkey wrote:
         | The bit about non rhyming poetry forms makes me wonder how
         | brit-pop would have sounded without those "french" structures.
        
           | mauvehaus wrote:
           | Old English poetry tends to have commonality at the
           | beginnings of words (e.g. alliteration) rather than rhyming
           | at the ends of words. Or so I remember from The History of
           | English Podcast.
           | 
           | It's now 180 episodes in and talking about Shakespeare. Old
           | English was some episodes back, as you might imagine.
           | 
           | As with many others posting here IANALinguist.
        
             | agumonkey wrote:
             | thanks
        
         | cryptonector wrote:
         | French is just badly pronounced Latin/Italian.
         | 
         | Seriously, French is just a very crassified Romance language.
         | As a near-native French speaker I was shocked one time in Paris
         | at a restaurant where our server was from Italy and pronounce
         | every letter in every French word and I still understood him.
         | 
         | Dropping 's's (and leaving behind a circumflex to remind one of
         | the dropped 's')? That's a pretty crass evolution (but see the
         | note at the bottom). Dropping trailing letters in words? Same
         | thing. I understand that "oc" is really the Latin "hoc",
         | meaning "this", and that "oui" is just an evolution -a
         | shortening- of "hoc hic" ("this that"). "Oi" (pronounced "wah"
         | in English) is just a vowel shift.
         | 
         | French is often treated as a high-class language, so I say
         | 'crass' mainly to remind people that the evolution of French
         | was really the result of every day people not treating it like
         | a dead language to be preserved.
        
           | trealira wrote:
           | You're totally right, but just a minor correction: the word
           | _oui_ comes from _oil,_ which was the way to say  "yes" in a
           | family of languages called the _langues d 'oil._[1] The word
           | _oil_ is a shortened form of _hoc ille_ in Latin.
           | 
           | [1]: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Langues_d%27o%C3%AFl
        
             | cryptonector wrote:
             | Oh thank you for that! I had wondered.
        
         | vincent-manis wrote:
         | I used to joke with a friend of mine who was of Netherlands
         | descent by saying that Dutch is misspelled English. (And, yes,
         | I'm aware of the several rounds of orthographic reforms that
         | Dutch has experienced.)
        
       | ChrisMarshallNY wrote:
       | The SMBC from a couple of days ago, sort of spoke to that:
       | https://www.smbc-comics.com/comic/arthur
        
         | talideon wrote:
         | That's the cartoon the Language Log post is commenting on. It's
         | even included at the top of the entry.
        
           | ChrisMarshallNY wrote:
           | Yeah, I figured that (after the fact). I figured that it
           | wouldn't be harmful to post it. I am deeply apologetic, if it
           | caused trauma. That was not the intent.
           | 
           | I read the headline on my iPad, just after I woke up. Just
           | got back from my run, and I'll read the article after my
           | shower.
           | 
           | I figured some helpful soul would do an RTFA, if that was the
           | case, and was not disappointed.
        
       | wrp wrote:
       | You can argue either way, because "creole" to too vaguely
       | defined. The term was invented to cover a set of languages that
       | had interesting historical and structural similarities, but it
       | turns out to be hard to establish the boundaries of the set. I
       | think it's unfair to the researchers to politicize it as some
       | "post-colonial" writers have been doing.
        
       | sparsely wrote:
       | There's a good comment on the blog:
       | 
       | "This seems to me a rather feckless argument over how people want
       | to define a term. Indisputably, modern English results from a
       | blend of French and old English, in the process of which what we
       | today call English absorbed a lot of French vocabulary, lost most
       | of its inflection, and its verb conjugation was greatly
       | simplified. Whether you want to call it a creole or not is
       | pointless, what I just stated is still true."
        
       | mise_en_place wrote:
       | It's closer to Dutch or German. I had no issue understanding
       | transit signage in Amsterdam. The difficult words are calques and
       | idioms that don't directly translate, i.e. _opponthoud_. Exit is
       | _uitgang_ , literally an "outgoing". Entrance is _ingang_ ,
       | ingoing.
        
         | cml123 wrote:
         | incidentally, outgang is technically a modern English word, but
         | I've never heard it spoken in real life. You can see literary
         | uses of its precessor "utgang" in Old English here [0]
         | 
         | [0]https://bosworthtoller.com/search?q=utgang
        
         | BtM909 wrote:
         | opponthoud -> oponthoud
         | 
         | Although, because I'm looking at it, I get semantic satiation.
        
         | indigo945 wrote:
         | This is very much debatable. Only around one in four English
         | words is Germanic in origin, whereas half of English words are
         | Latinic or Romanic. [1]
         | 
         | Some properties of English's grammar are also more similar to
         | Romance languages than Germanic ones. For example, whereas
         | Germanic languages only mark tense on verbs, English verbs
         | (like Spanish verbs) are marked with aspect in addition to
         | tense: there is a distinction between "I played tennis"/"I have
         | played tennis"/"I was playing tennis".
         | 
         | I'm not saying English is a Romance language. But it's a much
         | more interesting problem to figure out _why_ it 's not
         | considered a Romance language than you imply.
         | 
         | [1]: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Latin_influence_in_English
        
           | munificent wrote:
           | _> Only around one in four English words is Germanic in
           | origin, whereas half of English words are Latinic or
           | Romanic._
           | 
           | Are you measuring by fraction of words in a word list, or
           | fraction of words in a typical utterance? Word usage is
           | highly non-uniform, so you'll get very different ratios
           | between the former and latter.
        
           | secretmark wrote:
           | The most frequently used words are almost all Germanic. There
           | are a lot of technical words with Latin or Greek etymologies
           | that are hardly used in quotidian conversation.
        
             | jonstewart wrote:
             | > quotidian
             | 
             | iswydt
        
               | jachee wrote:
               | Don't bring Welsh into this. ;)
        
           | patall wrote:
           | Which 'aspect' is supposed to be missing in Germanic language
           | verbs? Because I can say those three example forms (aspect
           | tenses?) in both Swedish and German without any limitation.
        
             | derdi wrote:
             | I think the parent was specifically referring to "I was
             | playing", which in German would not be expressed using only
             | forms of the verb. You would have to use an adverb, as in
             | "ich spielte _gerade_ ". Or you could noun the verb: "ich
             | war am Spielen".
        
           | geocar wrote:
           | > Germanic languages only mark tense on verbs, English verbs
           | (like Spanish verbs) are marked with aspect in addition to
           | tense:
           | 
           | What exactly do you mean by "aspect"?
           | 
           | > there is a distinction between "I played tennis"/"I have
           | played tennis"/"I was playing tennis".
           | 
           | Sure:
           | 
           | -- (I) played (Tennis) ~~ jugue
           | 
           | -- (When I) played (Tennis) ~~ jugaba
           | 
           | -- (When I've) played (Tennis) ~~ jugado
           | 
           | English (like German) might say they need auxiliary words to
           | explain what's going on, and Spanish people might say they're
           | just conjugating the verb differently, but _I_ think this is
           | just because things are written down;
           | 
           | Because, if I _say_ any of these sentences in Spanish or
           | English rapidly enough, someone who does _not_ know the
           | language will not know where each word begins and ends, and
           | it may just _sound_ like English  "conjugates" at the
           | beginning of words and Spanish "conjugates" at the end.
           | What's the real difference here?
           | 
           | > But it's a much more interesting problem to figure out why
           | [English is] not considered a Romance language than you
           | imply.
           | 
           | I think most of the time people talk about the "rules" of a
           | language, we're not really talking about something that will
           | help acquire the language (or be better understood): we're
           | _really_ just yapping about geography and time.
           | 
           | So what do you think would be different if English was more
           | widely considered a Romance language?
        
           | enragedcacti wrote:
           | > This is very much debatable. Only around one in four
           | English words is Germanic in origin, whereas half of English
           | words are Latinic or Romanic. [1]
           | 
           | I think that's complicated by the fact that many english
           | words of latin origin were inherited from a germanic source
           | and thus from an intelligibility standpoint the overlap
           | between english and dutch or german is partially additive
           | with latin. e.g. [1]
           | 
           | Unfortunately the source is dead, but at one point a study
           | ranked english/german as 60% lexical similarity compared to
           | english/french at 27% [2]. Anecdotally, I think dutch and
           | german are easier for an english speaker because of
           | comparatively more overlap in simple words. Heavy use of
           | compound words in dutch/german also gives an english listener
           | a better chance of recognizing part of the word and inferring
           | the meaning from context.
           | 
           | [1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_English_Latinates_o
           | f_G...
           | 
           | [2] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lexical_similarity
        
           | tremon wrote:
           | _English verbs (like Spanish verbs) are marked with aspect in
           | addition to tense: there is a distinction between "I played
           | tennis"/"I have played tennis"/"I was playing tennis"._
           | 
           | Where is the verb marking you speak of? Because I don't see
           | any difference between _played_ and _played_. Your example of
           | how English uses auxiliary verbs to convey different verb
           | aspects is a Germanic construct. I don 't really understand
           | how you use this as an example of Romance lineage in English.
        
             | trealira wrote:
             | I think they're saying the difference is between "played"
             | and "have played." The difference is more distinguished in
             | other verbs, like "ate" vs "have eaten." The word "ate" is
             | the past tense, and "eaten" is the participle.
             | 
             | And it's different in that "have" implies some sort of
             | connection to the present. You wouldn't say "When I was a
             | kid, I have played a lot of video games." You'd say "When I
             | was a kid, I played a lot of video games."
             | 
             | I don't think this should imply a Romance connection,
             | though, as Germanic languages do it, too. Using "have" and
             | a participle seems like more of an areal feature to
             | languages from Western Europe.
        
               | fch42 wrote:
               | With respect to past tense, a "common" thing in english
               | appears to be that the imperfect of a verb is the same
               | word as the past particilpe of that verb. So "played" can
               | be the imperfect tense itself, or the participle of
               | perfect tense in "have played".
               | 
               | In German, this doesn't happen. Imperfect tense is often
               | formed by using a "-te" ending to the verb (so
               | "spiel(en)" -> "spielte"), while the past participle
               | prepends "ge-" and appends "t" or "en" (so "gespielt" -
               | (I have) "played"). The form "... was playing" would also
               | exist, "... war spielen", and again with a difference how
               | the infinitive is formed (-ing vs. -en).
               | 
               | To me, grammar of temporal forms in English is more
               | Romance-language than German language. The fact that
               | English lost any form of case, and most of gender, is
               | neither German nor Romance though.
               | 
               | I sometimes used to joke with English friends that the
               | language is the least common denominator of all the
               | people overrunning the Island in the last 3000 years. Use
               | a bit of everything, leave all the hard stuff out, and
               | write it in a nonphonetic way like Irish.
        
           | retrac wrote:
           | > Only around one in four English words is Germanic in origin
           | 
           | That's the % in the dictionary. More than half of Japanese
           | vocabulary in the dictionary is based on Chinese but no one
           | argues Japanese is a Chinese creole. I forget by whom but it
           | was once pointed out to me that in some genres - ranging from
           | drinking songs to nursery rhymes - the words that come from
           | Old English often make up more than 90% of the words.
           | Similarly, if you sample the dialog in a kitchen or office
           | while people gossip the ratio is also going to skew heavily
           | like 70 - 80% Germanic. (Japanese shows a similar effect with
           | all its Chinese vocabulary.)
           | 
           | Indeed, it's not tricky to write about everyday grounded
           | things with nothing but straight Anglo-Saxon roots. (I've
           | been doing it so far this whole _paragraph_ -- oh that 's
           | Greek.) Difficult to achieve similar results utilizing
           | exclusively Latinate vocabulary.
           | 
           | Of course, a history book or engineering manual will be
           | different, and Graeco-Latin vocabulary might well be in the
           | majority there.
        
         | geocar wrote:
         | Once upon a time I was walking with a friend around Amsterdam
         | and a man walked up to me and asked me where something was (a
         | nearby restaurant), I answered in English with directions and
         | he thanked me, then a moment later this exchange happened:
         | 
         | - Wait! You can speak Netherlands?
         | 
         | - No. Sorry.
         | 
         | - But you can! I am speaking it!
         | 
         | - No you're not! You're speaking English!
         | 
         | He just blinked and walked off, probably assuming I was playing
         | a trick, but my friend asked what that was all about, and had
         | to convince me that she didn't understand _anything_ he was
         | saying, and wouldn 't have said anything to me at all about it
         | except that she heard me insist he was speaking English!
         | 
         | She asked me to try and remember what _exactly_ I was hearing,
         | and I realised I couldn 't! I could only remember something
         | _like_ "do you know where [placename that sounded familiar]
         | is?" and maybe _that_ there was a heavy accent, but not exactly
         | how it sounded.
         | 
         | Every now and then I think of this and I wonder if I actually
         | understand English at all, or if I'm just so used to _saying_
         | that I understand it (in response to something that sounds
         | something like a question) that I started to believe it.
        
           | inanutshellus wrote:
           | Very much reminds me of a Kids in the Hall skit from ages
           | ago. Two guys are at a party, one says "hello", the other
           | says -- in perfect English -- "Sorry I don't understand you,
           | I don't speak English. please don't beat me up." The first
           | guy assumes it's a joke and plays along until he gets annoyed
           | at the perfect accent and responses ("no really, I don't
           | understand what you're saying, nor what I'm saying, I've just
           | practiced this conversation a lot. please don't beat me up.")
           | 
           | Eventually the first guy tires of being mocked by this guy
           | claiming not to speak English and beats the guy up.
           | 
           | Totally hilarious example of what you experienced taken to an
           | extreme.
        
             | larkost wrote:
             | When I was a kid my boychoir hosted a choir from Estonia
             | (this was before the fall of the Iron Curtain, so this was
             | a big deal), and I remember when I was trying to help out
             | back-stage at their concert and one of the Estonian boys
             | needed help, but the only thing he could say was "I don't
             | speak English", in a perfect midwestern accent (the
             | Estonian choir director had drilled his entire choir on
             | that one phrase). The cognitive dissonance was hard to deal
             | with.
        
               | readthenotes1 wrote:
               | Prior to a trip to Poland I listen to some language tapes
               | and learn how to say "I don't understand Polish" in
               | polish (something like "nya rezumium popolski").
               | 
               | Almost everybody understood English and finally when I
               | ran into somebody who didn't and used that Polish phrase,
               | I realized I could have just said in English "I don't
               | understand Polish" and it actually would have been
               | clearer communication.
        
             | sctb wrote:
             | https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6vgoEhsJORU
        
           | Izkata wrote:
           | You may find this interesting - "13 American Accents Ranked
           | EASIEST to HARDEST to Understand":
           | https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=go6qDjwO69M
           | 
           | Towards the end I have no chance of understanding it.
        
           | aaroninsf wrote:
           | My wife had a very similar experience, except in her case, we
           | were awaiting a flight somewhere outside the US--I think in
           | Asia--and she carried on a conversation with a group of
           | flight attendants in Spanish (her second language, but she's
           | fluent).
           | 
           | Quite a ways in it emerged that they were from an Italian
           | airline and speaking Italian. They were no doubt (we imagine)
           | well used to speakers of Romance languages especially Spanish
           | making themselves understood... she however was quite
           | entertained.
           | 
           | (This being HN I suppose it's de rigeur to cite Richard
           | Feynman's bit about Italian dialectical differences leaving
           | room for him to entertain himself by amiably yelling made-up
           | Italian to people in his neighborhood, who chalked up his
           | unintelligibility to such differences, not realizing they
           | were being trolled as it were...)
        
           | ookdatnog wrote:
           | This is a fascinating phenomenon that I've encountered
           | before. It seems that some multilingual people cannot easily
           | tell which language they are speaking and/or switch languages
           | during conversation.
           | 
           | A friend who is learning Dutch once complained to me that
           | Dutch speakers will switch to English the moment they hear
           | you are struggling with the language. I suggested she should
           | explicitly ask people to keep the conversation in Dutch.
           | 
           | In one instance, she did that, and the (native Dutch-
           | speaking) person she was talking to agreed to her request,
           | _and then proceeded in English anyway_! She asked that person
           | multiple times, and they just kept speaking English without
           | addressing her request. Baffling.
        
         | blueyes wrote:
         | And it's closer to Frisian than Dutch. If the Battle of
         | Hastings hadn't happened, these languages would be easily and
         | mutually comprehensible. But that just shows that English
         | descends from a branch of West Germanic. It changed gradually
         | over time, kept a core Germanic vocabulary for its basic terms,
         | and borrowed a lot from other languages as it needed more
         | complex concepts, moreso than Modern High German which allows
         | for easy word invention through combination.
         | 
         | Creoles are defined as languages emerging from pidgins, which
         | themselves are often simplified forms of speech that allow
         | linguistically separate groups to communicate. English is not
         | that. It has an unbroken line of native speakers whose usage
         | gradually evolved, while maintaining a system of complex
         | syntactic rules as well as a literature.
        
           | rectang wrote:
           | Fantastic summation -- much easier to understand than the
           | article itself or the referenced Wikipedia pages.
           | 
           | In two short paragraphs I learned a ton about the
           | distinctions between pidgins, creoles, and ("full"?)
           | languages, in addition to how languages evolve in both
           | subcultures and ("dominant"?) cultures.
           | 
           | I can now apply this knowledge in the context of the
           | Louisiana Creole population, the name of which has previously
           | served to confuse me as to the definition of "creole", as
           | well as other creole languages and populations in the
           | Caribbean.
        
           | vidarh wrote:
           | There's a video where Eddie Izzard speaks Old English to a
           | speaker of Frisian to demonstrate.
           | 
           | As a Norwegian speaker, I can also pick up much of that
           | dialogue without the subtitles (though I have the advantage
           | of also speaking passable German)
        
         | kragen wrote:
         | the question is not really whether english is germanic (it's
         | clearly germanic! nobody disagrees!) but whether it's a creole
        
       | RcouF1uZ4gsC wrote:
       | This quote by John Nicoll is very poignant:
       | 
       | "The problem with defending the purity of the English language is
       | that English is about as pure as a cribhouse whore. We don't just
       | borrow words; on occasion, English has pursued other languages
       | down alleyways to beat them unconscious and rifle their pockets
       | for new vocabulary."
       | 
       | -- James D. Nicoll
        
         | ndsipa_pomu wrote:
         | I love that quote and the imagery it invokes. I think it's
         | funny because it feels true - English speakers aren't precious
         | about roping in new words from other languages. I enjoy the
         | concept of the hybrid word - a word made from a mix of
         | languages (e.g. neuroscience, Minneapolis, cryptocurrency etc).
         | "Eigenvalue" is a good one as it's a mix of German and French.
        
       | gregors wrote:
       | French + German
        
       | NickC25 wrote:
       | English is basically a dialect of German spoken with French
       | words.
       | 
       | The vast majority of our grammar rules come from German, whereas
       | our vocabulary is a lot of French, however, mixed in with several
       | hundred years of cultural integration due to the English-speaking
       | world being hotbeds for immigration.
        
         | advisedwang wrote:
         | A few major differences between english and german that I think
         | make them more than just a lexical substitution:
         | 
         | 1. Word order
         | 
         | 2. Morphology (ie you combine morphemes to create words
         | differently in english and german)
        
       | smoyer wrote:
       | Funny ... I thought I was seeing Welsh but perhaps with too many
       | vowels!
        
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