On 14 January 1944 he made a similar statement to the Commander of the Security Police. I quote:

These quotations could be amplified by many more.

I refer further to the evidence presented by me in respect to the treatment of Polish workers in Germany. The Defendant Frank continuously and repeatedly pleaded for better treatment of the Polish workers in the Reich.

For the rest, the legal position in the matter of recruiting foreign labor does not appear to be quite clear. I do not intend to go further into the legal questions pertaining to this matter. The defense counsel for the Defendant Sauckel will go into this matter fully and I just wish to say the following:

In the literature of international law it is undisputed that the conception of vital stress (Notstand) as recognized in criminal law would, in international law, too, preclude illegality in the case of a given violation of law. If the vital interests of a State are endangered, that State may, these interests being preponderant, safeguard them if necessary by injuring the justified interests of a third party. Even those writers who deny the application of the “vital stress” theory to international law—they are in the minority—grant the threatened State the “right to self-preservation” and therewith the right to enforce “necessities of state” even at the cost of the just interests of other States. It is a recognized principle of international law that a State need not wait until the direct threat of extinction is at its very threshold. There can be no doubt that after the entry into the war of the United States, with which for all practical purposes the productive capacity and the military might of almost the whole world were gathered together to overthrow Germany, the German Reich was faced with a situation which not only threatened the State as such with extinction but over and above that placed the bare existence of the people in jeopardy. Under these circumstances the right of the State leadership to make use of labor forces, even those in occupied territory, in this defensive struggle had to be acknowledged.

In addition, the following should not be passed over: The Prosecution alleges that many, if not most of the foreign workers were brought to Germany by force and that they were then obliged to do heavy labor under degrading conditions. However one may look upon the evidence on this question, the fact cannot be ignored that there are hundreds of thousands of foreign workers still living in Germany who were allegedly deported thither by force. They refuse to return to their homes, although no one now attempts to hinder them. Under these circumstances it must be assumed that the force cannot have been as great, nor the treatment in Germany as bad, as is alleged by, the Prosecution.

Another allegation refers to the closing of the schools. It may be left out of account whether international law recognizes any criminal classification which would make the closing of schools appear as a war crime or a crime against humanity. In time of war this would seem to be all the more unlikely as it is well known that schooling in wartime was considerably reduced, not only in Germany, but also in many other belligerent countries. There is all the less reason to investigate this question more thoroughly, as the evidence has shown that the schools were for the most part already closed when the defendant assumed office as Governor General. During his whole period of office he left no means untried to reactivate, not only the elementary and vocational, but also the higher forms of school. In this connection I will only mention the university courses which he initiated.

The Soviet Prosecution has presented as Exhibit Number USSR-335 a decree issued by the defendant to combat attacks against German reconstruction work in the Government General, dated 2 October 1943. There is no question but that this decree setting up a drumhead court-martial is not in conformity with what must be demanded of court procedure under normal circumstances. However, this decree can only be judged correctly if the circumstances which led to its promulgation are taken into consideration.

In general it should first be said that the reconstruction work of the administration of the Government General had to be carried on in a difficult territory and under circumstances which must be among the most difficult that have ever fallen to the lot of any administration. After the collapse of the Polish State, the German administration found, so to speak, a vacuum in which to organize and administer. In all spheres of administration they had to start completely afresh. If, in spite of the difficulties, they succeeded fairly quickly in repairing the war damage, particularly in the communications system, then that is incontestably to their credit.

The year 1940 was, however, to prove the only one in which the work of restoration in the area of the Government General could be carried out under fairly normal conditions. As the year 1941 began, the Germans proceeded to concentrate their troops for action against the Soviet Union and therewith initiated a period of immense strain for the administration of the Government General. The Government General became the greatest repair workshop and the greatest military transit territory that history has ever known. This carried in its train an increasing deterioration of the security situation. The resistance movement began to reorganize on an intensified scale. But the menace inherent in the security situation developed to a still more alarming degree when the German armies were forced to arrest their progress in Russia and when—after the catastrophe of Stalingrad—their march forward was transformed into a general retreat. In the course of the year 1943, the activities of the resistance movement and in particular of the numerous guerrilla bands, in which thousands of lawless elements were grouped, reached extremes that represented a danger to any kind of orderly administration. The administration of the Government General was forced again and again to deal with this matter. Thus on 31 May 1943 a service meeting of the authorities of the Government General was held to deal with the security situation. At that meeting the President of the Chief Department Internal Administration felt obliged to state among other things—I quote from the diary:

In the course of the summer and autumn of the year 1943, the increasing activities of the partisans and the improvement in their military organization and equipment so endangered security in the Government General that it might perhaps under the circumstances have been better to turn over its entire administration to the appropriate army commanders and to proclaim a state of emergency. It is indeed not possible to describe conditions then existing in the Government General as anything else but a state of war. It was the period when at any moment the possibility had to be taken into account that a general revolt would break out over the whole country.

All this notwithstanding, the Defendant Frank even then made every effort under all circumstances to thwart any violent measures by the Security Police and the SD. It was in order to exercise at least a modifying influence on the Security Police and the SD and to have at least some guarantee against excesses that the Defendant Frank agreed to the order dated 9 October 1943 setting up a drumhead court-martial.

It is quite obvious from the content of this decree that its main purpose was to serve as a general preventive. It was meant as a deterrent to the guerrillas, and there can be no question but that in this it was temporarily successful. For the rest, the evidence has shown that even while this drumhead court-martial order was in operation, the Boards of Pardon continued to act and that many sentences passed by the drumhead court-martial were reversed by the boards.

In the course of the present Trial repeated mention has been made of the report by SS Brigadeführer Stroop concerning the destruction of the Warsaw Ghetto in the year 1943; Exhibit USA-275 (1061-PS). Both that report and a number of other documents reveal that all the measures in connection with the Warsaw Ghetto were undertaken exclusively on the direct instructions of Reichsführer SS and Chief of the German Police Himmler. I refer in this connection to the affidavit of SS Brigadeführer Stroop of 24 February 1946, submitted by the Prosecution as Exhibit Number USA-804 (3841-PS) and to the affidavit of the same date given by the former adjutant of the SS and Police Leader of Warsaw, Karl Kaleske. That is Exhibit Number USA-803 (3840-PS). These documents show quite clearly that those measures, like all others within the competence of the Security Police and undertaken on direct orders from either Reichsführer SS Himmler, the Higher SS and Police Leader, East, or on instructions from the RSHA, were carried out exclusively by the Security Police and the SD and that the administration of the Government General had nothing to do with them.

The Soviet Prosecution has also put in evidence as Exhibit USSR-93, under Article 21 of the Charter, the Report of the Polish Government. That report makes no distinction between the areas which were incorporated in the Reich and the territories of the former Polish State which were grouped together in the Government General. But particularly in view of the fact that the report makes no substantial statements as to the personal responsibility of the Defendant Frank, it does not seem necessary to delve further into this voluminous document. Like the Indictment itself, the report constitutes an accusation of a general nature; it does not deal in detail with the results of investigations and with evidence which might justify the conclusions drawn in the report. The objections to be raised to the report must appear all the more valid, since, to take only one example, in Appendix (1) of the report directives for cultural policy are appended which obviously purport to represent instructions given by the Governor General or his administration. Actually, however, nothing of the kind is to be found either in the Official Gazette of the Government General or in any other documents. The witness Dr. Bühler stated during his interrogation that the administration of the Government General had never issued such or similar directives. In consideration of this alone, it would seem at most admissible to attach substantive probative value to this Exhibit USSR-93 only insofar as the statements therein made are confirmed by genuine documents and other unobjectionable evidence.

According to the Indictment, and in particular according to the statements in the trial brief presented by the Prosecution, the Defendant Frank is also alleged to be responsible for the undernourishment of the Polish population. Actually, however, the Prosecution is unable to produce any evidence to show that in the area governed by the Defendant Frank either famine occurred or epidemics broke out. The evidence has revealed on the contrary that the efforts of the Defendant Frank in the years 1939 and 1940 were successful in inducing the Reich to deliver no less than 600,000 tons Of grain. That made it possible to overcome the food difficulties caused by the war.

It is true that in the following years the Government General contributed in no small degree to the war effort by itself delivering grain. But it must not be overlooked that these deliveries were made possible by an extraordinary increase in agricultural production in the Government General. And this was in its turn made possible by a farseeing economic policy, especially by the distribution of agricultural machinery, seed corn, and so on. Nor should it be forgotten that the deliveries of grain by the Government General from the year 1941 onward also served to feed the Polish workers placed in Reich territory and that in general these grain deliveries were utilized to maintain the internal balance between the European economic systems. In principle, however, the following should be said concerning this question:

In a number of points of accusation the Prosecution has leveled reproaches against the administrative activities of the Defendant Frank in his capacity as Governor General without making an attempt to give an even approximately adequate description of the general work of the defendant and without pointing out its inherent difficulties. There can be no question but that such an attitude transgresses the fundamental rules of any criminal procedure. It is a recognized principle derived from the criminal law principles of all civilized states that a uniform natural process must be judged in its entirety and that its evaluation must take into account all the circumstances of the case that are in any way fit for consideration by the court when passing judgment. This would seem to be all the more necessary in the present case, as the Defendant Frank is accused of having pursued a long-term policy of oppression, exploitation, and Germanization.

My Lords, if the Defendant Frank had in truth had any such intentions, then he could certainly have attained his goal in far simpler fashion. It would not have been necessary to issue hundreds of decrees every year, decrees which for example for the year 1940 reached the proportions of this volume that I hold here in my hand. The Defendant Frank, from his first day of office, set himself to integrate the entire economic policy in a manner which one can only term constructive. Certainly he did this partly in order to strengthen the production capacity of the German nation engaged in a struggle of life and death. But at the same time there can be no doubt that the success of these measures also benefited the Polish and Ukrainian peoples. I do not intend to go into this matter in detail. I will only ask the Tribunal in this connection to take notice of the report given by the Chief of Government on the occasion of the fourth anniversary of the existence of the Government General on 26 October 1943. I have included this report in the document books I put in evidence. It is in Volume IV, Page 42. The report gives a concise summary of the measures taken and the successes achieved by the administrative acts of the defendant during these 4 years in all fields of industrial economy, in agriculture, commerce, and transport, in the finance and credit system, in the sphere of public health, and so on. Only in consideration of all these facts is it possible to form an approximately correct estimate of the whole position. For the sake of completeness I will add that the defendant by his administration succeeded in reducing the danger of epidemics—in particular typhus and typhoid—to a degree which had been found impossible in this area in the preceding decades.

If much of what had been achieved by the Defendant Frank in the Government General was destroyed in the subsequent fighting, that can certainly furnish no grounds for reproach against the general administration, which had nothing to do with military measures.

My Lords, I am certainly not going to deny that in the course of the recent war terrible crimes were committed in the territory known as the Government General. Concentration camps had been established in which mass destruction of human beings was carried out. Hostages were shot. Expropriations took place; and so on. The Defendant Frank would be the last to deny this; he himself waged a 5 year struggle against all violent measures. The Prosecution has put in evidence, as Exhibit Number USA-610 (437-PS), a memorandum which Frank addressed to the Führer on 19 June 1943. In this memorandum, on Page 11, he listed nine points in which he sharply condemned all the evils which had arisen in consequence of the violence practiced by the Security Police and the SD and of the excesses committed by various Reich authorities, against which all his efforts had proved unavailing.

These nine points are in the main identical with the points of accusation against Frank. The content of the memorandum of 19 June 1943, however, shows very plainly that the defendant denies responsibility for these abuses. It reveals, on the contrary, quite clearly that neither the defendant nor the general administration of the Government General can be held responsible for the said evils but that the whole responsibility must be borne by the institutions mentioned above, in particular the Security Police and the SD, or the Higher SS and Police Leader, East. If the Defendant Frank had had the instruments of power wherewith to abolish the evils he condemned, it would not have been necessary for him to address that memorandum to Hitler at all. He would then himself have been able to take all necessary steps. In addition to this the evidence has shown that that memorandum of 19 June 1943 was not the only one addressed to the Führer on the matter. It is clear from the testimony of the witnesses Dr. Lammers and Dr. Bühler and the defendant’s own statements in the witness box that from the year 1940 onward he sent protests and memoranda at regular intervals of a few months both to Hitler personally and to the Chief of the Reich Chancellery. These written protests were invariably on the subject of the violent measures taken and the excesses committed by the Higher SS and Police Leader and the Security Police, including the SD. But none of the protests met with success.

As can also be said on the basis of the evidence, the Defendant Frank continually made suggestions to Hitler on the subject of improving relations between the administration of the Government General and the population. The memorandum of 19 June 1943 is also cast in the form of a comprehensive political program. It includes, moreover, all the essential points of protest contained in a memorandum presented in February 1943 to the Governor General, at his own desire, by the leader of the Ukrainian Chief Committee. This latter memorandum was put in evidence by the Prosecution as Exhibit Number USA-178 (1526-PS). Such suggestions were also consistently rejected by Hitler.

Under these circumstances it is pertinent to ask what else the Defendant Frank could have done. Certainly he should have resigned. But that too he did. He offered his resignation no less than 14 times, the first time as early as 1939. His resignation was rejected by Hitler as often as it was tendered. But the Defendant Frank did more. He approached Field Marshal Keitel with the request that he be allowed to rejoin the Armed Forces as a lieutenant. That was in the year 1942. Hitler refused his consent to that too. These facts allow of only one conclusion, namely, that Hitler saw in the Defendant Frank a man behind whose back he (with the help of Himmler and the organs of the Security Police and the SD) could carry out the measures he considered requisite for attaining the aims of his power policy.

My Lords, when it became more and more obvious that Hitler and Reichsführer SS Himmler were about to abolish the last remnants of a State founded on law; when it became increasingly apparent that the power of the Police knew no bounds and that a police state of the purest water was in process of development, the Defendant Frank came forward and addressed four great speeches to the German public with a last appeal on behalf of the idea of a State founded on law. He did that when Hitler stood at the summit of his power. He addressed this appeal to the German public at a time when the German forces were marching on Stalingrad and into the Caucasus, when the German Panzer Armies in Africa stood at El Alamein, barely 100 kilometers from Alexandria. In the course of the evidence I read some extracts from these great speeches which the Defendant Frank made in Berlin, Heidelberg, Vienna, and Munich. Those speeches contained a clear repudiation of every form of police state and championed the idea of the State founded on law, of the independence of the judiciary, and of law as such. These speeches found a tremendous echo among lawyers, but unfortunately not in wider circles. Nor in particular were they echoed by the men who alone would have possessed the power to ward off the threatening catastrophe.

The consequences of this attempt to avert the extinction of the idea of the State founded on law by a last great effort are well known. The Defendant Frank was deprived of all his Party offices: he was dismissed from his post as President of the Academy for German Law. The leadership of the National Socialist Lawyers Association was conferred on the Reich Minister of Justice, Thierack. Frank himself was forbidden by Hitler to speak in public. Although the Defendant Frank again on this occasion sent in his resignation as Governor General, Hitler refused to accept it, as he had always done before. The reason for this, as given in a letter from the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery to the Defendant Frank, was that considerations of foreign policy had caused the Führer again to refuse this latest request of Frank to be allowed to resign. According to everything that has emerged from the evidence in this Trial it may be looked upon as certain that it was not only, and probably not even mainly, for such reasons that Hitler refused to accept Frank’s resignation.

The decisive factor was obviously the consideration that it was better policy not to let the Security Police and Reichsführer SS Himmler’s other organs fulfill their appointed task openly, but rather to let them continue their work under cover while maintaining a general civil administration under the Governor General.

Naturally this open breach between the Defendant Frank, on the one hand, and Hitler and the State Police system represented by Reichsführer SS Himmler and the Higher SS and Police Leader, East, on the other, could not fail to have repercussions on the position of the defendant in his capacity as Governor General. Still more than before the various Reich authorities now began to interfere in the administration of the Government General. Above all, however, it was quite clear from the summer of 1942 onward that the Higher SS and Police Leader, East, together with the organs of the Security Police and SD subordinated to him, took no more notice at all of any instructions issued by the Governor General and the general administration.

Both in the Government General and in the Reich itself legal institutions receded more and more into the background. The State was transformed into an unadulterated police state, and developments took the inevitable course which the Defendant Frank had foreseen and feared—the course which on 19 November 1941 he had outlined at a congress of the principal section chiefs and Reich group leaders of the National Socialist Lawyers Association in the following words:

THE PRESIDENT: We will begin again at 10 minutes past 2.

[The Tribunal recessed until 1410 hours.]

Afternoon Session

THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Pannenbecker.

DR. OTTO PANNENBECKER (Counsel for Defendant Frick): Mr. President, Gentlemen of the Tribunal:

The American Prosecution, through Dr. Kempner, has charged Defendant Frick with criminal actions according to Article 6, Items a, b, and c of the Charter. I should like first to examine the question as to whether Article 6 of the Charter, with its list of criminal acts, is to be considered as the authoritative expression of material penal law which would lay down, in a manner irrevocably binding on, and not subject to revision by the Tribunal, what actions are to be regarded as punishable; or whether Article 6 of the Charter concerns a rule of procedure defining the competence of this Tribunal for specific subject matters.

THE PRESIDENT [Interposing]: Perhaps it will be for the convenience of the interpreters if I say that we might, as it is now nearly half past 2, sit without a break until 4 o’clock, when we rise.

DR. PANNENBECKER: The latter interpretation was implied in the Prosecution’s presentation of the case by Sir Hartley Shawcross’ remark that although Article 6 of the Charter fills a gap in international penal procedure, the material penal law to be applied to the defendants has already been previously standardized by positive laws. Part II of the Charter, beginning with Article 6, is accordingly entitled: “Jurisdiction and General Principles,” and it may be inferred therefrom that Article 6 is intended to establish a ruling as to the competence of this Tribunal as to procedure in specific groups of crimes.

Sir Hartley Shawcross’ statements were directed against the objection that it is inadmissible and in contradiction with a basic legal principle to punish someone for an act which had not yet been forbidden at the time it was committed; an objection which has as a basis the conception that the Charter has created new material penal law with retroactive effect. It should be examined whether the prohibition of retroaction of penal laws is a legal principle of such importance that it should not be infringed. I need not state to this Court the reasons why this legal principle found general recognition in all civilized countries as a prerequisite and basic precept of justice.

In contrast to this, the Prosecution has in its speech charged the defendants with the fact that they themselves had continuously disregarded law and justice, and inferred from this that the defendants in this Trial could not appeal to such a legal principle. I do not believe, however, that such an argument can be decisive in this Trial. The Prosecution has replied in the negative to the further question of whether it would not have been right to pay back in the same coin and not allow the defendants of this Trial any possibility at all to defend themselves in a proper legal procedure. Such a course of simply exercising the power of the victor over the defendants has purposely not been assumed by the signatory powers for reasons presented in detail by the Prosecution. On the contrary, Sir Hartley Shawcross has appealed to the Tribunal to apply in this procedure—I quote—“the undisputed principles of international custom.”

If, however, it is intended to proceed in such a manner, then an examination must take place in keeping with the same principles of law, to determine the question whether the deeds with which the defendants are charged can be regarded as criminal acts for which punishment is possible according to the recognized principles of international custom. It is not, according to these principles, an argument if the use of a legal principle as fundamental as the prohibition of retroaction in penal law is in actual application to be made dependent on whether or not the defendants concerned themselves with law and justice. The decision of the signatory powers to subject, on the basis of considerations which have been seriously weighed, the conduct of the defendants to a proper trial recognizing all legal principles of international custom, therefore signifies not only the observance of legal procedure with all assurances of fair trial, but such a decision by the signatory powers also signifies adherence to the fundamental principles of a material guarantee of justice, of which the prohibition of retroactive penal laws is one.

In this connection I should like to point out that the decreeing of the retroactive validity of penal laws, when so ordered by the National Socialist Government for certain individual cases, to which Dr. Stahmer has already referred, shocked the entire civilized world. At that time, the violation of such a principle of law was generally condemned as a deplorable retrogression in civilization. I also ask the Tribunal to recall that one of the first measures taken by the occupation powers for deliverance from the National Socialist abuse of the law was to declare void any laws which had a retroactive effect on the material penal legislation.

In view of this situation there exist valid reasons, I believe, why Article 6 of the Charter should, in accordance with its heading, be regarded as a ruling on the jurisdiction of this Tribunal, all the more so as the signatory powers have already and with so much emphasis insisted on a renewed strict and uniform observance of the prohibition against retroactive penal laws.

On the basis of such an interpretation, whereby Article 6 establishes the jurisdiction of this Tribunal, it would be for the Tribunal by its own examination not only to determine whether the charges on which the Indictment is based are proved, but also to rule on the legal question as to whether, for the facts established in each case by the Prosecution, there exists a criminal law which makes punishment possible. To revert in this way to provisions of material criminal law in existence at the time the act was committed does not mean that it would be impossible for this Tribunal to call the accused to account for offenses which are punishable under all circumstances. There are, however, a number of restrictions resulting from this which in the opinion of the Defense it would be better to accept rather than violate a principle so essential to just procedure as is the prohibition of retroaction in criminal laws. I am therefore of the opinion that it is entirely possible, and not incompatible with the necessity for just expiation for war crimes, to interpret Article 6 in accordance with its heading as a ruling on the jurisdiction of this Court, but not as new material criminal law.^[1] The next remarks concern themselves with the conspiracy, a matter which has been dealt with by Dr. Stahmer to such an extent that I can omit these pages. I continue now on Page 7 with the summary.

The Charter does not impose the interpretation that a defendant is responsible also for such acts of commission as exceed the measure of his participation in the common plan. The wording of the Charter, “in the execution of a common plan,” does not contradict the interpretation that the Charter establishes liability for acts of commission which remained within the scope of the said plan. To that extent the assumption of liability for the actions of others complies with a demand of justice, but beyond that it would violate essential legal principles. The Defense therefore advocates the concept that, as far as the actions of others are concerned, for which a defendant is to be made liable, proof must be required that these actions, in the manner of their execution, corresponded to the intention of the defendant. To give an example:

The participation of a defendant in rearmament against the regulations of the Versailles Treaty does not in itself justify the assumption that that defendant also desired a war of aggression which was later on planned by others in the further plan of restoring military power to the German people.

I should now like to turn to the various categories of crimes of which the Defendant Frick is accused, taking first of all the assertion of the Prosecution that the defendant participated in the planning and preparation of wars of aggression. With regard to the problem as to whether a war of aggression is a criminal offense according to the concepts of law for the period in question, I refer, in order to avoid repetition, to the statements of Professor Jahrreiss, with which, in behalf of the Defendant Frick, I fully concur.

By virtue of these convincing statements, there exists only one possibility of punishing co-operation in a war of aggression as a criminal offense capable of being perpetrated by individual persons, namely, when, contrary to the statement of Sir Hartley Shawcross, the Charter is applied as a standard of material penal law which has for the first time defined, with retroactive effect, a war of aggression as a criminal offense by individual persons. From the point of view of the other interpretation, which regards Article 6 of the Charter as a procedure regulating the jurisdiction of this Court, the Defense holds that the deduction is cogent that the Court is indeed declared competent to judge offenses against peace, but that the criminal guilt of the individual defendants is not proved therewith because one condition for this is lacking, namely, the possibility of establishing that the defendants have offended against a principle of generally valid international custom or a principle of national law which defined the war of aggression at the time it took place and declared it punishable as a crime of which a single individual could be guilty.

As it happens, the statesmen, during the period between the two World Wars, have neglected to establish adequate measures of general validity, by which it would have been made clear that anyone who, after the first wholesale slaughter of peoples, organized a second World War, would go about with a rope around his neck. The statements of the Prosecution, that such rules of international law are necessary, appear to be absolutely convincing, but the fact cannot be overlooked that such rules were nevertheless not created by the statesmen of that period at the right time. A missing rule of law, fashioned to fit a special case, cannot be replaced subsequently by an order of procedure or by the sentence of a Court whose task is to apply the general law, but not to create it for a single special case.

I shall now turn to the actual statements of the Prosecution concerning the participation of the Defendant Frick in the planning and preparation of wars of aggression.

The Prosecution sees such activity already in Frick’s earliest co-operation with the Party, which he continued until the year 1933, in order to bring Hitler to power. The Prosecution appraises in a similar way the subsequent activity of Frick after the taking over of the Government by Hitler, when he helped to consolidate the power of the Party and its leaders through measures of domestic policy, especially by his participation in the legal measures by which armed forces were created, and finally by his collaboration in measures by which direct preparations were made in case of war.

Proceeding from the interpretation that only deliberate participation by the defendant in the preparation of a war of aggression is of penal significance, I shall not take up the question as to whether the Prosecution has proved that Frick was aware that his collaboration in the advancement of the Party and its aims constituted a preparation for war, and intended it as such, and therefore helped to bring the war about.

In this connection the Prosecution has made the assertion that Hitler and his Party from the very beginning openly pursued the aim of bringing about a change in Germany’s situation in foreign politics by means of war. On the basis of this statement the Prosecution has declared that no special proof is necessary that in working for Hitler and his Party each of the defendants also knowingly collaborated in the preparation of a war of aggression.

As proof of the fact that Hitler and his Party had from the beginning planned a war of aggression, the Prosecution refers to the Party Program, which names as one of its aims the abolition of the Treaty of Versailles. No word is said, however, in the Party Program that this aim should be achieved by force of arms. In the Party Program, as the testimony of the Defendant Von Neurath has also shown, among other things, there is nothing to prove an intention existing from the very beginning to wage a war of aggression. Nor is anything different found in the other official publications of the Party from the time previous to Hitler’s assumption of the Government. Because as the Party did not, on the basis of its official publications, reveal any intention of bringing about the revision of the Versailles Treaty by force of arms, it was even before 1933 authorized outside the territory of the Reich, as for example in 1930 in Danzig, when it received the sanction of the then High Commissioner of the League of Nations and of the Polish Resident General.

From the time of his assumption of power on 30 January 1933 Hitler, as responsible head of the Government, adopted a quite unequivocal attitude with regard to the ways and aims of his foreign policy, both in official speeches and discourses as well as in private conversations. Unchangingly, and upon every occasion that presented itself after his assumption of power, he stressed his absolute desire for peace and his abhorrence of war, and he always defended this attitude with convincing reasons. He repeated again and again that he intended to obtain certain revisions of the Versailles Treaty by peaceful means only. I need not repeat the quotations to that effect from Hitler’s speeches, which were read by the Prosecution to prove how Hitler deceived the world, and the people he ruled, by his peace talks. And the world, including the German people, took these speeches which he, as responsible head of the Government, made again and again, quite seriously. In the face of that, warning voices which at an early stage were convinced that Hitler wanted war, remained a hopeless minority throughout the world.

The Prosecution has repeatedly alluded to this world belief which took Hitler’s assertions of peaceful intentions seriously, and the best proof of this delusion about peace even among the foreign statesmen, who also knew the Party Program, would certainly appear to lie in the fact that these statesmen neglected to so vast an extent to arm against Hitler’s war of aggression, in which nobody in Germany and in the world believed seriously except those who were directly initiated into Hitler’s most secret plans. From the Party Program and from isolated wild speeches made before 1933 during the period of parliamentary opposition, it is not possible to prove a continuous preparation for a war of aggression since the twenties, which is alleged to have been discernible to anybody who took a glance at the Party Program.

The Prosecution contends further that even if the warlike intentions were not discernible in a general way at first, the intention of Hitler to prepare a war of aggression must have been clearly visible to the Defendant Frick on account of the duties which he had to fulfill after 30 January 1933 in his capacity as Reich Minister of the Interior. These duties included measures for the strengthening of the internal political power of Hitler and his Party. The Prosecution referred in this connection to the collaboration of Frick in the legal decrees by means of which the opposition against Hitler’s system of government was destroyed in parliament and in the country; further, to the legislative measures which eliminated real self-government in the cities and communities, and to legislative and administrative decrees by which opponents of the National Socialist system were excluded from taking any part in the business of the State and in economic life.

The Prosecution has submitted that without these measures Hitler could not have conducted another war, for the beginning of which the complete destruction of opposition in the country was said to be a necessary prerequisite—particularly the establishment of Hitler’s absolute dictatorship. Yet in all the measures I have enumerated, a direct connection with the preparation for war is lacking. For these measures had equal meaning and significance, unconnected with a subsequent war, merely as projects of a National Socialist domestic policy. It has not been proved that beyond that the Defendant Frick was informed of Hitler’s more far-reaching plans, namely, after consolidating his power at home to pursue the aims of the Party’s foreign policy not by peaceful but by military means.

By establishing retrospectively that the strengthening of Hitler’s inner political authority was a necessary condition for his intentions for war as revealed later, nothing is achieved unless proof is forthcoming that Hitler had from the beginning aimed at power in the domestic sphere only as a first step toward the waging of wars, and that Frick was aware of this when he took part in the measures of domestic policy of which he is accused. Otherwise, as purely domestic measures, they do not come under the jurisdiction of this Tribunal according to the provisions of the Charter.

But there is no such evidence, and it is much rather to be assumed that Frick, as a typical official connected with domestic politics, considered his measures as absolutely independent acts which had nothing whatsoever to do with the solutions by force of questions of foreign policy. Nor can another view of the situation be derived from the measures dealing directly with Germany’s rearmament, that is, the reintroduction of general conscription and the occupation of the demilitarized zone of the Rhineland. In his capacity as Reich Minister of the Interior, Frick issued the orders of the civil administration for the mobilization of men liable for military service, and consequently he himself also signed the Armed Forces Law.

Yet even these measures in themselves were not to be recognized as preparation for a war of aggression. The reintroduction of compulsory military service and the assumption of military sovereignty over the demilitarized Western Zone were explained by Hitler himself, to his collaborators and the world, by arguments whose soundness was then widely accepted, and after the first shock many foreign statesmen still believed in Hitler’s well-founded assurances of peace, and advocated the opinion that there was no reason to fear any belligerent intentions on the part of Hitler.

To be sure, Hitler personally declared to his Commanders-in-Chief on 23 November 1939 that he had created the Armed Forces in order to make war. I refer to Document 789-PS; Exhibit Number USA-23. But Hitler previously cleverly obscured this intention by another argument which at that time still found credence in Germany and abroad, and—as proved by the evidence—even those collaborators in his own Cabinet who had not been initiated into his secret plans believed in it.

Thus it is that several defendants refer to the fact that they approved of the reconstruction of the German Armed Forces in the face of the provisions of the Versailles Treaty, but that they did not want a war and did not consider that by their collaboration they were participating in the planning of a war of aggression. As for the Defendant Frick, the view of the defense is that there is no proof that Hitler had informed him of his plans for war, and therefore his collaboration in the measures concerned with the reconstruction of the German Armed Forces cannot be charged against him as intentional collaboration in the planning of wars of aggression. A similar situation arises with regard to the defendant’s activity in organizing the civil administration in general for the eventuality of war, a task entrusted to the defendant as Plenipotentiary for Administration of the Reich by the second Reich Defense Law dated 4 September 1938.

I beg to point out again that the position of Plenipotentiary for Administration of the Reich was created only by this second Reich Defense Law of 4 September 1938, and thus was not included in the first Reich Defense Law of 21 May 1935.

To be sure, long before, even before 1933, experts from the various ministries held conferences dealing with the subject of Reich defense, meeting at irregular intervals after 1933 as the Reich Defense Committee, as shown in the documents submitted by the Prosecution. These meetings had nothing to do with an agreement to wage a war of aggression. They dealt with general questions of Reich defense, as is customary also in other countries. By the Reich Defense Law of 21 May 1935, the organization for Reich defense was more closely co-ordinated, particularly by the appointment of a Plenipotentiary for War Economy, and at his interrogation the Defendant Schacht explained in detail that the purpose in creating that position was not preparation for a war of aggression (according to the duties and regulations to be found in the first Reich Defense Law) but the organization of the economy for defense in the event of a war of aggression by other states.

The same holds true with regard to the position of Plenipotentiary for Reich Administration as created by the second Reich Defense Law of 4 September 1938, which was conferred on the Defendant Frick by virtue of his position as Reich Minister of the Interior. This position signified the co-ordinated establishment of the entire civil administration for the purpose of Reich defense. Regardless of whether, according to documents which have been submitted to the Tribunal, Hitler already wanted war at the time when he authorized the second Reich Defense Law, it is nevertheless relevant for the defense of the defendant whether Frick at that time was able to recognize the aggressive intentions of Hitler from the law itself and from his preliminary work thereon or from other evidence or information which was communicated to him then. From the law itself it cannot be discerned that Hitler’s intention was to use it in the sphere of civil life as an instrument of preparation for a war of aggression.

The kind of tasks which were given to the Defendant Frick in his capacity as Plenipotentiary for Reich Administration had to do merely with the concentration of domestic administration of Germany in case of a possible war or threat of war, and nothing else can be seen from Document Number 3787-PS (Exhibit Number USA-782), which was submitted subsequently.

The law is so formulated that it always refers only to the defense of the Reich in case of war. It speaks about the “state of defense” and mentions the case of a “surprise threat to the Reich territory,” in the event of which certain measures must be taken. Beyond this the law does not vouchsafe any hint, which would be in keeping with Hitler’s oft-repeated principle not to divulge any more of his plans than the person concerned had to know for his own work—a principle which he strictly adhered to even with his closest collaborators. In view of this principle it should not be assumed, nor has it been at all proved, that when the order for this law was given to the Ministry of the Interior any other information was imparted than the necessity for taking precautionary measures, by concentrating the full strength of the domestic administration of the country, against a surprise threat to Reich territory through a possible attack by other states.

It is not necessary for me to state in detail that such a measure cannot be considered as a premeditated preparation for a war of aggression when it had been explained to the competent authorities of the domestic administration that it was essential for the defense of the Reich against the threatening attack by another state. Hitler knew very well how to hoodwink all those who had no need to know about his secret plans, yet nevertheless should understand the reasons for the armament and the organization of the state ordered by him for the eventuality of war.

I will deal now very briefly with some further documents bearing on the activity of the Defendant Frick as Plenipotentiary for Reich Administration. Frick, in his speech of 7 March 1940, referred to this position—Document Number 2608-PS, Exhibit Number USA-714—and stated that the planned preparation of the administration for the possible event of war had been already effected during peacetime by the appointment of a Plenipotentiary for Reich Administration. This speech therefore merely confirms that which is already revealed by the text of the law. The same applies to Document 2986-PS, Exhibit Number USA-409, an affidavit by the defendant to the same effect. Therefore, according to this law, the position of the Plenipotentiary for Reich Administration, combined with the appointment of a Plenipotentiary for Economy and the post of Chief of the OKW, cannot be described as a “triumvirate” holding governmental authority in Germany. Nothing has ever become known either inside or outside Germany of a government by such a triumvirate, and the witness Lammers has also referred to the strictly subordinate tasks performed by these persons by means of ordinances—tasks which had nothing to do with the preparation of a war of aggression.

Another field of the defendant’s activity is likewise appraised by the Prosecution as participation in preparation for a war of aggression, namely, Frick’s work for the Association for Maintaining Germanism Abroad. I refer to Exhibit Number Frick-14 and Document Number 3258-PS, the latter submitted as Exhibit Number GB-262. Both documents reveal that Frick supported the said association as a union for the fostering of German cultural relations abroad and promoted its cultural efforts. It cannot, however, be gathered from the documents that Frick engaged in any capacity whatsoever for the furtherance of the aims of a so-called “Fifth Column” abroad. Another document from which the Prosecution deduced the approval of the policy of aggressive war by Frick is the affidavit of Messersmith, Document Number 2385-PS, Exhibit Number USA-68. This affidavit has been characterized by several defendants as inaccurate, and the Defendant Schacht in particular showed at his examination that in essential points it cannot be correct at all. The Prosecution was not able to produce the witness for cross-examination. I object on behalf of Frick against any use of the affidavit, all the more so since an additional clarifying interrogation of the witness through a written questionnaire only led to the result that the witness, by using general phrases, avoided giving concrete answers to the questions put to him. The answers to the questionnaire show plainly enough that Messersmith cannot make concrete statements at all and that in his affidavit he obviously was considerably deceived himself as to the extent of his memory.

I do not believe that his affidavit, which has been refuted in essential points, can be made use of for passing legal judgment. As to the question whether the Defendant Frick participated in conscious preparation for a war of aggression, the Prosecution further submitted Document D-44, Exhibit Number USA-428. From this document it is seen that the Reich Ministry of the Interior is supposed in the year 1933 to have issued a directive that official publications were not to be drawn up in a form which might enable people abroad to infer an infraction of the Versailles Treaty from such publications. This document does not reveal whether by these directives actual treaty violations were to be masked or whether it was only a question of avoiding the appearance of treaty violations.

The same problem applies to Document 1850-PS, Exhibit Number USA-742. This contains the minutes of a conference between the Leadership of the SA and the Reich Defense Minister, who proposed to the SA in 1933 that budgetary funds of the Reich should be set aside by the Reich Ministry of the Interior for the military training of the SA. The document does not throw any light upon the attitude of the Reich Ministry of the Interior toward this proposal, and even if it had accepted it, this again would have proved only that the Reich Ministry of the Interior furthered the restoration of the Armed Forces, a fact which anyhow is already proved.

Thus, none of these documents furnishes proof that the Defendant Frick recognized as preparation for a war of aggression the measures ordered by Hitler as necessary for the defense of the Reich.

It is true that during the war, in 1941, a few days before the outbreak of the war with the Soviet Union, a conference took place between the Defendant Rosenberg and representatives of various ministries concerning measures in case of a possible occupation of parts of the Soviet Union. This is shown in Document 1039-PS, Exhibit Number USA-146, Rosenberg’s report concerning these discussions, in which it is stated that negotiations took place with “Reich Minister Frick (State Secretary Stuckart).” This parenthesis means that the Reich Ministry of the Interior was represented in these negotiations by State Secretary Stuckart, therefore that Frick did not personally participate in the negotiations. As the negotiations took place only a few days before the beginning of the war in the East, it is not proved by the document that Frick himself was informed about the negotiation before the beginning of the war which, as it is generally known, was afterward proclaimed by Hitler as a necessary measure of defense against an imminent attack by the Soviet Union. It has been made clear by abundant evidence in this Trial how far Hitler kept his true aggressive intentions secret, and how well he knew how to cover up the true aim of all his political measures for years with thousands of convincing reasons to justify the individual measures of his policy of aggression.

There was a very small circle of collaborators whom Hitler informed about his war plans, but this circle was not selected according to the position of the person concerned in the Cabinet, or according to his position in the Party hierarchy, but exclusively from the point of view of whether it was necessary for the person concerned, with respect to his own tasks in the field of preparations for the war, to know the aggressive character of Hitler’s general policy or even his detailed plans of aggression. Document 386-PS, Exhibit Number USA-25, shows how systematically the principle of secrecy was kept, even as regards the older members of the Party and the administrators of important departments in the Reich Cabinet. Whoever, such as the Minister of the Interior, had merely to carry out measures within the framework of preparations for war which could well be similar to tasks of a purely defensive character was, in accordance with Hitler’s principle, not informed of the latter’s aggressive intentions. For this reason, the presence of the Defendant Frick is not shown in even a single one of these secret conferences in which Hitler informed a circle of selected men about his plans for foreign policy and his war aims. In the Document 386-PS just mentioned, Hitler especially emphasized and gave reasons for the exclusion of the Reich Cabinet as a body to which such plans should be made known.

In another record concerning a similar conference—Document L-79, Exhibit Number USA-27—the additional principle is laid down that no one should be told anything concerning the war plans who does not need to know these plans for his actual work.

Frick’s name is not only missing from the list of those present at Hitler’s conferences on his policy of aggression which took place before the war, but the same applies also to the numerous conferences concerning Hitler’s further war aims and aggressive intentions which were held during the war. The Defendant Frick was no more informed of the later attacks or included in their preparation, as is shown by the list of those present at Hitler’s lectures concerning his plans, which have in part been submitted here.

Frick, purely an expert in domestic administration who was not considered competent for military questions and questions of foreign policy, was deemed good enough to organize the civilian administration for the eventuality of any possible war, but in Hitler’s opinion, his foreign policy and military plans were none of Frick’s business. However, the Prosecution asserts further that after the conquest of foreign territories and their occupation, the Defendant Frick regulated the administrative policy in those territories and that he is responsible for it. The Prosecution considers this activity, of the defendant, according to Article 6, Letter (a) of the Charter, as “participation in the execution of wars of aggression.” According to the submission of the Prosecution, Frick exercised an over-all control of the occupied territories, especially in his capacity as chief of the Central Office for the occupied territories. On the basis of the same function, he is deemed to be responsible for all War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity which were committed in the occupied and incorporated territories before and during the war, up to his dismissal as Reich Minister of the Interior on 20 August 1943.

It is a question of legal interpretation whether the activity in the administration of occupied territories, pursuant to Article 6, Letter (a) of the Charter, is to be considered as the “execution of wars of aggression,” or whether criminality comes into consideration only under the point of view of crimes against the rules of war or against humanity. In deciding this question it appears important to me that it is not one of the tasks of an official of a civil administration to examine, after the conclusion of military operations, whether it is a case of legal or illegal occupation according to the standards of international law. An obligation for such an examination would be an exaggerated demand to make of the department of the civil administration or the administrative chief, whose activity cannot be described as illegal on the grounds that the territory administered by him had been annexed a short or even long time ago in violation of the regulations of international law. There is no obligation for such examination in the practice of civil administration. The Charter moreover does not demand such an interpretation because, when naturally construed, the military operations themselves might be understood to constitute an execution of wars of aggression, but not the later civil administration of conquered territories.

The punishment of crimes which occurred in the administration of the occupied territories would not be made impossible through such an interpretation. In any case these crimes are subject to punishment as Crimes against Humanity or against the rules of war according to the Charter. And now mention must be made of those territories in particular for which the Defendant Frick bears a responsibility.

First of all there are the territories which were incorporated in accordance with constitutional law into the commonwealth of the German Reich, which are therefore called “incorporated territories.” By their constitutional incorporation these territories came under the administration of the Reich, but only to that extent did they come under the authority of the Reich Minister of the Interior, in that the Defendant Frick bears the constitutional responsibility of a minister for the internal administration of these territories up to 20 August 1943. In the East, this mainly concerned the territories of West Prussia, Posen, and Danzig, in other words, the so-called returned Eastern territories which belonged, until the Versailles Treaty, to the commonwealth of the German Reich. In the East, the Memel district received the same constitutional treatment; in the West, the Eupen-Malmedy district; and in the Southeast, the Sudetenland. Furthermore the country of Austria was incorporated into the commonwealth of the German Reich. For all those territories Frick has a share in the laws and administrative measures brought about by the incorporation. He bears the usual responsibility of a Minister of the Interior for the domestic administration of these territories up to the time of his dismissal in August 1943. For the territory of Bohemia and Moravia on the other hand there existed a special Protectorate Government, which was described as autonomous in the decree concerning the establishment of the Protectorate—Document 2119-PS—and was therefore not controlled by the Reich Ministry of the Interior. In a similar way, an administration not dependent on the Reich Ministry of the Interior existed in the Polish territories, which were collectively designated “Government General” and were put under the jurisdiction of a “Governor General.” In contrast to the so-called “incorporated Eastern territories,” the Reich Ministry of the Interior had no right to issue orders or to handle administrative matters in the Government General, as can be seen from Document 3079-PS which contains Hitler’s decree concerning the administration of the occupied Polish territories. The same appears from numerous other documents, among them Document USSR-223, the Frank diary, in which he states that no Reich central offices are authorized to intervene in the government of his territory.

The same applied to all other occupied territories for which a special administration was established under any legal form. These separate administrations were not dependent on the corresponding departmental ministries in the Reich, but were under the jurisdiction of the administrative chief for the corresponding territories, who was himself directly subordinate to Hitler.

This applies to the occupied Soviet Russian territories, the entire administration of which was under the jurisdiction of a Reich Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories. The same applies to Norway, where a Reich Commissioner was appointed. In a similar way, a Reich Commissioner was appointed for the Netherlands, who was also independent of the Reich Ministry of the Interior and was directly subordinate to Hitler. In Luxembourg, Alsace, and Lorraine, there were chiefs of civil administrations who were also not dependent on the Reich Ministry of the Interior, while in Belgium and northern France there was a military administration of which the same was true.

In the same way the administrative chiefs of the territories which were occupied in the Southeast of Europe were completely independent of the Reich Ministry of the Interior. For part of the occupied territories there exists, in the decrees issued at the time concerning the creation of a separate civil administration, a stipulation that the Reich Minister of the Interior was designated the central agency, and from this formulation the Prosecution has deduced a responsibility of the Defendant Frick for the administration of all the territories, as is Stated in the Indictment.

The actual tasks of the central agency can be seen from the order concerning the establishment of a central agency for Norway—Document 3082-PS, or Number 24 in the Frick document book. The witness Dr. Lammers has given a further explanation of the tasks. At that time it was the primary task of the central agency to put personnel at the disposal of the chiefs of the civil administrations in the occupied territories on request. Therefore, if a civil official was needed for any district, the administration of the district concerned applied to the central agency in the Reich Ministry of the Interior, which then put some official from the Reich at the disposal of the chief of the civil administration. The Reich Ministry of the Interior was especially fitted for this, as it had at its disposal numerous officials of the domestic administration in Germany.

But the transfer of an official from his own department to another office, which will alone give orders to that official from that moment on, does not establish responsibility for the further activity of that official in his new department, to whom the Reich Ministry of the Interior could issue no orders whatsoever. To take as an example: If the Minister of Justice transfers one of his officials to the Foreign Minister, naturally only the Foreign Minister is responsible for the further activity of this official. This activity of the central agency therefore does not justify the assumption of responsibility by Frick for the administration of the occupied territories.

The requisitioning of officials for the occupied territories was concentrated in the Reich Ministry of the Interior. That is, as the examination of the witness Lammers indicated—and I quote from the above-mentioned Document 3082-PS—“the unified co-operation adapted to the needs of Norway, of the supreme Reich authorities with one another and with the Reich Commissioner.”

In like manner, the hearing of evidence for the Defendants Rosenberg, Frank, and Seyss-Inquart, who functioned as chiefs of civil administrations in the occupied territories, has on no occasion revealed any co-operation of any kind with the Defendant Frick either in his capacity of Reich Minister of the Interior or Director of the Central Agency in this Ministry.

Now, the Prosecution has referred to several documents in order to prove that the Defendant Frick exercised extensive control over all occupied territories. Actually, however, those documents do not reveal an administrative activity of any greater extent than I have just stated. Document 3304-PS gives proof of an administrative activity for the incorporated Eastern Territories. This coincides with my statement that the incorporated Eastern Territories, in their internal administration, were subject to the Reich Ministry of the Interior by virtue of their constitutional incorporation into the German Reich. The document, however, bears no reference to the administration of the Occupied Eastern Territories, that is, the Government General or to the occupied Soviet Russian territories.

The other document submitted, 1039-PS, Exhibit Number USA-146, proves the transfer of administrative personnel from the department of the Reich Ministry of the Interior to the Reich Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories, a typical task of the Central Agency which I have already discussed. The Prosecution has submitted further documents which reveal that the Reich Ministry of the Interior had a hand in the bestowal of German citizenship. Even this does not, however, prove any administrative authority of the Defendant Frick for the occupied territories, but merely a typical activity of a Minister of the Interior whose department is competent for the general regulations concerning German citizenship, including cases where persons living outside the Reich territory are involved. This activity of the Minister of the Interior can also furnish no proof of an extensive administrative policy and a general responsibility of the Defendant Frick for the administration of the occupied territories. In particular, in the occupied territories which were not incorporated into the Reich territory, Frick had no authority or competence whatsoever as far as the tasks of the Police were concerned.

Hitler directly commissioned Himmler to carry out police work in the occupied territories—see Document 1997-PS, Exhibit Number USA-319, Hitler’s decree concerning police security measures for the Eastern Territories, for which Himmler was directly responsible. The same is revealed by Document 447-PS, Exhibit Number USA-315, a directive of the OKW dated 13 March 1941, to the effect that the Reichsführer SS in the Occupied Eastern Territories is charged with special duties in the execution of which he will act independently and on his own responsibility. The same applies to the police tasks in the other occupied territories, which were assigned either to the Reichsführer SS Himmler or to the SS and police leaders who took their orders only from Himmler, although in many cases they were ostensibly assigned to the civil administrative chief in question, such as for example the Governor General in Poland (see excerpt from Frank’s diary in the Frick document book under Number 25, also USSR-223). In no case, therefore, were police tasks in the occupied territories under the Defendant Frick’s jurisdiction. Consequently, the Defendant Frick bears no responsibility for crimes against the laws of war and against humanity in the occupied territories, since in these territories he could neither order crimes nor prevent them.

Concerning the territory of the German Reich I must now examine the claim of the Prosecution as to the responsibility of the Defendant Frick for all the police measures, including the Gestapo, as well as for the establishment and administration of concentration camps. May I first refer to the documents submitted by me in evidence, which reveal that the Police, including the political police, was in 1933 still the concern of the individual states within the Reich, such as Prussia, Bavaria, et cetera.

In Prussia, the Secret State Police (Gestapo) and the concentration camps were established and administered by Göring in his capacity as Prussian Minister of the Interior. The tasks of the political police were then transferred by a Prussian law, dated 30 November 1933, to the office of the Prussian Prime Minister, which was also administered by Göring. So when the offices of the Reich and the Prussian Minister of the Interior were merged, in the spring of 1934, Frick did not assume the tasks of the political police which still remained incumbent upon Göring in his capacity as Prime Minister.

A similar regulation prevailed in the other states, where Himmler was gradually given the duties of special deputy for the political police. During this period, the Reich Minister of the Interior had only the right of so-called “Reich supervision” over the states, which Frick made use of for the enactment of general instructions and legal ordinances; and this is the only point where Frick, as Minister of the Reich, could exercise any influence on the affairs of the political police and concentration camps.

Frick made use of this possibility, in accordance with his basic attitude as confirmed by the witness Gisevius, to prevent and repress arbitrary actions by the political police as far as was in his power in the circumstances then prevailing. He endeavored, by the enactment of provisions of law and procedure, to restrict the arbitrary practices of the political police in the states.

I refer to Document 779-PS, submitted by me as Exhibit Number Frick-6. This is a decree dated 12 April 1934, containing restrictive provisions of this sort under a significant preamble—which I quote: “In order to remedy abuses occurring in the infliction of protective custody.” This is followed by directives to the governments of the states forbidding the application of preventive custody in numerous cases where it had previously been improperly ordered by the Gestapo. In this struggle of Frick against arbitrary actions by the political police in the states, the police had, it is true, ultimately come out better because they were under the direction of Göring and Himmler, with whom the “bureaucrat” Frick—as Hitler disdainfully called him—could not compare as regards influence in the Party and State. For that reason the political police in the states in practice frequently disregarded Frick’s ordinances. But Frick did not stand by idly as long as there was reason to hope that through his intervention the unrestrained practices of the political police in the states could be directed into orderly and legally regulated channels. I refer to Document 775-PS, Exhibit Number Frick-9, a memorandum from Frick to Hitler which clearly and unequivocally calls a spade a spade, mentioning legal insecurity, unrest, and embitterment, and severely criticizing individual cases of misuse of the right to order protective custody by the political police of the states. Here I would insert that the same document also proves that in the struggle over the churches, the defendant clearly took their side. This is also proved by Exhibit Number Neurath-1.

In his testimony the witness Gisevius refers to an additional memorandum which he himself drew up for Frick as a further attempt to restrain through severe criticism and by suggestions for legal control the arbitrary practices of the political police in the states. All of these attempts failed because Frick’s political influence was too insignificant and he could not assert himself against Göring and Himmler, and because at the time Frick himself could not yet see that the practices of Göring and Himmler were essentially in harmony with what Hitler actually wanted himself. Thus the documents submitted by the Prosecution, taken in conjunction with the evidence offered by the Defense, show that in the domain of the political police and in ordering protective custody, Frick had a certain competency at a time when the police was still a service administered by the individual states. This evidence also shows that during that time Frick’s jurisdiction was very limited and it further shows that Frick, acting within the bounds of his competency, took action solely in order to intervene against the terror and arbitrary actions of the Gestapo through general instructions and through repeated complaints in individual cases, so that the conclusion is not justified that Frick in any way actively participated in the Gestapo’s measures of terror and violence.