(1) Crowd—Man
(2) Ton—Pound
(3) Moose—Horn
(4) Engine—Whistle
(5) Book—Page
(6) Music—Octave

Number of subjects, 11; number of sections, 6; number of experiments, 62; number of associations, 387.

GROUP X

In the last group the words were called whole and part, although the reader no doubt observed that this was not always strictly the case, but rather that the more complex was more influential as a word-suggester than the simple and often tended to include it. Can this be demonstrated in another way? Attention was called in Group of Experiments IV (two pictures shown) that picture no. 3 (a man sawing wood), although first, had more than the normal number of associations, the explanation of which might lie in the fact that it contained more objects. We here attempt to test this by comparing a comparatively complex and a comparatively simple picture as starting-points. It has been clearly proven that the second picture to be presented has a decided advantage of position. The simple picture is here given the advantage of position. The notes show the first to be more important, while there is no suggestion of the first including the second, on account of there being less fusion than for words and more independent associations for the second starting-point; the averages are 38.5% for the first, 30.5% for the second, 31.0% fusion.

TABLE XIX. TWO PICTURES SHOWN

Number of subjects, 6; number of sections, 4; number of experiments, 24; number of associations, 314.

GROUP XI

Three words spoken, one immediately following the other, are given in this group in order to test the span of consciousness and the influence of an immediate interruption, as one was given immediately following the other in such a way that all associations were checked until after the third starting-point. If we attempt to follow the initial starting-points we see they may disappear after the first few associations and reappear in the series; or each remain as initial starting-points for a few associations; or one alone control the whole series, while the others are present without influence; or there may be an alternation of independent influences; or an influence which shows a modifying effect of one or both of the other starting-points, which may reach such a degree that all fuse, and in so doing get an advantage over the single words. The starting-points are to a large extent disparate and there is very little fusion; we find only .5% total fusion and 18.7% partial fusion.

An example would be as follows:

SUBJECT VIII

FROG—ICE—TABLE

There were no cases of the total fusion of all the starting-points throughout the series, no cases of total fusion of the first and second, and two cases for the second and third. There were two cases of partial fusion of the first, second, and third throughout. The first was followed exclusively in two cases, the third in one. The first and third were followed intermittently in four cases, the second and third in eleven, the first, second, and third in thirty-five.

The second starting-point has the ascendency of influence. This is not due to habits formed in earlier experiments, as the two groups of experiments with two words were given in connection with other experiments. This group informs us that in immediate interruption the new impression has not sufficient power to establish itself more firmly than a past impression which is just past, and must in a manner be reproduced to start associations. The influence of the first has been somewhat destroyed, but the second is greater than the third.

TABLE XX. THREE WORDS SPOKEN

Time—50 seconds.

Characters—same as Table XVI, with the addition of [ representing total fusion between the first, second, and third, μ partial fusion between first, second, and third with first predominating, ν partial fusion between first, second, and third with first and third predominating.

(1) Frog—Ice—Table

(1) Frog—Ice—Table
(2) Key—Shoe—Knife
(3) Desk—Park—Glove
(4) College—Church—Cafe
(5) Boston—Elevator—Lake
(6) Skate—Book—Theatre
(7) Bridge—Sleigh—Ticket
(8) Gun—Lamp—Watch

Number of subjects, 10; number of sections, 8; number of experiments, 79; number of associations, 1060.

GROUP XII

In order to test the relative influence and to throw more light on the problem of immediate interruption four words were shown and the subject was directed to read from left to right. There were few experiments and most of the subjects were new. The results show that the third starting-point has a decided disadvantage, having an influence of only 7.8%. The second and fourth are almost equal, while the first is again less.

TABLE XXI. FOUR WORDS SHOWN

Time—50 seconds.

Characters—same as Table XVII, with the addition of ξ partial fusion between the second, third, and fourth with the second predominating.

(1) Gun—Car—Ink—Fan

(1) Gun—Car—Ink—Fan
(2) Brain—Umbrella—Telephone—Chain
(3) Book—Money—Hour—Chart

Number of subjects, 6; number of sections, 3; number of experiments, 18; number of associations, 257.

GROUP XIII

Four similar words were pronounced in immediate succession, the results of which show that we are correct in calling the above a case of succession and also to establish clearly and definitely that there is a difference of degree between immediate and postponed interruption. The third starting-point has again a decided disadvantage of influence and exerts no apparent influence in thirty-seven of the fifty-two experiments. The last starting-point exerts the greatest influence.

TABLE XXII. FOUR WORDS SPOKEN

Time—50 seconds.

Characters—same as Table XVII with the addition of ο partial fusion between first, second, and third with first and second predominating.

(1) Cow—Roof—Fence—Girl
(2) Cathedral—River—Elevator—Newspaper
(3) Cane—Harness—Box—Coat
(4) Book—Snow—Rope—Stone
(5) Wire—Flower—Horse—Paper
(6) Gun—Wharf—Chair—Stove

Number of subjects, 9; number of sections, 6; number of experiments, 52; number of associations, 751.

We ask finally how far our results and notes point to a theoretical understanding of the mechanism of associations. Previous work, especially that of James, Cordes, Calkins, and Scripture, as well as the accumulated notes of my subjects, confirm that the transition may be made by means of total, partial, and focal recall, and that in partial and focal recall the prominent persisting elements are surrounded in the formation of a new idea by other new elements.

If a latent idea remains in the margin of consciousness and exerts an influence, which not merely modifies but determines the series of associations, and leads up to the focalisation of the latent idea, we have a case of predetermined association, which, when noted by investigators, has invariably become confused with mediate association. Here there is an element or group of elements, persisting in the margin of consciousness, which is gradually maturing and becoming focalised into groups of elements comprising an idea which ultimately dominates consciousness. In some cases three, four, and five ideas have been named before this takes place, and we have here a reversed form of association. Four subjects noted the experience on different occasions, and it is not to be confused with the common experience of apprehending the present contents of consciousness as part of a larger whole where we are conscious of its existence but not of what it is.

The notes further show that the common conscious elements may be predominantly visual, auditory, olfactory, gustatory, or kinæsthetic, or a complex or compound of these in character, while to this may be added an indication of the fact that the transition, incipient as it is, may in many cases be reduced to a condition which is in the last analysis one of the motor nervous system. Ht., for instance, finds that the words all pass over into innervations of the organs of speech and "are accompanied by the impulse to make the sound," stating later, "they hang on the tongue." The following is one of the series given which represents rather an extreme case, Taft, taffy, toffy; tough, rough, ruff; buff, bluff, tough; muff, duff, tuff. Br., who also gave a large percentage of verbal associations, finds that "some part of each word seems to linger on the tongue with motor sensations till the next comes." "I am subject," he adds, "more or less frequently to verbal automatism of this auditory incipient motor type." Ro., who has many auditory associations, reports "they are always accompanied by motor images, together with many associations." A changing of orientation is a common accompaniment, with statements of the feeling of the impulse to turn in various directions. For F., who is predominantly of the motor type, we have an example where the rhythmic ticking of a clock fades into the rhythmic watching of a boat rising and falling on the water.

The notes would seem to indicate that there is no idea without a motor fringe, and also that these elements of incipient impulses to movement may accompany the elements of transition, and are observed introspectively by the subjects. They are therefore data for psychology. Do they influence or direct the associations? In short, are they the processes which connect and which determine the associations?

F. states, "There seem to have been waves of motor sensations. Such waves may start with a word and carry one in faint mimicry through the whole succession of bodily sensations that one experienced in that event, and then may come a relapse until other stronger currents appear." Here we are face to face with the dynamics of association, the most fundamental and important problem of brain association. Have these phenomena of ideational images "acquired by contact a kind of magnetism which causes the one to attract the other and have, so to speak, become magnetic?" (Zanotti.) Or are they on the other hand independent of all force and "merely ideas of antecedence and sequence only?" (Mill.) While there is no mention of a magnetic force, the notes and results all show that the ideas are systematically conditioned in a way which cannot be explained by the contiguity of the objects. The motor elements play the deciding role. Ht. emphasises the influence of ideated movement when he writes, "Kinæsthetic. Slow regular tramping on snowshoes brought up the characteristic swing of arms, and therewith the idea (sensations of weight) of the stick (or stock) which I have generally carried on Norwegian snowshoes. Transition from Vermont to the Black Forest by association with snowshoeing in both places. Real sensations in play were free breath, movements in chest (kinæsthetic), fresh air (olfactory), cold (thermal), and emotion of emotional strength." Again, "Looking up at sun suggested general ideas of expansion of attention and with this breath comes the idea, breezes"; another subject adds, "A tendency to imitate the sounds of syllables and this leads on to a train of associations"; another, "A slight feeling of sudden changed impulse"; another, "A sort of motor after-image came back and took the foreground"; and F. goes further when he states, "Ideationally my hand wandered to the upper right-hand corner of the page, then suddenly the auditory image of 47 came up as if whispered to me." All of which indicate that some ideas at least depend for their entrance into consciousness upon motor reactions.

Passing to the more refined reactions expressed in emotions we find that they are not merely accompanying coloring influences, but also often actual determining factors. All of the subjects notice at some time a coloring atmosphere from an emotion, but others find that "the growing word is rather felt emotionally than definitely formulated," and we have "a nameless idea, largely feeling-tone" (Ht.); or the words may "all come as parts of a growing feeling, an indistinct though strong state of mind." (J.) The same subject observed, "The previous word may create a mood or feeling which in the main determines the associations; a group of words is dependent upon strong accompanying feeling—there is a summation and a discharge while the next word has been accumulating force" (J.), and we have a form of summation; or in other words, "a general mood accumulated while several words were in mind at once, then all dropped and another general feeling came to the front with an accumulation of other words." (F.) Here we have a typical example of constellation where all the words and ideas are implicitly present as a total attitude or disposition, the elements of which become successively focalised into a series of associated images. The last subject finds that "the emotional atmosphere often controls the associations." Indeed, it would seem that occasionally for some subjects this strong accompanying undercurrent of undifferentiated emotional feeling is capable of bringing about trains of thought independent of any logical connection. K. finds "the feeling to carry one on"; H. finds the "point of departure the interesting idea"; all find that the words change with the disposition, as may be verified by a study of the lists of associations.

We are forced to conclude that the impulses to movement or other emotional attitudes may act as determining factors in association, which extended to an hypothesis would mean that the mode of transition in the associated series is in the last analysis to be found in delicate incipient motor tendencies to action, the psychic concomitants of which are observable; that psychic states are both as to their unity and organisation consequences of motor reactions which are implicitly present as parts of a total reaction to the present situation. It is these motor tendencies to action which determine what idea shall enter consciousness. Just in so far as they become released they become prolonged, accentuated, and form a nucleus for the new idea. To speak of association independent of motor elements is merely to make an empirical classification of successive states of consciousness.

There remains a psychical phenomenon which must be satisfactorily accounted for before we go farther. An element of an idea, an idea or a series of ideas may occupy consciousness to the exclusion of others. If the second starting-point were not given, the associations would undoubtedly follow the given one. Inhibition must then be one form of "obstructed association," the inhibiting ideas being present to the exclusion of the inhibited. But are we thus forced to say inhibition is the "negative side of the association process," claiming that all ideas not in consciousness are inhibited, and thus being forced to conclude the conscious idea is inhibiting an unconscious idea, which cannot exist (by the very definition and presuppositions of psychology) until it is an object of consciousness. This would mean that content of consciousness and inhibition are identical. On the other hand, the notes and exemplifying facts of the tables show Dr. Breese's fallacious position when he concludes that "because, obeying the laws of association, the train of ideas takes one direction rather than another can hardly be considered sufficient ground to hold that the other possible train of ideas is inhibited."[137] He has overlooked the possibility of two or more trains of associations having been started and the associations of one starting-point are excluded from entering the focus of consciousness by the direction of the given series. Inhibition would then be the negative side of fusion. The explanation must, as has already been demonstrated, be psycho-physical in character. If these impulses to action have actually been observed by the subjects we are justified in concluding that just as in physiological inhibition one action excludes another, so the correlative tendencies to movement of one idea exclude others.

By. observed that the image of the starting-point lingered and inhibited subsequent ideas. The implication here, from our previous reasoning, would be that not the ideational images, as such, but the physiological motor concomitants, persisted and excluded others, and this is why disparate terms give a "shock to the nervous system" (A.), "require different lines of expression" (A.); and "one has more momentum," as so many report. This would explain why the associations of a new starting-point inhibit the associations of a former one; for as the motor nervous impulses tend to work themselves out into action, the reaction of the previous impulse will be suppressed by those of a new impulse which enters, by the conditions of these experiments, an attentive consciousness. Thus the prepotent impulses to action are the conditioning factors in mental inhibition.

All this indicates that the basis of habit which has been the universal principle of explanation of associations is inadequate. As Münsterberg has pointed out, contrary to what we mean by habit, either idea may bring to consciousness the other, in a manner independent of the order of the original presentation. Extending our hypothesis to include the formation of associations, the conclusion will be that in order for two ideas to become associated they must be together in consciousness, each as parts of a total experience, a total attitude; the motor reactions of the ideas must be parts of a more comprehensive reaction which includes both as simultaneous correlated motor impulses: when, in future time, the reactions of the one are reëxperienced, there is a sequence of infinitely delicate and complex impulses to movement, and any tendency toward such reaction tends to reproduce the whole of which it is a part, as each reaction is more or less bound up in the integrity of the whole central nervous system.

DISSOCIATION

Second, when one makes no attempt to learn the series, simply giving attention to each element as it comes, and afterward lets the elements recur spontaneously, the number of cases in which a recollected element is followed by an element given contiguously may be taken as a direct indication of the strength of association by contiguity.

Tendency to association by similarity can evidently be measured in the same two ways, by counting errors when one purposes to learn the series as two groups of similar elements, and by counting sequences of similar elements when one avoids any effort to learn the series and recollection is spontaneous.

In the first seven experiments we used the first method. The errors made when the purpose is to associate by contiguity can then be compared with the errors made when the purpose is to associate by similarity, an equal number of series, given under the same conditions, and of identical character, being given in each case.

In the last four experiments we have used the second method. The number of sequences of elements given contiguously can then be compared with the number of sequences of similar elements.

Five subjects have coöperated in this, but the experiments were strictly individual, one observer being alone in the room with the experimenter. Each test lasted about an hour. As a matter of course, the results have been calculated for each of the five subjects and their agreements and disagreements have been carefully considered. But as this first report is to indicate merely the general tendency, we give here at first only the average of the five persons.

The experiments have varied as to the kind of elements used, the manner of presentation, the time allowed, and the manner of recording the recollected series. But throughout each experiment the series were of one identical type, while the individual elements were altered in each series.

In the experiments where the series were to be learned, some in the given order, some dissociated by similarity, it was found rather confusing to turn from one method to the other; so several consecutive series were learned by one method, and then several by the other, four alternations being made each hour to neutralize any effect of practice or of fatigue.

The series were of course different in kind in the several experiments, but were usually of eight or of ten elements. Half of this number had some distinct characteristic in common, the other half some other characteristic. In some experiments these elements were alternated, in some arranged irregularly.

In the first eight experiments the subject wrote down the elements recalled, as soon as the series had been given. In the last three the subject spoke the elements recalled.

In all cases where the first method of measurement was used, the time allowed for learning the series was made a little too short to permit of learning the series perfectly. Since comparison of the number of mistakes was our method, we naturally had to make sure there would be mistakes to compare.

The details of the several experiments were as follows:

(1) The elements were letters and numbers. They were about 12×8 mm. in size and were printed on white cards 15×30 mm.

Five letters and five numbers were placed, alternately, in a straight row on a sheet of white cardboard. The series was then exposed to the subject by turning up the small tin shutter of a screen that was clamped to the table-edge.

The time of exposure was measured with a stop-watch and was constant throughout the hour for each individual subject. Four seconds proved the best time for most of them, but in one case it was necessary to allow only three seconds. Twenty series were presented during each hour, ten for each method of memorizing. There were duplicates of all the numbers, and of eight letters, but not more than two of any element. Selection in forming the series was by chance. In dissociating, the letters were separated from the numbers.

As soon as the exposure was ended, the subject wrote down the elements recollected, trying to preserve their relative order. This recollected list was then copied beside the operator's record of the given series, so making the errors apparent.

(2) The elements were all letters, printed as before, and the alternate cards were placed half their length out of alignment with the original row.

The method of presentation, the length of exposure, the number of elements presented, etc., were as in no. 1. In dissociating, the letters on one level were separated from those on the other.

(3) The elements were all letters, printed as before, and five of the ten elements presented were placed out of alignment. But the disaligned cards were at irregular intervals and often in groups, and were only a quarter of an inch out of alignment. This order was varied each time, but without any system.

The other details were as in no. 1.

During this experiment I came to notice the effect produced by the natural tendency to learn the five elements of the dissociated series in a rhythmical form, thereby increasing the ability to retain them; while there appeared to be no natural tendency to apply any such inclusive rhythm to the ten elements of the series when learned in the given order. To counteract this effect the subjects were instructed to consider the series, when learned in the given order, as two consecutive series of five elements each, and to use the same natural rhythm in learning these as they did in the dissociating. But this correction was not made in the first two hours, nor very perfectly in the rest.

(4) The elements were all numbers, printed as before, five of the ten being placed a quarter of an inch out of alignment, and in irregular groups, precisely as in the last experiment.

The time was reduced to three seconds for some and two seconds for the others. Details of presentation were as described in no. 1.

This time all the subjects tried to neutralize the effect of the instinctive rhythm for the five-element series by learning the ten-element series in two groups of five elements each.

(5) The elements were all nonsense syllables, each consisting of a vowel between two consonants, printed on white cards 20×20 mm. Eight of these were placed in an even row on a sheet of white cardboard, and four of them were marked by laying a quarter-inch strip of blue paper over the bottom of the card. The serial position of the marked cards was irregular, and was altered each time.

Ten seconds was given to some subjects, eight to the others. Other details of exposure, etc., were as in no. 1.

In learning the series in the given order, the blue markings were ignored; but in dissociating, the marked and unmarked syllables were learned in separate groups.

There seemed to be no rhythmical tendency; but to be safe the subjects were instructed to learn the straight series in groups of fours.

Seven series were given to be learned in each method during the hour with each subject.

(6) The elements were one-syllable nouns, alternated with nonsense syllables, all spoken by the operator. The nonsense syllables were all different from those used in the preceding experiment: the nouns were ordinary words, and were so arranged as to avoid any obvious sequence or relation among them. Very few, if any, were used twice in one hour. Five nouns and five syllables were given in each series.

The elements were spoken at the rate of forty-six a minute, timed by a metronome which was muffled in a heavily padded box so that its sound was no disturbing factor. The speaker sat within three feet of the subject and enunciated as distinctly as possible.

Dissociation was performed as previously: in each hour eight series were dissociated, and eight learned in the given order.

(7) The elements were one-syllable nouns, spoken as before, alternated with nonsense syllables, printed on small white cards. The nouns were all different from those used in the previous experiment: the nonsense syllables were the same, but were this time printed, in letters 10 mm. high, on cards 40 mm. square. They were exposed by sliding them, one at a time, in front of an opening in a cardboard screen which was fastened to the table-edge.

The optimum rate for presenting the elements was found to be about forty a minute, measured with the metronome.

Five nouns and five nonsense syllables were given in each series. Eight series were given to be learned in the given order, and eight to be dissociated into separate series of nouns and of syllables.

(8) The elements were names of mammals, alternated with names of cities of the United States, all spoken. The names were all fairly familiar. Ten elements were given in each series.

The interval in reading was planned to be long enough for some appreciation of the meaning of the words, but not enough to permit mental repetition of the preceding elements. Any mechanical time-measurement was found impracticable.

The subjects were instructed to avoid any effort to memorize the series, simply receiving each element as given.

After the last element there was a pause of about two seconds, to decrease the mere sound-recollection of the last few elements. Then the operator repeated, in an altered tone, one of the given elements. The subject at once wrote down the first element that came to mind, then the next, and so on.

In the seven preceding experiments the set of series presented had been different for each subject, though of course identical in character. But in this experiment and the following ones the lists of words were identical as read to each subject. The same element was repeated for each. Sixteen lists were given.

(9) The elements were nouns. In each series five names of similar objects were alternated with five names of a different sort of objects, e. g., names of fishes with names of poets. All were read, as before. In each series new sorts of objects were chosen. The subject never knew what sort of words were to be given; the subjects agreed this was not a disturbing factor to them, and it obviated the tendency to think what words would probably be given, as is natural when the general character of the series is announced beforehand.

The subjects were instructed to be passive during the reading, and during the four-second pause that followed, avoiding mental repetition of the words. Then the operator gave a signal and the subject repeated aloud the words as they happened to be remembered. The words being numbered on the list from which they were read, the operator was able to record the words as fast as spoken.

The subjects were instructed to give the word which they found to be foremost after they had spoken the preceding one, rather than to try to repeat a group of words which usually appeared simultaneously at the first effort of recollection, but which usually faded while one of them was being spoken.

The same sixteen series, of ten elements each, were given to each subject.

(10) The elements were nouns, the ten presented in each series all being names of similar objects, e. g., flowers. Five were spoken, alternated with five printed on small cards which were shoved in front of a 10×10 cm. opening in a cardboard screen fastened to the table-edge. Cards were 40 mm. square, the words printed by hand, but carefully, in letters 10 mm. high.

A series was given in about 13 seconds, but the time was not mechanically measured; it was at a rate which some practice showed to give a fair time to comprehend each element.