These principles constitute a definite repudiation of all methods employed in a police-ruled State and imply, moreover, the definite rejection of the system of concentration camps. The Defendant Frank had actually spoken against the establishment of concentration camps before the date indicated. The evidence has shown that in the year 1933, in his capacity as Bavarian Minister of Justice, he was opposed to the concentration camp at Dachau, that he urged the application of the so-called legality principle, that is, the prosecution of all offenses by the State, even in these camps, and that, over and above this, he demanded the dissolution of the concentration camp at Dachau. That this last point is a fact is shown by the evidence given by the witness Dr. Stepp, who was questioned elsewhere.

The Prosecution also appears to see in the sentence, “Right is what benefits the people,” an indication of the participation of the Defendant Frank in the alleged common plan. Such a conclusion could only be drawn in complete misapprehension of the idea which the Defendant Frank wished to express by means of this sentence. This was merely a challenge to the exaggeratedly individualistic legal idea. In the same way as by the phrase, “The common good before one’s own,” the sentence quoted is intended to express the demand for a legal system which, to a greater extent than in previous years, should take account of common law and socialist tendencies. It is in reality nothing more than a different way of saying: Salus publica suprema lex.

These material differences alone would have been sufficient to make it unthinkable that the Defendant Frank could have belonged to the inner circle of Hitler’s collaborators. The differences of outlook in regard to the functions of law were bound to become more pronounced in the course of the war. It could therefore cause no surprise that after the death of the former Reich Minister of Justice, Dr. Gürtner, it was not the Defendant Frank who was appointed his successor, but the President of the Peoples’ Court, Dr. Thierack.

Summing up, it may be said that there is no factual foundation for the assumption that the Defendant Frank participated in a common plan, a common plan which had as its object the waging of an aggressive war and in connection therewith the commission of crimes against the rules of war. Before I turn to the points of accusation brought against the Defendant Frank within the framework of his career as Governor General, I will refer shortly to his responsibility under penal law as a member of the organizations accused of criminality.

So far as Frank’s responsibility as member of the Reich Government is under investigation, I can here in the main refer to the statements which I shall later make in the case of the Defendant Hess. The only difference lies in the fact that whereas Hess, too, was only Reich Minister without Portfolio, he had—as the Führer’s Deputy under the Führer’s decree of 27 July 1934—a considerable influence on the preparation of laws. That, however, was not the case with the Defendant Frank. Frank had hardly any influence at all on the legislation of the Reich. That is why he was cosignatory of so extraordinarily few Reich laws. With the exception of the law of 16 March 1935, by which general conscription was reintroduced, his name is to be found under none of the laws which the Prosecution has presented to the Tribunal as relevant to the proof of the criminal nature of the Reich Government as an organization.

The Defendant Frank, in his capacity as Reichsleiter and Leader of the Reich Law Department, was also a member of the Leadership Corps of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party. An investigation of this point of accusation seems all the less called for since in this respect no act can be attributed to the Defendant Frank which fulfills the requirements of any penal law. For the rest, here too I can refer to my statements in the case of the Defendant Hess.

In Appendix A to the Indictment it is alleged that the Defendant Frank was a general of the SS. The evidence has shown that Frank at no time belonged to the SS and that he did not even have the honorary rank of a general of the SS. On the other hand, he was an Obergruppenführer in the SA. With respect to the application made by the Prosecution to declare that organization as criminal, too, the same may be said as in the case of the application to declare the Leadership Corps criminal. The Charter and the Prosecution here again depart from the principle which hitherto has been considered an indispensable component of any modern criminal law practice, namely, that no punishment is admissible unless guilt has been established in every individual case.

I now pass to the points of accusation in connection with the career of the Defendant Frank as Governor General. When the Polish Government had left the country after Poland’s military collapse, the German occupying forces were faced with the task of building up an administration without the help of any parliamentary, representation or any representatives of the former Polish State. The difficulties arising out of this situation were bound to be all the greater because, in spite of the comparatively short time that the war had lasted, the war damage, especially to the communications system, was not inconsiderable. Above all, however, the establishment of an orderly administration was rendered more difficult by the fact that the homogeneous economic area of the former Polish State was divided into three parts. Of the 388,000 square kilometers which made up the territory of the former Polish State, about 200,000 were taken over by the Soviet Union and 97,000 formed the Government General, while the rest was incorporated in the German Reich. A change came on 1 August 1941. On that date Galicia was annexed to the Government General as a new district, whereby the territory of the Government General was increased to an area of approximately 150,000 square kilometers with about 18 million inhabitants. This frontier delimitation made it all the more difficult for the administration, as the agricultural excess production all went to the Soviet Union, while on the other, hand important industrial cities such as Lodz, and above all the coal fields of Dombrowa, fell to the Reich.

Directly after the military collapse of Poland, a military government was set up to cover the four military districts of East Prussia, Posen, Lodz, and Kraków, Commander Von Rundstedt being placed at the head of that government. The Defendant Frank became Supreme Chief of Administration (Oberverwaltungschef). The military government ended on 26 October 1939 with the coming into force of the decree of the Führer and Reich Chancellor concerning the administration of the occupied Polish territories under the date of 12 October 1939. Under this decree the Defendant Frank was appointed Governor General for the occupied Polish territories which were not incorporated in the Reich and which shortly afterward became known as the Government General.

As the time at my disposal is short, I will not go into detail on the question as to whether the administration of the territories of the former Polish State, jointly designated as the Government General, should have conformed to the principle of occupatio bellica (occupation of enemy territory), or whether it should not rather be assumed that the principles of debellatio (complete subjection and incorporation in a foreign state) were applicable in that case.

I come now to the question of the powers vested in the Defendant Frank by virtue of his office of Governor General. According to Article 3 of the Führer’s decree of 12 October 1939 the Governor General was directly subordinate to the Führer. The same provision placed all branches of the administration in the hands of the Governor General. In actual fact, however, the Governor General had by no means such wide powers as it would seem at first sight. The Führer’s decree itself provided in Article 5 that the Ministerial Council for the Defense of the Reich could also make laws for the territory of the Government General.

The Delegate for the Four Year Plan had the same power. Article 6 provided that, moreover, all supreme Reich authorities could issue decrees necessary for planning within the German living space and economic area and that these would be effective also for the Government General.

Apart from this limitation of the authority of the Governor General as provided in the Führer decree of 12 October 1939, other powers were conferred at a later date which no less impaired the principle of uniform administration. That is particularly true of the position of the Plenipotentiary General for the Allocation of Labor. I refer at this point to the appropriate documents presented by the Prosecution and the Defense, in particular to the Führer’s decree of 21 March 1942, in which it is expressly provided that the powers of the Plenipotentiary General for the Allocation of Labor extend to the territory of the Government General. The whole armament industry in the Government General was at first in the hands of the OKW, but after the establishment of the Reich Ministry for Armaments and War Production it came under the jurisdiction of the latter.

The evidence has shown that in other directions, too, the principle of uniform administration was extensively infringed upon. For this I refer to the statements of the witnesses Dr. Lammers and Dr. Bühler and to the content of the documents submitted by me, especially Document USA-135. This deals with the directives in “special matters concerning instructions Number 21 (Case Barbarossa),” in which it is expressly provided that the commander-in-chief of the Army shall be entitled “to order such measures in the Government General as are necessary for the execution of his military duties and for safeguarding the troops” and in which the commander-in-chief is empowered to delegate his authority to the army groups and armies.

All these infringements of the principle of a uniform administration of all special powers, however, pale beside the special position allotted to the Reichsführer SS Himmler also in respect of the territory of the Government General. The evidence, and particularly the testimony of Dr. Bilfinger, Oberregierungsrat in the RSHA, shows that as early as in 1939 when the defendant was appointed Governor General, a secret decree was issued in which it was provided that the Higher SS and Police Leader, East was to receive his instructions direct from the Reichsführer SS and Chief of the German Police, Himmler. Similarly, it is provided in the decree of the Führer and Reich Chancellor for the Preservation of German Nationality that the Reichsführer SS shall be directly empowered to effect the planning of new German settlement areas by means of resettlements. These two decrees conferred on the Reichsführer SS Himmler powers which, from the very first day of the existence of the Government General, tended to confront its administration with almost insurmountable difficulties. It was very soon evident that the general administration under the Governor General had at its disposal no executive organs, in the true meaning of the term. Since the Higher SS and Police Leader, East received his instructions and orders direct from Reichsführer SS Himmler and refused to carry out instructions emanating from the Governor General, it was very soon seen that in reality there were two separate authorities ruling over the Government General. The difficulties which thus arose were bound to become all the greater, as Higher SS and Police Leader Krüger, who for no less than 4 years was Himmler’s direct representative in the Government General, did not even inform the administration of the Government General before carrying out police measures.

It is a well-known experience in the life of any state that an administration lacking executive police organs is in the long run not capable of carrying out its appointed functions. This is true even under normal conditions, but it must be all the more pronounced in the administration of occupied territory. If we remember, moreover, that not only did the Reichsführer SS Himmler issue his instructions direct to the Higher SS and Police Leader, ignoring the Governor General, but that over and above this the Offices III, IV, V, and VI of the RSHA also gave direct orders to the Commander of the Security Police and the SD in Kraków, we can well assess the difficulties with which the civil administration of the Government General had to wrestle day by day.

Under these circumstances the Governor General had no choice but to make every attempt to reach some form of co-operation with the Security Police, unless he was prepared to relinquish any hope of building up a civil administration in the Government General. And in fact the history of the administration of the Government General—which lasted for over 5 years—is for the greater part nothing but a chronicle of uninterrupted struggles between the Governor General and the administration on the one hand, and the Security Police with the SD as represented by Reichsführer SS Himmler and the Higher SS and Police Leader, East, on the other.

The same applies to the activity of Himmler and his organs in the field of resettlement. As Reich Commissioner for the Preservation of German Nationality, Himmler and his organs carried out resettlement measures without even establishing previous contact with the administration of the Government General or informing the Governor General.

The numerous protests of the Governor General, addressed to Dr. Lammers, the Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery, with regard to the measures taken by the Reichsführer and the Higher SS and Police Leader, East, and the difficulties they put in the way of the administration of that territory, have been established by the evidence. These protests led in the year 1942 to an attempt at redirecting the relationship between the administration and the Police. In retrospect, it can be said today as a result of the evidence that even this attempt was only utilized by Himmler and the Security Police to undermine internally and externally the position of the Governor General and his civil administration.

By a decree of the Führer dated 7 May 1942 a State Secretariat for Security was established in the Government General, and the Higher SS and Police Leader was appointed State Secretary. According to Article II of this decree, the State Secretary for Security also became the representative of the Reichsführer SS in his capacity as Reich Commissioner for the Preservation of German Nationality. The decisive provision of this decree is contained in Article IV, in which it is stated verbatim:

Herewith, the contents of the secret decree issued in 1939 on the establishment of the Government General—which also provided that the Higher SS and Police Leader, East was to receive his instructions direct from the Berlin central offices and particularly from the Reichsführer SS in person—was expressly, and now publicly, confirmed. It is true that Article V of the Führer decree of 7 May 1942 provided that in cases of difference of opinion between the Governor General and the Reichsführer SS and Chief of the German Police the Führer’s decision was to be obtained through the Reich Minister and Chief of the Chancellery.

The Chief of the Reich Chancellery, Lammers, was interrogated on this subject when he appeared as a witness before this Tribunal. He testified that insofar as he found it possible at all to gain the Führer’s ear in these matters, the latter on principle invariably approved Himmler’s view. This is not surprising if we remember Himmler’s position in the German governmental system, particularly during the later war years. This deprived the Defendant Frank of the last possibility of influencing in any way the measures taken by Himmler and the Higher SS and Police Leader, East.

In consequence of Article I, Paragraph 3, of the Führer decree of 7 May 1942 the scope of duties of the State Secretary for Security had to be newly defined. Both the Higher SS and Police Leader and, backing him, the Reichsführer SS attempted to bring as wide a field as possible under their jurisdiction in connection with the new regulation of the competence of the State Secretariat; on the other hand, the Governor General, in the interest of the maintenance of some sort of order in the administration, naturally tried to obtain control of at least certain departments of the Regular Police and the Administration Police. There is no doubt at all that it was the Police that emerged the victor in these struggles.

On 3 June 1942 the Governor General was obliged—in a decree concerning the delegation of duties to the State Secretary for Security—to declare himself willing to transfer to the State Secretary all the departments of the Security Police and the Regular Police. I have submitted this decree to the Tribunal (together with its two Appendices A and B) in the course of the evidence as Exhibit Number Frank-4. The two appendices list all the functions of the Regular and Security Police that have ever existed in the German police system. In Appendix A, which covers the departments of the Regular Police, there are 26 headings in which not only all the departments of the Regular Police are transferred to the State Secretary for Security, but over and above that, almost all the departmental functions of the so-called Administration Police. I will only mention Heading 18 as one example among many. This transfers to the Regular Police, and thereby to the Higher SS and Police Leader, all matters connected with price control. What is true of the Regular Police applies in even greater measure to the departments of the Security Police. No change as compared with the earlier situation was brought about by placing under the jurisdiction of the Higher SS and Police Leader the whole of the Political and Criminal Police, political intelligence, Jewish affairs, and similar departments; these competencies were already his as leader of the Security Police and the SD, and were made entirely independent of the administration of the Government General under the secret decree of 1939. Departments were also transferred to the State Secretary for Security which had only the remotest connection with the tasks of the Security Police, for example, matters such as the regulation of holidays and so on.

Of considerable importance are the two last headings in the Appendices A and B, in which it is expressly provided that at conferences and meetings, particularly with the central Reich authorities, on all matters pertaining to the Regular and Security Police, the Government General—not the Governor—should be represented by the Higher SS and Police Leader. Therewith any competency possessed by the Governor General, even in regard to comparatively unimportant branches of the Administration Police, was transferred to the organs of Reichsführer SS Himmler, and the Government General was thus deprived of even the last remnants of an executive of its own.

Only by considering these facts and the development of the conditions obtaining between administration and police in the Government General is it possible to form an even approximately correct appreciation of the events in the Government General, which form part of the subject of the Indictment in this Trial.

Your Lordships, the Prosecution seeks to prove its accusations against the Defendant Dr. Frank in the main by quotations from the defendant’s diary. In this connection I have the following basic observation to make.

That diary was not kept personally by the Defendant Frank but was compiled by stenographers who were present at Government conferences and other discussions of the Governor General. The diary consists of 42 volumes with no less than 10,000 or 12,000 pages of typescript.

With one exception, the entries do not represent the outcome of dictation by the defendant, but take the form of stenographers’ transcripts. For the greater part—and this is evident from the diary itself—the authors of this diary did not record the various speeches and remarks word for word, but made a summarized version in their own words. The entries in the diary were not checked by the defendant, nor—again with one single exception—were they signed by him. The attendance lists stapled into several volumes of the diary—they are only contained in such volumes as relate to Government conferences—cannot be looked upon as a substitute for a confirmatory note.

Moreover, the evidence has clearly established that very many entries in the diary were not made on the basis of personal observations but came about through the fact that the author was told by participants about the subjects of Government meetings or other conferences after they had taken place, and then expressed it in the diary in his own words. Moreover, by an examination of the diary it can easily be ascertained that the entries cannot be considered complete.

All these facts bring us to the conclusion that the material evidential value of this diary must not be overestimated. The evidential value of this diary can in no way be compared with the evidential value of entries made personally by the person concerned.

Above all, however, it seems to me essential to point out the following: The contents of any document are of material evidential value only insofar as the document is appreciated in its entirety. The diary of the Defendant Frank with its 10,000 or 12,000 pages is one uniform document. It is improper to put in as evidence certain individual entries without showing the context in which alone some of them can be understood. But it is particularly improper—and this infringes upon the principles of any presentation of evidence—to select from some uniform whole, such as a long speech, a few sentences and put them in as evidence. In Document Book Number 2, I have listed a few examples of this and hereby refer to them.

As the Defendant Frank himself rightly pointed out in the witness box, the diary is a uniform whole; only in its entirety can it be probative and form part of the presentation of evidence. I have read through that diary of more than 10,000 pages and can only confirm his opinion. And that was why I did not use individual entries in presenting my evidence but put in the whole diary.

If I myself, in presenting evidence, have read certain single entries from the diary and if in the course of my present address I shall quote a few more passages from it, then, just as in the case of the extracts put forward by the Prosecution, their evidential value can certainly be gauged only within the framework of the whole diary.

The following may also be looked upon as having been established by the evidence: As the diaries show, and as is evident in particular from the testimony given by the witnesses Bühler, Böpple, and Meidinger, the Defendant Frank in his capacity as Governor General often made two or three improvised speeches in the course of one day. The extracts from the diary presented by the Prosecution consist, for the most part, of single sentences from such speeches. If we take into consideration both the temperament of the defendant and his habit of expressing himself in an incisive manner, then that is another reason which tends to reduce the probative value of these extracts from the diary. And we actually do find many diary entries which flatly contradict other entries on the same subject occurring a little earlier or later.

In connection with the many speeches made by the Defendant Frank, the following must not be left out of consideration and may also be looked upon as established by the evidence: It was a foregone conclusion that the Defendant Frank, as an avowed champion of the idea of a State founded on law and of the independence of the judiciary, would come into increasingly sharp conflict with the representatives of the police-state system; this developed to an even greater degree in the course of the war, both within the Reich and in occupied territory. The representatives of the police state, however, were Reichsführer SS Himmler and, for the area of the Government General, the Higher SS and Police Leader, East, above all and in particular SS Obergruppenführer and General of Police Krüger. The relation between the Defendant Frank on the one hand, and Reichsführer SS Himmler and his representative, Obergruppenführer Krüger, on the other, had been extremely bad even at the time the Government General was established. They deteriorated still more as the divergence of outlook concerning the tasks of the Police came ever more openly to the fore; and the Defendant Frank was forced to lodge increasingly strong protests with the Chief of the Reich Chancellery, Dr. Lammers, and the Führer himself regarding the violent measures taken by the Security Police and the SD.

As I have already mentioned, the Governor General, lacking an executive of his own, had no choice but to make repeated attempts to co-ordinate the work of the general administration with that of the Police, in order to be in a position to carry out any administrative work at all. Obviously these objectives demanded—at least on the face of things in a certain degree—a conciliatory tendency toward the general attitude of the Security Police and, above all, of the Higher SS and Police Leader, East. Moreover, the evidence has further established that the tension existing between the Governor General and the Higher SS and Police Leader often reached such a degree that the Defendant Frank could not but feel himself menaced and—to quote the words of the witness Bühler—was no longer a free agent and master of his own decisions.

The testimony of the witnesses Bach-Zelewsky and Dr. Albrecht leaves no doubt on this point. Quite rightly, therefore, the witness Dr. Bühler also pointed out that the Defendant Frank expressed himself with particular vehemence when the Higher SS and Police Leader or the commander of the Security Police and the SD were present at conferences, while his utterances were made on quite a different note when he was speaking to an audience composed only of members of the administration. Even a cursory inspection of the diary will confirm this. All these circumstances must be taken into consideration in assessing the substantive evidential value of the Defendant Frank’s diary.

It should also be noted that these diaries constituted the only personal property that Frank was able to rescue from the castle at Kraków. On his arrest he handed over all the diaries to the officers who took him into custody. It would have been an easy matter for him to destroy these documents.

Your Lordships, I now turn to the individual accusations brought against the defendant, and their legal aspects. The Defendant Frank is accused of having approved of, and participated in, War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity in the administration of occupied territory.

As the law stands, it rests on the principle that only a sovereign state, not an individual, can be a subject of international law. To make international law binding on an individual, such law itself would have to lay down that a certain set of facts constitutes a wrong and that the rule thereby established is applicable to an individual creating such a set of facts. Only in that way can individuals, who under the law as it stands are subject only to the criminal law applying in each state, by way of exception be directly bound by international law.

Deviating from this rule, existing international law permits, in exceptional cases, a state to punish the national of an enemy state who has fallen into its power, if before his capture he has been guilty of infringing the rules of war. But even here punishment is excluded if the deed was not committed on the person’s own initiative, but can only be attributed to his state of allegiance. Moreover, the conception of war crimes and their factual characteristics are the subject of great controversy both in judicial decisions and in legal literature.

Nor do the Hague Rules on Land Warfare, which form the Appendix to the IVth Convention on the Laws and Customs of War on Land and purport to be a codification of certain subject matter of the laws of war, list any facts which could be interpreted as a basis for the criminal liability of individuals. In Article 3 of this convention it is, on the contrary, expressly provided that not individuals but the state which infringed the rules may, under certain circumstances, be liable to pay an indemnity and is also responsible for all acts done by persons belonging to its armed forces.

In connection with the Hague Rules for Land Warfare of 1907 the following should also be noted: The principles therein enunciated were evolved from the experience of wars in the 19th century. Those wars were confined in the main to the armed forces directly concerned therein.

Now the first World War already overstepped this framework, and not only in respect of the geographical extent of conflict. On the contrary, the war became a struggle for extermination of the nations involved, a struggle in which each belligerent party utilized the whole of its war potential and all its material and imponderable resources. War technique having meanwhile been considerably perfected, the second World War was bound altogether to destroy the framework set up for the conduct of war by the Hague Rules for Land Warfare. That can be seen at a glance—the condition of Europe today reveals it. If we remember in addition that in Germany alone the greater part of almost every city has been destroyed as a result of bombing raids; and not only that, but that considerably more than a million civilians thereby lost their lives and that in a single major raid on the city of Dresden almost 300,000 people were killed, then it will be possible to realize that the Hague Rules for Land Warfare, at any rate in respect of many activities coming under the rules of war, can no longer be an adequate expression of the laws and customs to be observed in waging war. But if any doubt should exist on this subject, then that doubt will certainly be removed on contemplation of the consequences of the two atom bombs which razed Hiroshima and Nagasaki to the ground and killed hundreds of thousands of people.

Taking these circumstances into consideration, it is not possible to adduce the provisions of the Hague Rules for Land Warfare, even indirectly or by way of analogy, to establish individual criminal liability. Seeing that this is the case, it must be looked upon as impossible to give a clear and general definition of the factual characteristics of so-called war crimes. Referring to the fact that even Article 6 of the Charter of the International Military Tribunal only purports to furnish a list of examples, it will be realized that the question as to whether a certain line of conduct amounts to the commission of a war crime or not can only be answered on the merits of each particular case, and then only if all the circumstances are taken into consideration.

In the course of the presentation of evidence for the personal responsibility of the Defendant Frank, the Prosecution submitted as Exhibit USA-609 (864-PS) minutes of a conference held by the Führer with the Chief of the OKW on the future form of Polish relations to Germany. This conference took place on 17 October 1939. It is alleged that these minutes alone, by which the administrative goals of the Defendant Frank in the Government General are said to be established, reveal a plan or conspiracy at variance with the laws of warfare and humanity. This is an inadmissible conclusion, at least insofar as the Defendant Frank is concerned.

The Prosecution was unable to prove that the Führer entrusted the Defendant Frank with a task in conformity with the administrative aims demanded in that conference. Moreover, this seems very unlikely, because the directives laid down at that conference dealt mainly with measures which could not be carried out by the general administration, but only by the Security Police, the SD, and the other organs and offices under Reichsführer SS Himmler. In this connection special mention should also be made of the powers vested in Reichsführer SS Himmler before the date of that conference in his capacity of Reich Commissioner for the Preservation of German Nationality. Actually, there is at the end of Exhibit USA-609 a reference to a commission with which Himmler was charged. In consideration of the fact that the Defendant Frank, in the course of a short interview with Hitler about the middle of September 1939, had been told to take over the civil administration of occupied Polish territory as Chief of Administration and had not seen Hitler for a very long time after that, it can safely be assumed that the directives laid down at the conference between Hitler and the Chief of the OKW were intended, not for the Defendant Frank, but for Reichsführer SS Himmler, who was the only person to have the necessary executive organs at his disposal.

THE PRESIDENT: We will adjourn now.

[A recess was taken.]

DR. SEIDL: Mr. President, My Lordships, another document to which the Prosecution has referred and which is also alleged to show the criminality of the administrative aims of the Defendant Frank is Exhibit Number USA-297, which is EC-344(16). The content of this document is a discussion which the Defendant Frank is said to have had on 3 October 1939 with a certain Captain Varain. The Defendant Frank testified in the witness box that he had never made any such or similar statements to an officer. Moreover, a comparison of the dates shows that this conversation, even if it should have taken place, can have no connection with the subject of the conference between the Führer and the Chief of the OKW, the latter not having been held until 17 October 1939, that is, at a later date.

Not within the framework of the evidence presented in connection with the personal responsibility of the Defendant Frank, but in connection with the accusation of so-called Germanization, a document was submitted with the Exhibit USA-300, 661-PS. This is a memorandum entitled “Legal Aspects of German Policy toward the Poles from the Ethno-Political Point of View.” According to a note on the title page, the legal part of this was to serve as a model for the Committee of the Academy for German Law which dealt with legal nationality questions. This document can have no probative value in connection with the personal responsibility of the Defendant Frank. He testified in the witness box that he had given no instructions for the writing of that memorandum and that he was not aware of its contents. Over and above this, it would seem that no substantive evidential value can be attached to that document within the scope of this whole Trial. Nor is it evident, from the memorandum, who wrote it or who gave instructions that it should be written. Its whole form and content would seem to show that it is not an official document, but rather the work of a private individual. It was stated to have been found at the Ministry of Justice in Kassel. But in actual fact there has been no Ministry of Justice at Kassel for many decades. All these circumstances would seem to indicate that the material probative value of this document is, to say the least, extremely small.

But whatever the evidential value of minutes of conferences that took place in the year 1939 on the occasion of the establishment of the Government General, the following should be pointed out:

In judging the conduct of the Defendant Frank it is not of such essential importance to know what Hitler, he himself, or other persons said on one occasion or another, but what policy the Defendant Frank actually pursued toward the Polish and Ukrainian peoples. And here there can be no possible doubt—on the basis both of the general result of the evidence and, in particular, of entries in the diary of the defendant himself—that he repudiated all tendencies and measures designed to effect Germanization. That is shown with great clarity by the extracts from the diary which I have submitted to the Tribunal. Thus on 8 March 1940 he declared at a meeting of department chiefs, that is, to an audience of men who as leaders of the various main departments were deputed to put his directives into practice:

This declaration alone makes it apparent that the directives laid down in the conference between Hitler and the Chief of the OKW on 17 October 1939, as contained in Exhibit USA-609, 864-PS, cannot possibly have been made the subject of the duties with which the Defendant Frank was charged. On the other hand, in view of the entire activities of the Higher SS and Police Leader, East from the first day of his appointment, it can safely be assumed that it was Reichsführer SS Himmler whom Hitler charged with carrying out the directives laid down at his conference with the Chief of the OKW.

A diary entry of 19 February 1940 is on the same lines; in this the Defendant Frank advocates the formation of a Polish government or regency council.

On 25 February 1940, at a service conference of officials of the District of Radom, the Defendant Frank gave out, in program form, his directives regarding general administration. On this occasion the Defendant Frank said among other things:

On 7 June 1942 the Defendant Frank stated word for word as follows:

These examples could be amplified by many more, which all show clearly that the measures taken, at any rate by Frank, were intended to care for the Polish nation and that he repudiated any terror policy.

I now come to the so-called “peace-enforcing action.” When the campaign against Poland had ended in September 1939 that did not mean that all resistance had ceased. Very soon afterward new centers of resistance sprang up; and when on 9 April 1940 German troops occupied Denmark and Norway and on 10 May 1940 the German western army had begun their attack, the leaders of the Polish resistance movement believed that, in consideration of the general political and military situation, the time for action had come. This resistance movement was all the more dangerous because dispersed but not inconsiderable remnants of the former Polish Army were active in it. A large number of entries in the diary of the Defendant Frank show that the security situation deteriorated from day to day during that period. Here for instance is an entry for 16 May 1940:

In consideration of this menacing general situation, the order was given—as the diary shows, by the Führer himself—that in the interest of the maintenance of public security all measures were to be taken to suppress the imminent revolt. That order was given through Himmler to the Higher SS and Police Leader. The administration of the Government General at first had nothing to do with it. It intervened, however, in order as far as possible to prevent the Security Police and the SD from taking violent measures and to make sure that innocent people should under no circumstances lose their lives.

The testimony given by the Defendants Frank and Seyss-Inquart in the witness box and the evidence given by the witness Dr. Bühler have shown that the efforts made by the administration of the Government General were so far successful in that all the members of the resistance movement rounded up by this special action were brought before a drumhead court-martial introduced by a decree issued in 1939; and moreover, the decisions of this court were not carried out before being submitted to a Board of Pardon which in many cases modified the sentence. The chairman of this Board of Pardon, until his appointment as Reich Commissioner for the Netherlands, was the Defendant Dr. Seyss-Inquart. As his testimony revealed, no less than half the death sentences pronounced by the summary court were commuted to imprisonment by the Board of Pardon. For the rest, in regard to the so-called peace-enforcing action, I refer to the oral testimony and to the extracts from the diary of the Defendant Frank which I read into the record.

Within the scope of the charges against him personally, the Defendant Frank is accused of having supported the resettlement plans of the Reich Commissioner for the Preservation of German Nationality (Himmler) and of having thereby also committed a war crime. There is no question but that resettlement, even when carefully planned and well prepared, means great hardship for those who are affected by it; in many cases a resettlement means the destruction of a person’s economic existence. Nevertheless, it seems doubtful whether resettlement constitutes a War Crime or a Crime Against Humanity, for the following reasons:

Germany today is being flooded with millions of people who have been driven from their homes and who own no property but what they carry with them. The misery thereby caused, which is bound to increase to an immeasurable degree in consequence of the devastation wrought by the war, is so terrible that the bishops of the Cologne and Paderborn ecclesiastical districts were moved on 29 March 1946 to bring this state of affairs to the attention of the whole world. Among other things they said:

My Lords, I am not mentioning this in order to point out the enormous dangers connected with such measures, dangers which must arise, if only out of the fact that in view of her planned deprivations of territory, Germany—with an area reduced by 22 percent as compared with 1919—will have to feed a population increased by 18 percent and that in future there will be 200 inhabitants to the square kilometer. I am, further, not pointing to this state of affairs to show that if the present economic policy is continued and the so-called industrial plan is maintained, Germany is heading for a catastrophe the consequences of which cannot be confined to the German people. The evidential relevance of these facts is however shown by the following:

Millions of Germans were driven from their ancestral homes in accordance with a resolution taken at Potsdam on 2 August 1945 by President Truman, Generalissimo Stalin, and Prime Minister Attlee.

GENERAL RUDENKO: ML President, excuse me for interrupting the defendant’s counsel, but it seems to me that his legal considerations and the criticism of the decisions taken at Potsdam have no bearing on the present case.

DR. SEIDL: Mr. President, may I briefly define my attitude on this?

As far as I am concerned, I do not wish to criticize the decisions of the Potsdam Conference. However, I am anxious to find out whether, employing the rules of the Charter, a certain conduct which has been alleged on the part of the Defendant Frank constitutes evidence for War Crimes or Crimes against Humanity. It is only within the framework of investigating that question that I find myself forced to go into the decisions of the so-called Potsdam Conference and bring them up in my argument.

THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Seidl, the Tribunal considers that your references to the Potsdam Declaration are irrelevant, and the objection of General Rudenko is therefore sustained. You are directed to go on to some other part of your argument.

DR. SEIDL: Mr. President, I presume that the Tribunal have the translation of my presentation at hand. I am not quite clear about the question as to whether the final conclusion, which appears on Page 38, is also affected by the decision of the Tribunal which you have just announced.

THE PRESIDENT: It is affected by that, and I think you can pass on to Page 40, where you begin to deal with the subject of the Jews. That is the second paragraph on Page 40.

DR. SEIDL: Very well, Mr. President.

The Defendant Frank is further accused of having approved and carried out a program for the extermination of Jews of Polish nationality, thereby infringing upon the laws of war and humanity.

It is true that in a number of speeches given by the Defendant Frank in his capacity as Governor General, he revealed his point of view on the Jewish question. The extracts from the diary submitted by the Prosecution in connection with this matter comprise practically everything relevant thereto in the Defendant Frank’s diary of 10,000 or 12,000 typed pages. Nevertheless it shall not be denied that the Defendant Frank made no secret of his anti-Semitic views. He spoke in detail on this question when giving his testimony in the witness box.

But the question of the importance to be attached to the diary entries submitted by the Prosecution is quite another matter. Almost all of them consist of statements made by the Defendant Frank in speeches, but there has not even been an attempt by the Prosecution to prove the existence of a causal connection between these statements and the measures carried out against the Jews by the Security Police.

As a result of the evidence, in particular of the testimony given by the witnesses Dr. Bilfinger and Dr. Bühler, it can be looked upon as certain—in connection with the secret decree concerning the jurisdiction of the Security Police and the SD, of the year 1939, and the decree concerning the transfer of certain tasks to the State Secretary for Security—that all the measures concerning Jews in the Government General were carried out exclusively by Reichsführer SS Himmler and his organs. That is true for both the initiation and the organization of ghettos and the so-called final solution of the Jewish question.

In regard to the latter it may be said here, on the basis of the testimony given by the witnesses Wisliceny and Hoess and of the documents presented by the Prosecution, that these measures were undertaken on Hitler’s express orders and that only a small circle of persons was concerned in their execution. This small circle was confined in the main to a few SS leaders of Department IVA, 4b of the RSHA and the personnel of the concentration camps that had been selected for the purpose.

The administration of the Government General had nothing to do with these measures. The above facts also show that the anti-Semitic statements by the Defendant Frank as submitted by the Prosecution have no causal connection with the so-called final solution of the Jewish question. Since a causal link must be established before the question of illegality and guilt can even be considered, it does not seem necessary to dwell further on the matter—all the less because the factual elements of any punishable offenses can only be said to exist if at least an attempt has been made, that is, if the commission of the offense has at least been begun. Under the principles derived from the criminal law of all civilized nations, the statements contained in the diary of the Defendant Frank do not even constitute preparatory acts. In consideration of the tense and sometimes extremely frangible relationship between the Government General, on the one hand, and the Reichsführer SS Himmler and the Higher SS and Police Leader Krüger, on the other, it would also seem to be impossible to look upon the statements of the Defendant Frank as acts of incitement or complicity. The evidence has shown on the contrary that all the efforts of the Defendant Frank to investigate successfully the rumors about the elimination of the Jews, at least within his own administrative district, failed completely. Only to complete the picture need it be mentioned that the Concentration Camp of Auschwitz was not in the Government General, but in that part of Poland which was annexed to Upper Silesia. For the rest it cannot be clearly seen whether the erection and administration of concentration camps is in itself to be looked upon as fulfilling the requirements of a war crime or a crime against humanity, or whether the Prosecution considers the establishment of such camps solely as part of the so-called common plan. Setting aside the crimes committed in the concentration camps and considering the nature of concentration camps to be that in which people are confined for reasons of state and police security on account of their political opinions and without an opportunity of defending themselves in an ordinary court of law, it appears at least doubtful whether an occupying power should not have the right to take such necessary steps as this in order to maintain public order and security. Apart from the fact that it was not National Socialists and not Germans at all who first established such camps, the following must be mentioned:

In the American Occupation Zone alone there were, according to a statement ...

DR. ROBERT M. KEMPNER (Assistant Trial Counsel for the United States): Mr. President, we raise an objection. This matter is completely irrelevant.

THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Seidl, do you wish to say anything in answer to the objection?

DR. SEIDL: Mr. President, I beg you to overrule the objection by the Prosecution, and I should like to say the following: I am not interested in criticizing an occupying power; I am only concerned with the question of whether certain conduct of which the Defendant Frank has been accused by the Prosecution constitutes the evidence of a criminal act.

I base my case on the assumption that what is proper for one occupying power must, under similar circumstances, be allowed for another occupying power, especially when it is a question of accusations made against the defendant concerning actions carried out during the war, while, the state of war with Germany having ceased on 8 May 1945 at the very latest, these urgent reasons now perhaps no longer exist to that extent.

THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal sustains the objection. There is no evidence of the statements which you have made. And in any event, the Tribunal considers them entirely irrelevant.

DR. SEIDL: I assume, Mr. President, that in that case I may continue with the last paragraph on Page 44.

THE PRESIDENT: I think so, yes, the last paragraph.

DR. SEIDL: It is not necessary to go into this matter in more detail here, because the evidence has shown that it was the Defendant Frank who from the first day of the National Socialists’ assumption of power fought against the police-state system and, above all, decried the concentration camps as an institution which could in no way be made to harmonize with the idea of a state founded on law. In this connection I refer to the testimony given by the witness Dr. Stepp, to the defendant’s own statement, and above all to the extracts from the defendant’s diary which I put in evidence. The evidence has further shown that the establishment and administration of the concentration camps lay within the sphere of Reichsführer SS Himmler’s organization. The camps, both in Reich territories and in all areas occupied by German troops, were exclusively under the command of the SS-WVHA or the Inspector General of the Concentration Camps. Neither the Governor General nor the general administration of the Government General had anything to do with these camps.

A further point of accusation against Frank is the charge that he supported violence and economic pressure as a means of recruiting workers for deportation to Germany. It is true that during the recent war many Poles came to work in Germany. But in this connection the following should be noted:

Even before the first World War, hundreds of thousands of Poles came to Germany as vagrant workers. This stream of vagrant workers continued to flow also during the period between the first and the second World Wars. In consequence of the unfortunate demarcation line, the Government General became an area that was distinctly overpopulated. The agricultural excess production areas had fallen to the Soviet Union, whereas important industrial areas were incorporated into the Reich. Under these circumstances, and because there were no riches to be found in the soil, the only valuable means of production lay in the working capacity of the population. And this—at any rate for the first few years—could not be utilized to a sufficient extent, because the other production factors were lacking. In order to avoid unemployment, and above all in the interest of maintaining public order and security, the administration of the Government General was bound, if only for reasons of State policy, to try to transfer as many workers as possible to Germany.

There can indeed be no doubt that during the first years of the administration most of the Polish workers went to the Reich voluntarily. When later, in consequence of the continuous bombing raids, not only Germany’s cities but also her factories crumbled to ruins and a not inconsiderable part of Germany’s capacity for the production of war materials had to be removed to the Government General for reasons of security, the aim of the Defendant Frank necessarily was to put a stop to any further transfer of labor. Over and above this, however, the Defendant Frank had from the very beginning opposed all violent measures in recruiting labor and solely for security reasons and in order not to create new centers of unrest had insisted that no compulsory measures were to be used and only propagandistic methods employed. That is established by the testimony of the witnesses Dr. Bühler and Dr. Böpple, and also by a large number of entries in the diary. In my presentation of evidence I have already referred to several of them. Thus, for example, the Defendant Frank said, among other things, on 4 March 1940: