His Excellency Jonathan Belcher, governor of His Majesty’s provinces of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, must have many times realized what a very difficult and disagreeable task it is to drive an ill-matched team, especially when one of them is to all appearances possessed of the Evil One, and the pole is loose and not to be depended on. Such a team the governor had in his two provinces, and he was a very busy man.

Massachusetts kept well in the traces and gave him comparatively little trouble. He lived in Boston, and was thus able to maintain a more intimate knowledge of the people of that State and the trend of public opinion than was possible to do in respect to more distant New Hampshire, where he was relatively a stranger. Though not popular as a man or as a Crown official, his personal presence in Massachusetts as governor, with the miniature court, the sumptuous appointments, and the dignity which accompanied the King’s commission, necessarily had some effect in steadying the progress of government there.

But in New Hampshire he had many serious problems. A small province both in population and resources, it had for many years stood between Massachusetts and the savages, who were continually hovering about the frontiers, and in this almost constant warfare, and by the costly vigilance which was necessary even in times of nominal peace, the province had incurred debts which were a heavy burden on the sparse population. During the time in which New Hampshire was considered by the Crown not of sufficient size, wealth, and importance to maintain a governor of its own, and accordingly yoked with Massachusetts, the power of granting townships in New Hampshire was, of course, vested in the governor, and exercised by him under the same royal instructions as in Massachusetts. The plans and purposes of the government in locating these grants in New Hampshire are easily seen by their peculiar but systematic location. They were largely laid out in lines, each line of towns answering a specific purpose. One line followed the Merrimack river, Amherst, Bedford, and Goffstown, guarding the west bank of the main inland waterway of the two provinces. Another line, Concord, Hopkinton, Henniker, Hillsborough, Warner, and Bradford, formed a northern frontier, and connected the Merrimack with Washington and Lempster the most northerly of another line, the Monadnock townships, which, nine in number, established a perfect connection back to the Massachusetts line. Still another line, Chesterfield, Westmoreland, Walpole, and Charlestown, guarded the east bank of the Connecticut. All these established and maintained a protection for the whole of central Massachusetts against any incursions of the Indians from the north, and enclosed large tracts of very valuable land.

The burden of the taxation necessary to pay the expenses of Indian warfare and maintain the government rested heavily on the people of New Hampshire, while they were engaged in conflict with the wilderness, planting the standard of civilization step by step further north and west. Therefore, when the governor in his recurring messages constantly besought the Assembly to raise money—to supply funds for repairing Fort William and Mary, for building a new prison or repairing the old one, for the expenses of carrying on the boundary line controversy with Massachusetts—he did not always meet with a cordial reception or a courteous reply. Money for current expenses and paying old obligations as fast as possible the Assembly was willing to provide, but little was to be had for other purposes which did not appear to its members absolutely and urgently necessary.

A strong opposition to the administration sprang up in New Hampshire, and manifested itself in an intrigue to procure the governor’s recall. The opposition was headed by Lieutenant-Governor Dunbar, a pugnacious Irishman, and Theodore Atkinson and Benning Wentworth, who had been appointed councillors through the efforts of Dunbar, but whose admission to the council board Governor Belcher prevented for two years. It was a strong combination. Dunbar was not possessed of great influence with the home government aside from that which pertained to his office, but Wentworth and Atkinson had powerful friends and connections in England, who were not slow to take advantage of Governor Belcher’s increasing unpopularity both in America and England. So successful were they, that when, in 1741, the royal decision on the boundary line was carried into effect, and New Hampshire finally freed from union with Massachusetts, Wentworth was commissioned governor of the province and Atkinson became secretary of the council, equivalent to the present office of secretary of state.

Governor Belcher was not, however, without friends in New Hampshire, and the chief of these, perhaps, was Richard Waldron, then secretary of the council. They were intimate friends, both officially and personally, and maintained a lively correspondence. Entirely different in character and disposition, the oddities of each attracted and amused the other. The governor’s peppery temper gave Waldron many a chance for a jest or a clever and good-natured retort. But his friends were too few, and the opposition too strong, and the settlement of the long-disputed boundary line gave the home government an opportunity too attractive to be lost for reestablishing the governments of the two provinces on a basis of complete separation, intended to result in a lasting peace, and the relief of the Board of Trade and Plantations from continual complaints and the burden of discussion and decision of what, to them, were but petty provincial squabbles.

This was, in brief, the general atmosphere of the provinces when Governor Belcher went to New Hampshire to meet the Assembly in the winter of 1733–4, and there delivered his regular speech and scolded on his regular subjects. That he was not considered seriously by all the inhabitants was not due to any lack of earnestness on his part. The author of the poetical reply has not yet been ascertained. Suspicion, however, points to Richard Waldron. The handwriting resembles his, but cannot be certainly identified.

During the first century of the life of the province no family was more prominent or carried a larger influence in the public affairs of New Hampshire than the Waldrons. Whatever may be said of peculiar characteristics which were displayed by some members of the family, the early Waldrons were, as a rule, strong, hard-headed pioneers, the type of men most needed in subduing a hostile wilderness. Later generations became wealthy, and wealth brought to them education and refinement, as brains brought distinction, both civil and military.

Secretary Richard Waldron, whom we assume to be the author of the reply to Governor Belcher’s message, was the son of Richard, and grandson of Major Richard, who was killed by the Indians at Dover in 1689, and was born Feb. 21, 1693–4. He was graduated from Harvard in 1712, and soon removed from Dover to Portsmouth. He was a member of the Governor’s council, Secretary of the province, and Judge of Probate. It is to the burning of his house in 1736 that we may charge a considerable loss of the early New Hampshire archives and records, and the breaks in the records which were thus created are serious obstacles to the historian of the present day.

The friendship of Governor Belcher kept Waldron in his office of Secretary until the end of the Belcher administration, but Governor Wentworth suspended him from the council, and removed him from the offices of Secretary and Judge of Probate. In 1749 he was elected Speaker of the House, which the Governor refused to allow, and a controversy was created which lasted three years. He died soon after, August 23, 1753.

The original manuscript of his “Scrub Poetry” is on file with the Governors’ messages in the archives in the office of the Secretary of State at Concord, N. H.

On the second day of January, 1733–4, the governor thus addressed the Council and House of Representatives:

By the last ships from London I have received an account of the French King’s Declaring War against the Empe^r of Germany with whome his Brittanick Maj^tie is in alliance & how far this unhappy Rupture may lead to a Gen^ll War in Europe is uncertaine, however I think it a faire Alarm to all his Maj^ties Dominions to put themselves in a Posture of defence & you cannot but be sensible how naked & Exposed this Province is both by Sea and Land. Fort William & Mary at the Entrance of this River (the only Fortifications his Maj^tie has in this Province) you know Lyes in a miserable condition nor are you ignorant how often I have prest the Repaire of this Fortress upon the Assembly here altho it has forty Guns yet it has for a long time had only a Capt a Gunner and two Centinels belonging to it. I hope your own Safety as well as his Maj^ties Hon^r (at this Critical juncture) will put you upon doing what is absolutely necessary in this Important affaire.

I have Gen^t frequent Complaints of the ruinous condition of the Gaole of the Province which will Require a large Repaire or Rather Rebuilding as soone as may be their being Continual Hazards of Escapes thro’ its present Deficiency.

Gen^t of the House of Representative.

you very well know there has been no money in the Treasury of the Province for neare three years past which has greatly Exposed and dishon^d the Kings Goverm^t and has been a Publick Injustice & oppression—this with the threatening Aspect abroad (I have no doubt) will lead you to make Ample Provision for what I have now mentioned as well as for all the other Exigencies of the Goverm^t.

Gen^t of the Council, & House of Representatives.

Upon my meeting of the Ass^m of the Mass^ts Bay in April last I earnestly recommended to them the passing an Order (agreeable to what had been done in this Province) for putting a stop (at present) to any process in the Law ag^t the Borderers on the disputed Lines of the two Provinces. But the Publick Prints have long Since told you it had not the desired Success.

In January Last, I wrote verry fully to the Right Hon^ble the Lords of Trade praying them to Represent this long unhappy Dispute to his Maj^tie that there might be an End put to the Contention to which letter I have rec^d the Hon^r of their Lordships Answer, Saying they hope upon the return of my answer to their Letter no further delay may be occasioned to the accomplishing a matter of so much advantage to both Provinces and my answer to their Lordships Letter is Long Since gone forward and I shall rejoyce in Seeing this troublesome affaire bro^t to a happy conclusion.

Gen^t In whatsoever you can project for his Maj^ties Hon^r & Service and for the Prosperity of his good Subjects in this Province you Shall have my hearty assistance and Consent.

The reply in rhyme is found to follow very closely the official and more dignified document which was presented to the Governor, and is probably a versification of the prose message done for the amusement of the writer only, and never intended for the Governor’s ear. It is endorsed “Ans^r to y^e Gov^rs Speech Jan^y 1733–4. Scrub Poetry.”

PUNCH TO SHEARBACK

[An explanation here seems necessary, beyond the possibilities of a foot-note.

March 6, 1732–3, the House passed a bill for emitting £20,000 in paper money. The province was much in debt on account of Indian warfare, repairing and maintaining fortifications, etc., and provision for payment of this debt had been made by heavy taxes to continue annually until 1742. But money was very scarce, and the House considered that the people would be unable to pay the taxes laid upon them for the want of a proper medium. Therefore this £20,000 was to be placed in the hands of a committee, to be loaned to the people at 5% interest for sixteen years, and the principal of each loan was to be paid at the rate of 25% each year for the four years next following the term of sixteen years for which the loan was made. And for the supply of the treasury for the time before the first interest payment was due, a further sum of £1,000 was to be issued. The council, however, was unanimous in refusing to concur with the House on this bill.

The House attempted to bring about a compromise by reducing the loan term to eight years and by other changes in the original bill, but was not successful, the Governor claiming that the approval of such a bill would be contrary to his instructions.

Finally, March 9, the House addressed a message to the Governor, in which the council is charged with saying that the House had nothing to do with the matter of issuing money; and the House further defends its action and position thus: “Now this House thinks they have and ought to have a vote in the disposall of all Publick money and that the Board were formerly of this opinion appears by their Sending down Mr. Atkinson’s account to be past upon in the last Sessions. So that, that money is Still unapplyed notwithstanding the Said Atkinson hath declared his readiness to pay the Same. So that the House can See no other way of Supplying the Treasury without oppressing the People whome we Represent than what they have come into. Wherefore this House are humbly of opinion that it will greatly tend to the Prosperity and welfare of his Maj^ties Subjects of this Province to address his Maj^tie by the hand of our agent to obtaine his Royall leave for a further Emission of Paper Currency more Especially Since your Excell^y has informed this House that you cant consent to. It being contrary to his Maj^ties Royal Instruction to your Excell^y and if the Hon^ble Council Should think proper to appoint a com’ittee to Joyne with a Com’ittee of this House for the Ends aforesaid we are humbly of Opinion it would be attended with the desired effect.”

The next day, March 10, the council sent down a sharp and angry reply, as follows:

“Whereas in a Mess^a from the Hon^ble House to his Excellency the forenoon bearing date the 9th Curr^t & Sent up this day and communicated to the Council There are Sundry things mentioned which Seem to cast an Odium on the Council as tho it lay at their door that there is not a due Supply of the Treasury to which the Council in justice to themselves are oblidged to Say that the reason of their non-concurrence to the 20000£ Bills on Loan was (as the House has been Heretofore once and againe Informed) because the Emission of Bills on Loan is directly contrary to his Maj^tie Royal Instructions And as to the thousand pounds Mentioned for the im’ediate Supply of the Treasury it was couched in the Twenty thousand pound Bills from whence tis plaine that the House never intended one Should pass without the other but that if the thousand pounds for the Supply of the Treasury would not tempt the Council to break this the Kings Instruction their complyance with the Kings Instruction Should defeat the Supply of the Treasury but if they had a Sincere disposition to Supply the Treasury as they pretended and Sent up a Bill for the Same they would have soon seen the heartiness of the Council in doing their Duty to his Maj^tie and the utmost Justice to this Province by the rediest concurrence as to the Interest of the 1730£ the Council have been long Endeavouring that that Loan Might by some means or other be beneficial to the Publick Tho to their great grief by the disappointment of their attempts in the Honb^ble House Private psons have enjoyed the benefit of that money at 2½ p Ct when there have been many that would gladly have given more than double yea treble for the same if they might have been favoured with it and the Council have this day Sent down a vote for the Setting that Loan at 6 p C^t for 2 years instead of 2½ p Ct in order to Ease the Tax of the Province which has at last Succeeded as to the Money in Mr. Atkinsons hands which he recd of Hughs’s Estate long agoe and which ought for Several years past to have been in the Treasury the Council presume his Excell^y will take a due Care that that £292 Ball^ce Settled under his hands be paid by a Course of Law Since there is no prospect of its being done without it even after So much indulgence to him who has been So notoriously delinquent to the vast dishon^r of the Goverm^t & unspeakable oppression of Sundry poor distressed Creatures to whome the Province is indebted—as to the Houses Saying they ought to have a vote in the Disposal of the Publick Money the Council Reply when they the Council think proper to deny that Point in Politicks it will be time En^o for them to form an argum^t against it but that is not yet got unto the Question for saying the House of Representatives have nothing to do with a Confiscation or a forfeiture to his Maj^tie by a Judgm^t in Court Is not Saying the House have nothing to do with the disposal of Publick Money unless it [is] So by some Logick in the House w^ch the Council have not Learn’d—As to Mr. Atkinsons declaration of his readiness to pay the Money in his hands what is there in it did he not declare heretofore even in the House and most Solemnly at the Council Board too that he would pay part of his Debt at Such a time and the Residue in a Short Space after & are not the terms long Since Expired But are the paym^ts made let the Treasurers accounts answer which Say no not one penny why then Gen^t Should you trouble your Selves in making Such a mess^a & boasting of Such declarations the Council might further verry well observe too that the Scheme of the House for an audit to be appointed by the Gen^ll Court to Examine a Sheriffs Return of an Execution is intirely new however is a full Evidence that the House have been much bent on trifling as to what the House propose of the Councils Joyning with them in addressing his majesty by the hand of our our agent as they express it) &c the Council Say they know of no Person So qualified But if the House mean Cap^t John Rindge, Marriner then they answer That when it appears to them that his Capacity & other Quallifications are Equal to Such a Trust & he is hon^d with a Comissⁿ for that place the Council will readyly do w^t is proper on those heads.”]

Concord, N. H.