they are quite enough to hinder any two historical events from
   being exact doubles of one another. … We must carefully
   distinguish between causes and occasions. It is one of the
   oldest and one of the wisest remarks of political philosophy
   that great events commonly arise from great causes, but from
   small occasions.
{1649}
   A certain turn of mind, one which is more concerned with
   gossip, old or new, than with real history, delights in
   telling us how the greatest events spring from the smallest
   causes, how the fates of nations and empires are determined by
   some sheer accident, or by the personal caprice or personal
   quarrel of some perhaps very insignificant person. A good deal
   of court-gossip, a good deal of political gossip, passes both
   in past and present times for real history. Now a great deal
   of this gossip is sheer gossip, and may be cast aside without
   notice; but a good deal of it often does contain truth of a
   certain kind. Only bear in mind the difference between causes
   and occasions, and we may accept a good many of the stories
   which tell us how very trifling incidents led to very great
   events. … When I speak of causes and occasions, when I speak
   of small personal caprices and quarrels, as being not the
   causes of great events, but merely the occasions, I wish it to
   be fully understood that I do not at all place the agency of
   really great men among mere occasions: I fully give it its
   place among determining causes. In any large view of history,
   we must always be on our guard against either underrating or
   overrating the actions of individual men. History is something
   more than biography; but biography is an essential and a most
   important part of history. We must not think, on the one hand,
   that great men, heroes, or whatever we please to call them,
   can direct the course of history according to their own will
   and pleasure, perhaps according to their mere caprice, with no
   danger of their will being thwarted, unless it should run
   counter to the will of some other great man or hero of equal
   or greater power. … On the other hand, we must not deem that
   the course of history is so governed by general laws, that it
   is so completely in bondage to almost mechanical powers, that
   there is no room for the free agency of great men and of small
   men too. For it is of no little importance that, while we talk
   of the influence of great men on the history of the world, we
   should not forget the influence of the small men. Every man
   has some influence on the course of history."

      E. A. Freeman,
      The Practical Bearings of European History
      (Lectures to American Audiences),
      pages 207-215.

HISTORY:
   The Philosophy of History

   "The philosophy of history is not a something separate from
   the facts of history, but a something contained in them. The
   more a man gets into the meaning of them, the more he gets
   into it, and it into him; for it is simply the meaning, the
   rational interpretation, the knowledge of the true nature and
   essential relations of the facts. And this is true of whatever
   species or order the facts may be. Their philosophy is not
   something separate and distinct from, something over and
   above, their interpretation, but simply their interpretation.
   He who knows about any people, or epoch, or special
   development of human nature, how it has come to be what it is
   and what it tends to, what causes have given it the character
   it has, and what its relation is to the general development of
   humanity, has attained to the philosophy of the history of
   that people, epoch, or development. Philosophical history is
   sometimes spoken of as a kind of history, but the language is
   most inaccurate. Every kind of history is philosophical which
   is true and thorough; which goes closely and deeply enough to
   work; which shows the what, how, and why of events as far as
   reason and research can ascertain. History always participates
   in some measure of philosophy, for events are always connected
   according to some real or supposed principle either of
   efficient or final causation."

      R. Flint,
      Philosophy of History,
      introduction.

HISTORY:
   The possibility of a Science of History.
   Mr. Buckle's theory.

   "The believer in the possibility of a science of history is
   not called upon to hold either the doctrine of predestined
   events, or that of freedom of the will; and the only positions
   which, in this stage of the inquiry, I shall expect him to
   concede are the following: That when we perform an action, we
   perform it in consequence of some motive or motives; that
   those motives are the results of some antecedents; and that,
   therefore, if we were acquainted with the whole of the
   antecedents, and with all the laws of their movements, we
   could with unerring certainty predict the whole of their
   immediate results. This, unless I am greatly mistaken, is the
   view which must be held by every man whose mind is unbiased by
   system, and who forms his opinions according to the evidence
   actually before him. … Rejecting, then, the metaphysical
   dogma of free will and, the theological dogma of predestined
   events, we are driven to the conclusion that the actions of
   men, being determined solely by their antecedents, must have a
   character of uniformity, that is to say, must, under precisely
   the same circumstances, always issue in precisely the same
   results. And as all antecedents are either in the mind or out
   of it, we clearly see that all the variations in the
   results—in other words, all the changes of which history is
   full, all the vicissitudes of the human race, their progress
   or their decay, their happiness or their misery—must be the
   fruit of a double action; an action of external phenomena upon
   the mind, and another action of the mind upon the phenomena.
   These are the materials out of which a philosophic history can
   alone be constructed. On the one hand, we have the human mind
   obeying the laws of its own existence, and, when uncontrolled
   by external agents, developing itself according to the
   conditions of its organization. On the other hand, we have
   what is called Nature, obeying likewise its laws; but
   incessantly coming into contact with the minds of men,
   exciting their passions, stimulating their intellect, and
   therefore giving to their actions a direction which they would
   not have taken without such disturbance. Thus we have man
   modifying nature, and nature modifying man; while out of this
   reciprocal modification all events must necessarily spring.
   The problem immediately before us is to ascertain the method
   of discovering the laws of this double modification."

      H. T. Buckle,
      History of Civilization in England,
      chapter 1.

   "Buckle is not the first who has attempted to treat the
   unscientific character of History, the 'methodless matter,' as
   an ancient writer names it, by the method of exhibiting vital
   phenomena under points of view analogous to those which are
   the starting-point of the exact sciences. But a notion which
   others have incidentally broached under some formula about
   'natural growth,' or carried out in the very inadequate and
   merely figurative idea of 'the inorganic; what still others,
   as Comte in his attractive 'Philosophie Positive,' have
   developed speculatively, Buckle undertakes to ground in a
   comprehensive historical exposition. …
{1650}
   He purposes to raise History to a science by showing how to
   demonstrate historical facts out of general laws. He paves the
   way for this by setting forth that the earliest and rudest
   conceptions touching the course of human destiny were those
   indicated by the ideas of chance and necessity, that in all
   probability' out of these grew later the 'dogmas' of free-will
   and predestination, that both are in a great degree
   'mistakes,' or that, as he adds, 'we at least have no adequate
   proof of their truth.' He finds that all the changes of which
   History is full, all the vicissitudes which have come upon the
   human race, its advance and its decline, its happiness and its
   misery, must be the fruit, of a double agency, the working of
   outer phenomena upon our nature, and the working of our nature
   upon outer phenomena. He has confidence that he has discovered
   the 'laws' of this double influence, and that he has therefore
   elevated the History of mankind to a science. … Buckle does
   not so much leave the freedom of the will, in connection with
   divine providence, out of view, but rather declares it an
   illusion and throws it overboard. Within the precincts of
   philosophy also something similar has recently been taught. A
   thinker whom I regard with personal esteem says: 'If we call
   all that an individual man is, has and performs A, then this A
   arises out of a + x, a embracing all that comes to the
   man from his outer circumstances: from his country, people,
   age, etc., while the vanishingly little x is his own
   contribution, the work of his free will.' However vanishingly
   small this x may be, it is of infinite value. Morally
   and humanly considered it alone has value. The colors, the
   brush, the canvas which Raphael used were of materials which
   he had not created. He had learned from one and another master
   to apply these materials in drawing and painting. The idea of
   the Holy Virgin and of the saints and angels, he met with in
   church tradition. Various cloisters ordered pictures from him
   at given prices. That this incitement alone, these material
   and technical conditions and such traditions and
   contemplations, should 'explain' the Sistine Madonna, would
   be, in the formula A = a + x, the service of the
   vanishing little x. Similarly everywhere. Let
   statistics go on showing that in a certain country so and so
   many illegitimate births occur. Suppose that in the formula A
   = a + x this a includes all the elements which
   'explain' the fact that among a thousand mothers twenty,
   thirty, or whatever the number is, are unmarried; each
   individual case of the kind has its history, how often a
   touching and affecting one. Of those twenty or thirty who have
   fallen is there a single one who will be consoled by knowing
   that the statistical law 'explains' her case? Amid the
   tortures of conscience through nights of weeping, many a one
   of them will be profoundly convinced that in the formula A =
   a + x the vanishing little x is of immeasurable
   weight, that in fact it embraces the entire moral worth of the
   human being, his total and exclusive value. No intelligent man
   will think of denying that the statistical method of
   considering human affairs has its great worth; but we must not
   forget how little, relatively, it can accomplish and is meant
   to accomplish: Many and perhaps all human relations have a
   legal side; yet no one will on that account bid us seek for
   the understanding of the Eroica or of Faust among jurists'
   definitions concerning intellectual property."

      J. G. Droysen,
      Outline of the Principles of History
      pages 62-64 and 77-79.

HISTORY:
   History as the root of all Science.
   Lost History.

   "History, as it lies at the root of all science, is also the
   first distinct product of man's spiritual nature; his earliest
   expression of what can be called Thought. It is a looking both
   before and after; as, indeed, the coming Time already waits,
   unseen, yet definitely shaped, predetermined and inevitable,
   in the Time come; and only by the combination of both is the
   meaning of either completed. The Sibylline Books, though old,
   are not the oldest. Some nations have prophecy, some have not:
   but of all mankind, there is no tribe so rude that it has not
   attempted History, though several have not arithmetic enough
   to count Five. History has been written with quipo-threads,
   with feather-pictures, with wampum-belts; still oftener with
   earth-mounds and monumental stone-heaps, whether as pyramid or
   cairn; for the Celt and the Copt, the Red man as well as the
   White, lives between two eternities, and warring against
   Oblivion, he would fain unite himself in clear conscious
   relation, as in dim unconscious relation he is already united,
   with the whole Future and the whole Past. A talent for History
   may be said to be born with us, as our chief inheritance. In a
   certain sense all men are historians. Is not every memory
   written quite full with Annals, wherein joy and mourning,
   conquest and loss manifoldly alternate; and, with or without
   philosophy, the whole fortunes of one little inward Kingdom,
   and all its politics, foreign and domestic, stand ineffaceably
   recorded? Our very speech is curiously historical. Most men,
   you may observe, speak only to narrate; not in imparting what
   they have thought, which indeed were often a very small
   matter, but in exhibiting what they have undergone or seen,
   which is a quite unlimited one, do talkers dilate. Cut us off
   from Narrative, how would the stream of conversation, even
   among the wisest, languish into detached handfuls, and among
   the foolish utterly evaporate! Thus, as we do nothing but
   enact History, we say little but recite it: nay rather, in
   that widest sense, our whole spiritual life is built thereon.
   For, strictly considered, what is all Knowledge too but
   recorded Experience, and a product of History; of which;
   therefore, Reasoning and Belief, no less than Action and
   Passion, are essential materials? … Social Life is the
   aggregate of all the individual men's Lives who constitute
   society; History is the essence of innumerable Biographies.
   But if one Biography, nay our own Biography, study and
   recapitulate it as we may, remains in so many points
   unintelligible to us; how much more must these million, the
   very facts of which, to say nothing of the purport of them, we
   know not, and cannot know! … Which was the greatest
   innovator, which was the more important personage in man's
   history, he who first led armies over the Alps, and gained the
   victories of Cannæ and Thrasymene; or the nameless boor who
   first hammered out for himself an iron spade? When the oak
   tree is felled, the whole forest echoes with it; but a hundred
   acorns are planted silently by some unnoticed breeze.
{1651}
   Battles and war-tumults, which for the time din every ear, and
   with joy or terror intoxicate every heart, pass away like
   tavern-brawls; and, except some few Marathons and Morgartens,
   are remembered by accident, not by desert. Laws themselves,
   political Constitutions, are not our Life, but only the house
   wherein our Life is led: nay they are but the bare walls of
   the house; all whose essential furniture, the inventions and
   traditions, and daily habits that regulate and support our
   existence, are the work not of Dracos and Hampdens, but of
   Phœnician mariners, of Italian masons and Saxon metallurgists,
   of philosophers, alchymists, prophets, and all the
   long-forgotten train of artists and artisans; who from the
   first have been jointly teaching us how to think and how to
   act, how to rule over spiritual and over physical Nature. Well
   may we say that of our History the more important part is lost
   without recovery."

      T. Carlyle,
      On History
      (Critical and Miscellaneous Essays, volume 2).

HISTORY:
   Interpretation of the Past by the Present.

   "But how, it may be asked, are we to interpret the Past from
   the Present, if there are no institutions in the present
   answering to those in the past? We have no serfs, for example,
   in England at the present time, how then are we to understand
   a state of Society of which they were a component element? The
   answer is—by analogy, by looking at the essence of the
   relation. Between a modern master and his lackeys and
   dependents, the same essential relation subsists as between
   the lord and serf of feudal times. If we realise to ourselves
   the full round of this relationship, deepen the shades to
   correspond with the more absolute power possessed by a lord in
   early times, allow for a more aristocratic state of opinion
   and belief, the result will be the solution desired. This
   method of interpreting the Past from the Present has been
   followed by Shakespeare in his great historical dramas, with
   such success as we all know. He wishes, for example, to give
   us a picture of old Roman times. He gets from Plutarch and
   other sources the broad historical facts, the form of
   Government and Religion, the distribution of Power and
   Authority: this is the skeleton to which he has to give life
   and reality. How does he proceed? He simply takes his stand on
   the times in which he himself lived; notes the effects
   existing institutions have on his own and other minds; allows
   for the differences in custom, mode of life, and political and
   religious forms; and the result is a drama or dramas more real
   and lifelike, more true and believable, an insight into the
   working of Roman life more subtle and profound, than all the
   husks with which the historians have furnished us."

      J. B. Crozier,
      Civilization and Progress,
      page 35.

HISTORY:
   The Moral lessons of History.

   "Gibbon believed that the era of conquerors was at an end. Had
   he lived out the full life of man, he would have seen Europe
   at the feet of Napoleon. But a few years ago we believed the
   world had grown too civilized for war, and the Crystal Palace
   in Hyde Park was to be the inauguration of a new era. Battles
   bloody as Napoleon's are now the familiar tale of every day;
   and the arts which have made greatest progress are the arts of
   destruction. … What, then, is the use of History, and what
   are its lessons? If it can tell us little of the past, and
   nothing of the future, why waste our time over so barren a
   study? First, it is a voice forever sounding across the
   centuries the laws of right and wrong. Opinions alter, manners
   change, creeds rise and fall, but the moral law is written on
   the tablets of eternity. For every false word or unrighteous
   deed, for cruelty and oppression, for lust or vanity, the
   price has to be paid at last; not always by the chief
   offenders, but paid by some one. Justice and truth alone
   endure and live. Injustice and falsehood may be long-lived,
   but doomsday comes at last to them, in French revolutions and
   other terrible ways. That is one lesson of History. Another is
   that we should draw no horoscopes; that we should expect
   little, for what we expect will not come to pass."

      J. A. Froude,
      Short Studies on Great Subjects,
      pages 27-28.

HISTORY:
   The Educational and Practical value of History.

   "It is, I think, one of the best schools for that kind of
   reasoning which is most useful in practical life. It teaches
   men to weigh conflicting probabilities, to estimate degrees of
   evidence, to form a sound judgment of the value of
   authorities. Reasoning is taught by actual practice much more
   than by any a priori methods. Many good judges—and I own I am
   inclined to agree with them—doubt much whether a study of
   formal logic ever yet made a good reasoner. Mathematics are no
   doubt invaluable in this respect, but they only deal with
   demonstrations; and it has often been observed how many
   excellent mathematicians are somewhat peculiarly destitute of
   the power of measuring degrees of probability. But History is
   largely concerned with the kind of probabilities on which the
   conduct of life mainly, depends. There is one hint about
   historical reasoning which I think may not be unworthy of your
   notice. When studying some great historical controversy, place
   yourself by an effort of the imagination alternately on each
   side of the battle; try to realise as fully as you can the
   point of view of the best men on either side, and then draw up
   upon paper the arguments of each in the strongest form you can
   give them. You will find that few practices do more to
   elucidate the past, or form a better mental discipline."

      W. E. H. Lecky,
      The Political Value of History,
      pages 47-49.

   "He who demands certainties alone as the sphere of his action
   must retire from the activities of life, and confine himself
   to the domain of mathematical computation. He who is unwilling
   to investigate and weigh probabilities can have no good reason
   to hope for any practical success whatever. It is strictly
   accurate to say that the highest successes in life, whether in
   statesmanship, in legislation, in war, in the civic
   professions, or in the industrial pursuits, are attained by
   those who possess the greatest skill in the weighing of
   probabilities and the estimating of them at their true value.
   This is the essential reason why the study of history is so
   important an element in the work of improving the judgment,
   and in the work of fitting men to conduct properly the larger
   interests of communities and states. It is a study of
   humanity, not in an ideal condition, but as humanity exists.
   The student of history surveys the relations of life in
   essentially the same manner as the man of business surveys
   them. Perhaps it ought rather to be said that the historical
   method is the method that must be used in the common affairs
   of everyday life.
{1652}
   The premises from which the man of business has to draw his
   conclusions are always more or less involved and uncertain.
   The gift which insures success, therefore, is not so much the
   endowment of a powerful reasoning faculty as that other
   quality of intelligence, which we call good judgment. It is
   the ability to grasp what may be called the strategic points
   of a situation by instinctive or intuitive methods. It reaches
   its conclusions not by any very clearly defined or definable
   process, but rather by the method of conjecturing the value
   and importance of contingent elements. It is the ability to
   reach correct conclusions when the conditions of a strictly
   logical process are wanting. To a man of affairs this is the
   most valuable of all gifts; and it is acquired, so far as it
   comes by effort, not by studying the rigid processes of
   necessary reasoning, but by a large observance and
   contemplation of human affairs. And it is precisely this
   method of studying men that the historical student has to use.
   His premises are always more or less uncertain, and his
   conclusions, therefore, like the conclusions of every day
   life, are the product of his judgment rather than the product
   of pure reason. It is in the light of this fact that we are to
   explain the force of Guizot's remark, that nothing tortures
   history more than logic. Herein also is found the reason why
   the study of history is so necessary a part of a good
   preparation for the affairs of politics and statesmanship.
   Freeman has said that history is simply past politics, and
   politics are simply present history. If this be true—and who
   can deny it?—the study of history and the study of politics
   are much the same. The kind of involved and contingent
   reasoning necessary for the successful formation of political
   judgments is unquestionably the kind of reasoning which, of
   all studies, history is best adapted to give. It may also be
   said that the most important elements of success are the same
   in all practical vocations. The conditions, whether those of
   statesmanship or those of industry and commerce, have been
   essentially the same in all ages. Society is, and has been,
   from its first existence, a more or less complicated organism.
   It is a machine with a great number of wheels and springs. No
   part is independent. Hence it is that no man can be completely
   useful if he is out of gear with his age, however perfect he may
   be in himself."

      C. K. Adams,
      A Manual of Historical Literature,
      pp. 15-16.

   "To turn for a moment to the general question. I should not
   like to be thought to be advocating my study on the mere
   grounds of utility; although I believe that utility, both as
   regards the training of the study and the information attained
   in it, to be the highest, humanly speaking, of all utilities;
   it helps to qualify a man to act in his character of a
   politician as a Christian man should. But this is not all;
   beyond the educational purpose, beyond the political purpose,
   beyond the philosophical use of history and its training, it
   has something of the preciousness of everything that is
   clearly true. In common with Natural Philosophy it has its
   value, I will not say as Science, for that would be to use a
   term which has now become equivocal, but it has a value
   analogous to the value of science; a value as something that
   is worth knowing and retaining in the knowledge for its own
   and for the truth's sake. And in this consists its especial
   attraction for its own votaries. It is not the pleasure of
   knowing something that the world does not know,—that
   doubtless is a motive that weighs with many minds, a motive to
   be accepted as a fact, though it may not be worth analysis. It
   is not the mere pleasure of investigating and finding with
   every step of investigation new points of view open out, and
   new fields of labour, new characters of interest;—that
   investigating instinct of human nature is not one to be
   ignored, and the exercise of it on such inexhaustible
   materials as are before us now is a most healthy exercise, one
   that cannot but strengthen and develop the whole mind of the
   man who uses it, urging him on to new studies, new languages,
   new discoveries in geography and science. But even this is not
   all. There is, I speak humbly, in common with Natural Science,
   in the study of living History, a gradual approximation to a
   consciousness that we are growing into a perception of the
   workings of the Almighty Ruler of the world. … The study of
   History is in this respect, as Coleridge said of Poetry, its
   own great reward, a thing to be loved and cultivated for its
   own sake. … If man is not, as we believe, the greatest and
   most wonderful of God's works, he is at least the most
   wonderful that comes within our contemplation; if the human
   will, which is the motive cause of all historical events, is
   not the freest agent in the universe, it is at least the
   freest agency of which we have any knowledge; if its
   variations are not absolutely innumerable and irreducible to
   classification, on the generalisations of which we may
   formulate laws and rules, and maxims and prophecies, they are
   far more diversified and less reducible than any other
   phenomena in those regions of the universe that we have power
   to penetrate. For one great insoluble problem of astronomy or
   geology there are a thousand insoluble problems in the life,
   in the character, in the face of every man that meets you in
   the street. Thus, whether we look at the dignity of the
   subject-matter, or at the nature of the mental exercise which
   it requires, or at the inexhaustible field over which the
   pursuit ranges, History, the knowledge of the adventures, the
   development, the changeful career, the varied growths, the
   ambitions, aspirations, and, if you like, the approximating
   destinies of mankind, claims a place second to none in the
   roll of sciences."

      W. Stubbs,
      Seventeen Lectures on the Study of
      Medieval and Modern History,
      lectures 1 and 4.

   "There is a passage in Lord Bacon so much to this purpose that
   I cannot forbear quoting it. 'Although' (he says) 'we are
   deeply indebted to the light, because by means of it we can
   find our way, ply our tasks, read, distinguish one another;
   and yet for all that the vision of the light itself is more
   excellent and more beautiful than all these various uses of
   it; so the contemplation and sight of things as they are,
   without superstition, without imposture, without error, and
   without confusion, is in itself worth more than all the
   harvest and profit of inventions put together.' And so may I
   say of History; that useful as it may be to the statesman, to
   the lawyer, to the schoolmaster, or the annalist, so far as it
   enables us to look at facts as they are, and to cultivate that
   habit within us, the importance of History is far beyond all
   mere amusement or even information that we may gather from
   it."

      J. S. Brewer,
      English Studies,
      page 382.

{1653}

   "To know History is impossible; not even Mr. Freeman, not
   Professor Ranke himself, can be said to know History. … No
   one, therefore, should be discouraged from studying History.
   Its greatest service is not so much to increase our knowledge
   as to stimulate thought and broaden our intellectual horizon,
   and for this purpose no study is its equal."

      W. P. Atkinson,
      On History and the Study of History,
      page 107.

HISTORY:
   The Writing of History.
   Macaulay's view.

   "A history in which every particular incident may be true may
   on the whole be false. The circumstances which have most
   influence on the happiness of mankind, the changes of manners
   and morals, the transition of communities from poverty to
   wealth, from knowledge to ignorance, from ferocity to
   humanity—these are, for the most part, noiseless revolutions.
   Their progress is rarely indicated by what historians are
   pleased to call important events. They are not achieved by
   armies, or enacted by senates. They are sanctioned by no
   treaties and recorded in no archives. They are carried on in
   every school, in every church, behind ten thousand counters,
   at ten thousand firesides. The upper current of society
   presents no certain criterion by which we can judge of the
   direction in which the under current flows. We read of defeats
   and victories. But we know that nations may be miserable
   amidst victories and prosperous amidst defeats. We read of the
   fall of wise ministers and of the rise of profligate
   favourites. But we must remember how small a proportion the
   good or evil effected by a single statesman can bear to the
   good or evil of a great social system. … The effect of
   historical reading is analogous, in many respects, to that
   produced by foreign travel. The student, like the tourist, is
   transported into a new state of society. He sees new fashions.
   He hears new modes of expression. His mind is enlarged by
   contemplating the wide diversities of laws, of morals, and of
   manners. But men may travel far and return with minds as
   contracted as if they had never stirred from their own
   market-town. In the same manner, men may know the dates of
   many battles and the genealogies of many royal houses, and yet
   be no wiser. … The perfect historian is he in whose work the
   character and spirit of an age is exhibited in miniature. He
   relates no fact, he attributes no expression to his
   characters, which is not authenticated by sufficient
   testimony. But, by judicious selection, rejection, and
   arrangement, he gives to truth those attractions which have
   been usurped by fiction. In his narrative a due subordination
   is observed: some transactions are prominent; others retire.
   But the scale on which he represents them is increased or
   diminished, not according to the dignity of the persons
   concerned in them, but according to the degree in which they
   elucidate the condition of society and the nature of man. He
   shows us the court, the camp, and the senate. But he shows us
   also the nation. He considers no anecdote, no peculiarity of
   manner, no familiar saying, as too insignificant for his
   notice which is not too insignificant to illustrate the
   operation of laws, of religion, and of education, and to mark
   the progress of the human mind. Men will not merely be
   described, but will be made intimately known to us."

      Lord Macaulay,
      History
      (Essays, volume 1).

HISTORY:
   The Writing of History.
   Truthfulness in Style.

   "That man reads history, or anything else, at great peril of
   being thoroughly misled, who has no perception of any
   truthfulness except that which can be fully ascertained by
   reference to facts; who does not in the least perceive the
   truth, or the reverse, of a writer's style, of his epithets,
   of his reasoning, of his mode of narration. In life our faith
   in any narration is much influenced by the personal
   appearance, voice, and gesture of the person narrating. There
   is some part of all these things in his writing; and you must
   look into that well before you can know what faith to give
   him. One man may make mistakes in names, and dates, and
   references, and yet have a real substance of truthfulness in
   him, a wish to enlighten himself and then you. Another may not
   be wrong in his facts, but have a declamatory, or sophistical,
   vein in him, much to be guarded against. A third may be both
   inaccurate and untruthful, caring not so much for any thing as
   to write his book. And if the reader cares only to read it,
   sad work they make between them of the memories of former
   days."

      Sir A. Helps,
      Friends in Council,
      volume 1, pages 199-200.

HISTORY:
   Historical Romance and Romantic History.
   Sir Walter Scott.

   "The prodigious addition which the happy idea of the
   historical romance has made to the stories of elevated
   literature, and through it to the happiness and improvement of
   the human race, will not be properly appreciated, unless the
   novels most in vogue before the immortal creations of Scott
   appeared are considered. … Why is it that works so popular
   in their day, and abounding with so many traits of real
   genius, should so soon have palled upon the world? Simply
   because they were not founded upon a broad and general view of
   human nature; because they were drawn, not from real life in
   the innumerable phases which it presents to the observer, but
   imaginary life as it was conceived in the mind of the
   composer; because they were confined to one circle and class
   of society, and having exhausted all the natural ideas which
   it could present, its authors were driven, in the search of
   variety, to the invention of artificial and often ridiculous
   ones. Sir Walter Scott, as all the world knows, was the
   inventor of the historical romance. As if to demonstrate how
   ill founded was the opinion, that all things were worked out,
   and that originality no longer was accessible for the rest of
   time, Providence, by the means of that great mind, bestowed a
   new art, as it were, upon mankind—at the very time when
   literature to all appearance was effete, and invention, for
   above a century, had run in the cramped and worn-out channels
   of imitation. Gibbon was lamenting that the subjects of
   history were exhausted, and that modern story would never
   present the moving incidents of ancient story, on the verge of
   the French Revolution and the European war—of the Reign of
   Terror and the Moscow retreat. Such was the reply of Time to
   the complaint that political incident was worn out. Not less
   decisive was the answer which the genius of the Scottish bard
   afforded to the opinion, that the treasures of original
   thought were exhausted, and that nothing now remained for the
   sons of men. In the midst of that delusion he wrote
   'Waverley'; and the effect was like the sun bursting through
   the clouds."

      Historical Romance
      (Blackwood's Magazine, September, 1845).

{1654}

   "Those sticklers for truth, who reproach Scott with having
   falsified history because he wilfully confused dates, forget
   the far greater truth which that wonderful writer generally
   presented. If, for his purposes, he disarranged the order of
   events a little; no grave historian ever succeeded better in
   painting the character of the epoch. He committed errors of
   detail enough to make Mrs. Markham shudder. He divined
   important historical truth which had escaped the sagacity of
   all historians. A great authority, Augustin Thierry, has
   pronounced Scott the greatest of all historical divinators."

      G. H. Lewes,
      Historical Romance
      (Westminster Review, March, 1846).

   "The novel of Ivanhoe places us four generations after the
   invasion of the Normans, in the reign of Richard, son of Henry
   Plantagenet, sixth king since the conqueror. At this period,
   at which the historian Hume can only represent to us a king
   and England, without telling us what a king is, nor what he
   means by England, Walter Scott, entering profoundly into the
   examination of events, shows us classes of men, distinct
   interests and conditions, two nations, a double language,
   customs which repel and combat each other; on one side tyranny
   and insolence, on the other misery and hatred, real
   developments of the drama of the conquest, of which the battle
   of Hastings had been only the prologue. … In the midst of
   the world which no longer exists, Walter Scott always places
   the world which does and always will exist, that is to say,
   human nature, of which he knows all the secrets. Everything
   peculiar to the time and place, the exterior of men, the
   aspect of the country and of the habitations, costumes, and
   manners, are described with the most minute truthfulness; and
   yet the immense erudition which has furnished so many details
   is nowhere to be perceived. Walter Scott seems to have for the
   past that second sight, which in times of ignorance, certain
   men attributed to themselves for the future. To say that there
   is more real history in his novels on Scotland and England
   than in the philosophically false compilations which still
   possess that great name, is not advancing any thing strange in
   the eyes of those who have read and understood 'Old
   Mortality,' 'Waverley,' 'Rob Roy,' the 'Fortunes of Nigel,'
   and the 'Heart of Mid-Lothian.'"

      A. Thierry, Narratives of the Merovingian Era,
      Historical Essays, etc., essay 9.

   "We have all heard how the romances of Walter Scott brought
   history home to people who would never have looked into the
   ponderous volumes of professed historians, and many of us
   confess to ourselves that there are large historical periods
   which would be utterly unknown to us but for some story either
   of the great romancer or one of his innumerable imitators.
   Writers, as well as readers, of history were awakened by Scott
   to what seemed to them the new discovery that the great
   personages of history were after all men and women of flesh
   and blood like ourselves. Hence in all later historical
   literature there is visible the effort to make history more
   personal, more dramatic than it had been before. We can hardly
   read the interesting Life of Lord Macaulay without perceiving
   that the most popular historical work of modern times owes its
   origin in a great measure to the Waverley Novels. Macaulay
   grew up in a world of novels; his conversation with his
   sisters was so steeped in reminiscences of the novels they had
   read together as to be unintelligible to those who wanted the
   clue. His youth and early manhood witnessed the appearance of
   the Waverley Novels themselves. … He became naturally
   possessed by the idea which is expressed over and over again
   in his essays, and which at last he realized with such
   wonderful success, the idea that it was quite possible to make
   history as interesting as romance. … Macaulay is only the
   most famous of a large group of writers who have been
   possessed with the same idea. As Scott founded the historical
   romance, he may be said to have founded the romantic history.
   And to this day it is an established popular opinion that this
   is the true way of writing history, only that few writers have
   genius enough for it. … It must be urged against this kind
   of history that very few subjects or periods are worthy of it.
   Once or twice there have appeared glorious characters whose
   perfection no eloquence can exaggerate; once or twice national
   events have arranged themselves like a drama, or risen to the
   elevation of an epic poem. But the average of history is not
   like this; it is indeed much more ordinary and monotonous than
   is commonly supposed. The serious student of history has to
   submit to a disenchantment like that which the experience of
   life brings to the imaginative youth. As life is not much like
   romance, so history when it is studied in original documents
   looks very unlike the conventional representation of it which
   historians have accustomed us to."

      J. R. Seeley,
      History and Polities
      (Macmillan's Magazine, August, 1879).

HISTORY:
   How to study History.

   "The object of the historical student is to bring before his
   mind a picture of the main events and the spirit of the times
   which he studies. The first step is to get a general view from
   a brief book; the second step is to enlarge it from more
   elaborate books, reading more than one, and to use some system
   of written notes keeping them complete. The next step is to
   read some of the contemporary writers. Having done these three
   things carefully, the historical student carries away an
   impression of his period which will never be effaced."

      Prof. A. B. Hart,
      How to Study History
      (Chautauquan, October, 1893).

HISTORY:
   The Importance of a knowledge of Universal History.

   "When I was a schoolmaster, I never considered a pupil
   thoroughly educated unless he had read Gibbon through before
   he left me. I read it through myself before I was eighteen,
   and I have derived unspeakable advantage from this experience.
   Gibbon's faults of style and matter have very slight effect on
   the youthful mind, whereas his merits, his scholarship, his
   learning, his breadth of view, his imagination, and his
   insight, afford a powerful stimulus to study. … I … wish
   to urge the claims of two subjects on your attention which
   have hitherto been unaccountably neglected. The first of them
   is universal history, the general course of the history of the
   world. It seems natural to think that no subject could be more
   important for the consideration of any human being than the
   knowledge of the main lines which the race has followed since
   the dawn of history in reaching the position which it has now
   attained. The best way of understanding any situation is to
   know how affairs came into that position. Besides the
   satisfaction of legitimate curiosity, it is only thus that we
   can be wise reformers, and distinguish between what is a mere
   survival of the past and an institution which is inherent in
   the character of the community.
{1655}
   Our German cousins are fully aware of this truth; a German
   parlour, however meagerly furnished, always contains two
   books, a Bible and a Weltgeschichte. I suppose that during the
   present century from a hundred to a hundred and fifty of these
   universal histories have made their appearance in Germany. In
   England I only know of two. In Germany, Italy, and Austria,
   and, I believe, in France, universal history forms an
   essential part of education for nearly all classes. It is
   taken as a subject under certain conditions in the
   Abiturienten-Examen. I once had the privilege of reading the
   notes of a viva voce examination of a student in this subject
   who did not pass. It covered the whole range of ancient,
   mediæval, and modern history. I was astonished at what the
   student did know, and still more at what he was expected to
   know. I should like to see the subject an essential part of
   all secondary education in England, just as the knowledge of
   Bible history was in my young days and may be still. If proper
   text-books were forthcoming, to which I again direct the
   attention of enterprising publishers, there would be no
   difficulty in making this subject an accompaniment of nearly
   every literary lesson. … The advantage would be the
   enlargement of the mind by the contemplation of the majestic
   march of human events and the preparation for any future
   course of historical study. 'Boys come to us,' said a German
   professor once to me, 'knowing their centuries.' How few
   English boys or even English men have any notion of their
   centuries! The dark ages are indeed dark to them. I once asked
   a boy at Eton, who had given me a date, whether it was B. C.
   or A. D. Being hopelessly puzzled, he replied that it was B.
   D. Many of us, if we were honest, would give a similar
   answer."

      O. Browning,
      The Teaching of History in Schools
      (Royal Historical Society, Transactions,
      new series, volume 4).

HISTORY:
   The Importance of Local History.

   "From a variety of considerations, the writer is persuaded
   that one of the best introductions to history that can be
   given in American high schools, and even in those of lower
   grade, is through a study of the community in which the school
   is placed. History, like charity, begins at home. The best
   American citizens are those who mind home affairs and local
   interest. 'That man's the best cosmopolite who loves his
   native country best.' The best students of universal history
   are those who know some one country or some one subject well.
   The family, the hamlet, the neighborhood, the community, the
   parish, the village, town, city, county, and state are
   historically the ways by which men have approached national
   and international life. It was a preliminary study of the
   geography of Frankfort-on-the-Main that led Carl Ritter to
   study the physical structure of Europe and Asia, and thus to
   establish the new science of comparative geography. He says:
   'Whoever has wandered through the valleys and woods, and over
   the hills and mountains of his own state, will be the one
   capable of following a Herodotus in his wanderings over the
   globe.' And we may say, as Ritter said of the science of
   geography, the first step in history is to know thoroughly the
   district where we live. … American local history should be
   studied as a contribution to national history. This country
   will yet be viewed and reviewed as an organism of historic
   growth, developing from minute germs, from the very protoplasm
   of state life. And some day this country will be studied in
   its international relations, as an organic part of a larger
   organism now vaguely called the World State, but as surely
   developing through the operation of economic, legal, social,
   and scientific forces as the American Union, the German and
   British Empires are evolving into higher forms. American
   history in its widest relations is not to be written by any
   one man nor by anyone generation of men. Our history will grow
   with the nation and with its developing consciousness of
   internationality. The present possibilities for the real
   progress of historic and economic science lie, first and
   foremost, in the development of a generation of economists and
   practical historians, who realize that history is past
   politics and politics present history; secondly, in the
   expansion of the local consciousness into a fuller sense of
   its historic worth and dignity, of the cosmopolitan relations
   of modern local life, and of its wholesome conservative power
   in these days of growing centralization. National and
   international life can best develop upon the constitutional
   basis of local self-government in church and state. … If
   young Americans are to appreciate their religious and
   political inheritance, they must learn its intrinsic worth.
   They must be taught to appreciate the common and lowly things
   around them. They should grow up with as profound respect for
   town and parish meetings as for the State legislature, not to
   speak of the Houses of Congress. They should recognize the
   majesty of the law, even in the parish constable as well as
   the high sheriff of the country. They should look on selectmen
   as the head men of the town, the survival of the old English
   reeve and four best men of the parish. They should be taught
   to see in the town common or village green a survival of that
   primitive institution of land-community upon which town and
   state are based. They should be taught the meaning of town and
   family names; how the word 'town' means, primarily, a place
   hedged in for the purposes of defence; how the picket-fences
   around home and house-lot are but a survival of the primitive
   town idea; how home, hamlet, and town live on together in a
   name like Hampton, or Home-town. They should investigate the
   most ordinary thing for these are often the most archaic. …
   It would certainly be an excellent thing for the development
   of historical science in America if teachers in our public
   schools would cultivate the historical spirit in their pupils
   with special reference to the local environment. … A
   multitude of historical associations gather around every old
   town and hamlet in the land. There are local legends and
   traditions, household tales, stories told by grandfathers and
   grandmothers, incidents remembered by 'the oldest
   inhabitants.' But above all in importance are the old
   documents and manuscript records of the first settlers, the
   early pioneers, the founders of our towns. Here are sources of
   information more authentic than tradition, and yet often
   entirely neglected. … In order to study history it is not
   necessary to begin with dead men's bones, with Theban
   dynasties, the kings of Assyria, the royal families of Europe,
   or even with the presidents of the United States. These
   subjects have their importance in certain connections, but for
   beginners in history there are perhaps other subjects of
   greater interest and vitality.
{1656}
   The most natural entrance to a knowledge of the history of the
   world is from a local environment through widening circles of
   interest, until, from the rising ground of the present, the
   broad horizon of the past comes clearly into view. … A study
   of the community in which the student dwells will serve to
   connect that community not only with the origin and growth of
   the State and Nation, but with the mother-country, with the
   German fatherland, with village communities throughout the
   Aryan world,—from Germany and Russia to old Greece and Rome;
   from these classic lands to Persia and India."

      H. B. Adams, Methods of Historical Study
      (Johns Hopkins University Studies, Second Series, 1-2),
      pages 16-21.

   ----------HISTORY: Start--------

HITCHITIS, The.

      See AMERICAN ABORIGINES: MUSKHOGEAN FAMILY.

HITTIN, Battle of (1187).

      See JERUSALEM: A. D. 1149-1187.

HITTITES, The.

   The Hittites mentioned in the Bible were known as the Khita or
   Khatta to the Egyptians, with whom they were often at war.
   Recent discoveries indicate that they formed a more civilized
   and powerful nation and played a more important part in the
   early history of Western Asia than was previously supposed.
   Many inscriptions and rock sculptures in Asia Minor and Syria
   which were formerly inexplicable are now attributed to the
   Hittites. The inscriptions have not yet been deciphered, but
   scholars are confident that the key to their secret will be
   found. The two chief cities of the Hittites were Kadesh on the
   Orontes and Carchemish on the Euphrates; so that their seat of
   empire was in northern Syria, but their power was felt from
   the extremity of Asia Minor to the confines of Egypt. It is
   conjectured that these people were originally from the
   Caucasus. "Their descendants," says Professor Sayee, "are
   still to be met with in the defiles of the Taurus and on the
   plateau of Kappadokia, though they have utterly forgotten the
   language or languages their forefathers spoke. What that
   language was is still uncertain, though the Hittite proper
   names which occur on the monuments of Egypt and Assyria show
   that it was neither Semitic nor Indo-European."

      A. H. Sayee,
      Fresh Light from the Ancient Monuments,
      chapter 5.

   "We may … rest satisfied with the conclusion that the
   existence of a Hittite empire extending into Asia Minor is
   certified, not only by the records of ancient Egypt, but also
   by Hittite monuments which still exist. In the days of Ramses
   II., when the children of Israel were groaning under the tasks
   allotted to them, the enemies of their oppressors were already
   exercising a power and a domination which rivalled that of
   Egypt. The Egyptian monarch soon learned to his cost that the
   Hittite prince was as 'great' a king as himself, and could
   summon to his aid the inhabitants of the unknown north.
   Pharaoh's claim to sovereignty was disputed by adversaries as
   powerful as the ruler of Egypt, if indeed not more powerful,
   and there was always a refuge among them for those who were
   oppressed by the Egyptian king. When, however, we speak of a
   Hittite empire, we must understand clearly what that means. It
   was not an empire like that of Rome, where the subject
   provinces were consolidated together under a central
   authority, obeying the same laws and the same supreme head. It
   was not an empire like that of the Persians, or of the
   Assyrian successors of Tiglath-pileser III., which represented
   the organised union of numerous states and nations under a
   single ruler. … Before the days of Tiglath-pileser, in fact,
   empire in Western Asia meant the power of a prince to force a
   foreign people to submit to his rule. The conquered provinces
   had to be subdued again and again; but as long as this could
   be done, as long as the native struggles for freedom could be
   crushed by a campaign, so long did the empire exist. It was an
   empire of this sort that the Hittites established in Asia
   Minor. How long it lasted we cannot say. But so long as the
   distant races of the West answered the summons to war of the
   Hittite princes, it remained a reality. The fact that the
   tribes of the Troad and Lydia are found fighting under the
   command of the Hittite kings of Kadesh, proves that they
   acknowledged the supremacy of their Hittite lords, and
   followed them to battle like the vassals of some feudal chief.
   If Hittite armies had not marched to the shores of the Ægean,
   and Hittite princes been able from time to time to exact
   homage from the nations of the far west, Egypt would not have
   had to contend against the populations of Asia Minor in its
   wars with the Hittites, and the figures of Hittite warriors
   would not have been sculptured on the rocks of Karabel. There
   was a time when the Hittite name was feared as far as the
   western extremity of Asia Minor, and when Hittite satraps had
   their seat in the future capital of Lydia. Traditions of this
   period lingered on into classical days."

      A. H. Sayee,
      The Hittites,
      chapter 4.

      ALSO IN:
      W. Wright,
      The Empire of the Hittites.

      See, also,
      AMORITES; and ITALY, ANCIENT: EARLY ITALIANS.

HIVITES, The.

   The "Midlanders," who dwelt in the middle of Canaan when the
   Israelites invaded it.

      See AMALEKITES.

HLÆFDIGE.

      See LADY.

HLAFORD.

      See LORD.

HLUDWIG.

      See LOUIS.

HOARD.
HORDERE.

      See STALLER.

HOBKIRK'S HILL, Battle of (1781).

      See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1780-1781.