temporal or terminable penalties, which might extend into
   purgatory. For the benefit of the needy he could draw upon the
   treasury of merit stored up by Christ and the saints. Although
   it was expressly declared by Pope Sixtus IV., that souls are
   delivered from purgatorial fires in a way analogous to the
   efficacy of prayer, and although contrition was theoretically
   required of the recipient of an indulgence, it often appeared
   to the people as a simple bargain, according to which, on
   payment of a stipulated sum, the individual obtained a full
   discharge from the penalties of sin, or procured the release
   of a soul from the flames. Luther's theses assailed the
   doctrines which made this baneful traffic possible. ...
   Unconsciously to their author, they struck a blow at the
   authority of Rome and of the priesthood. Luther had no thought
   of throwing off his allegiance to the Roman Church. Even his
   theses were only propositions, propounded for academic debate,
   according to the custom in mediæval universities. He concluded
   them with the solemn declaration that he affirmed nothing, but
   left all to the judgment of the Church. ...
{1457}
   The theses stirred up a commotion all over Germany. ... A
   controversy arose between the new champion of reform and the
   defenders of indulgences. It was during this dispute that
   Luther began to realize that human authority was against him
   and to see the necessity of planting himself more distinctly
   on the Scriptures. His clear arguments and resolute attitude
   won the respect of the Elector of Saxony, who, though he often
   sought to restrain his vehemence, nevertheless protected him
   from his enemies. This the elector was able to do because of
   his political importance, which became still greater when,
   after the death of Maximilian, he was made regent of Northern
   Germany."

      G. P. Fisher,
      History of the Christian Church,
      pages 287-293.

   "At first neither Luther, nor others, saw to what the contest
   about the indulgences would lead. The Humanists believed it to
   be only a scholastic disputation, and Hutten laughed to see
   theologians engaged in a fight with each other. It was not
   till the Leipzig disputation (1519), where Luther stood
   forward to defend his views against Eck, that the matter
   assumed a grave aspect, took another turn, and after the
   appearance of Luther's appeals 'To the Christian Nobility of
   the German Nation,' 'On the Babylonian Captivity,' and against
   Church abuses, that it assumed national importance. All the
   combustible materials were ready, the spark was thrown among
   them, and the flames broke out from every quarter. Hundreds of
   thousands of German hearts glowed responsive to the complaints
   which the Wittenberg monk flung against Papal Rome, in a
   language whose sonorous splendour and iron strength were now
   first heard in all the fulness, force, and beauty of the
   German idiom. That was an imperishable service rendered to his
   country by Luther. He wrote in German, and he wrote such
   German. The papal ban hurled back against him in 1520 was
   disregarded. He burnt it outside the gate of Wittenberg by the
   leper hospital, in the place where the rags and plague-stained
   garments of the lepers were wont to be consumed. The nobility,
   the burghers, the peasants, all thrilled at his call. Now the
   moment had come for a great emperor, a second Charlemagne, to
   stand forward and regenerate at once religion and the empire.
   There was, however, at the head of the state, only Charles V.,
   the grandson of Maximilian, a man weak where he ought to have
   been strong, and strong where he ought to have been weak, a
   Spanish Burgundian prince, of Romance stock, who despised and
   disliked the German tongue, the tongue of the people whose
   imperial crown he bore, a prince whose policy was to combat
   France and humble it. It was convenient for him, at the time,
   to have the pope on his side, so he looked with dissatisfied
   eyes on the agitation in Germany. The noblest hearts among the
   princes bounded with hope that he would take the lead in the
   new movement. The lesser nobility, the cities, the peasantry,
   all expected of the emperor a reformation of the empire
   politically and religiously. ... But all hopes were dashed.
   Charles V. as little saw his occasion as had Maximilian. He
   took up a hostile position to the new movement at once. He
   was, however, brought by the influential friends of Luther,
   among whom first of all was the Elector of Saxony, to hear
   what the reformer had to say for himself, before he placed him
   under the ban of the empire. Luther received the imperial
   safe-conduct, and was summoned to the Diet of Worms, there to
   defend himself. He went, notwithstanding that he was warned
   and reminded of the fate of Huss. 'I will go to Worms,' said
   he, 'even were as many devils set against me as there are
   tiles on the roofs.' It was probably on this journey that the
   thoughts entered his mind which afterwards (1530) found their
   expression in that famous chorale, 'Eine feste Burg ist unser
   Gott,' which became the battle-song of Protestants. Those were
   memorable days, the 17th and 18th of April, 1521, in which a
   poor monk stood up before the emperor and all the estates of
   the empire, undazzled by their threatening splendour, and
   conducted his own case. At that moment when he closed his
   defence with the stirring words, 'Let me be contradicted out
   of Holy Scripture--till that is done I will not recant. Here
   stand I. I can do no other, so help me God, amen!' then he had
   reached the pinnacle of his greatness. The result is well known.
   The emperor and his papal adviser remained unmoved, and the
   ban was pronounced against the heretic. Luther was carried off
   by his protector, the Elector of Saxony, and concealed in the
   Wartburg, where he worked at his translation of the Bible. ...
   Brandenburg, Hesse, and Saxony declared in favour of reform.
   In 1523 Magdeburg, Wismar, Rostock, Stettin, Danzig, Riga,
   expelled the monks and priests, and appointed Lutheran
   preachers. Nürnberg and Breslau hailed the Reformation with
   delight."

      S. Baring-Gould,
      The Church in Germany,
      chapter 18.

      See PAPACY: A. D. 1516-1517, to 1522-1525.

      ALSO IN:
      L. von Ranke,
      History of the Reformation in Germany.

      L. Hausser,
      The Period of the Reformation.

      J. H. Merle d'Aubigne,
      History of the Reformation.

      M. J. Spaulding,
      History of the Protestant Reformation.

      F. Seebohm,
      The Era of the Protestant Revolution.

      P. Bayne,
      Martin Luther.

      C. Beard,
      Martin Luther and the Reformation.

      J. Köstlin,
      Life of Luther.

GERMANY: A. D. 1519,
   Contest for the imperial crown,
   Three royal candidates in the field.
   Election of Charles V., the Austro-Spanish monarch of many
   thrones.

   In his last years, Maximilian made great efforts to secure the
   Imperial Crown for his grandson Charles, who had already
   inherited, through his mother Joanna, of Spain, the kingdoms
   of Castile, Aragon, and the Two Sicilies, and through his
   father, Philip of Austria, the duchy of Burgundy and the many
   lordships of the Netherlands. "In 1518 he obtained the consent
   of the majority of the electors to the Roman crown being
   bestowed on that prince. The electors of Treves and Saxony
   alone opposed the project, on the ground that, as Maximilian
   had never received the Imperial crown [but was styled Emperor
   Elect] he was himself still King of the Romans, and that
   consequently Charles could not assume a dignity that was not
   vacant. To obviate this objection, Maximilian pressed Leo to
   send the golden crown to Vienna; but this plan was defeated by
   the intrigues of the French court. Francis, who intended to
   become a candidate for the Imperial crown, intreated the Pope
   not to commit himself by such an act; and while these
   negociations were pending, Maximilian died at Wels, in Upper
   Austria, January 12th 1519. ... Three candidates for the
   Imperial crown appeared in the field: the Kings of Spain,
   France, and England.
{1458}
   Francis I. [of France] was now at the height of his
   reputation. His enterprises had hitherto been crowned with
   success, the popular test of ability, and the world
   accordingly gave him credit for a political wisdom which he
   was far from possessing. He appears to have gained three or
   four of the Electors by the lavish distribution of his money,
   which his agent, Bonnivet, was obliged to carry through
   Germany on the backs of horses; for the Fuggers, the rich
   bankers of Augsburg, were in the interest of Charles, and
   refused to give the French any accommodation. But the bought
   votes of these venal Electors could not be depended on, some
   of whom sold themselves more than once to different parties.
   The infamy of Albert, Elector of Mentz, in these transactions,
   was particularly notorious. The chances of Henry VIII. [of
   England] were throughout but slender. Henry's hopes, like
   those of Francis, were chiefly founded on the corruptibility
   of the Electors, and on the expectation that both his rivals,
   from the very magnitude of their power, might be deemed
   ineligible. Of the three candidates the claims of Charles
   seemed the best founded and the most deserving of success. The
   House of Austria had already furnished six emperors, of whom
   the last three had reigned eighty years, as if by an
   hereditary succession. Charles's Austrian possessions made him
   a German prince, and from their situation constituted him the
   natural protector of Germany against the Turks. The previous
   canvass of Maximilian had been of some service to his cause,
   and all these advantages he seconded, like his competitors, by
   the free use of bribery. ... Leo X., the weight of whose
   authority was sought both by Charles and Francis, though he
   seemed to favour each, desired the success of neither. He
   secretly advised the Electors to choose an emperor from among
   their own body; and as this seemed an easy solution of the
   difficulty, they unanimously offered the crown to Frederick
   the Wise, Elector of Saxony. But Frederick magnanimously
   refused it, and succeeded in uniting the suffrages of the
   Electors in favour of Charles; principally on the ground that
   he was the sovereign best qualified to meet the great danger
   impending from the Turk. ... The new Emperor, now in his 20th
   year, assumed the title of Charles V. ... He was proclaimed as
   'Emperor Elect,' the title borne by his grandfather, which he
   subsequently altered to that of 'Emperor Elect of the Romans,'
   a designation adopted by his successors, with the omission of
   the word 'elect,' down to the dissolution of the empire."

      T. H. Dyer,
      History of Modern Europe,
      book 2, chapter 2 (volume l).

   On his election to the Imperial throne, Charles ceded to his
   younger brother, Ferdinand, all the German possessions of the
   family. The latter, therefore, became Archduke of Austria, and
   the German branch of the House of Austria was continued
   through him; while Charles himself became the founder of a new
   branch of the House--the Spanish.

      See AUSTRIA: A. D. 1496-1526.

      ALSO IN:
      W. Robertson,
      History of the Reign of Charles V.,
      book 1.

      J. S. Brewer,
      The Reign of Henry VIII.,
      chapter 11 (volume 1).

      J. Van Praet,
      Essays on the Political History of the 15th-17th Centuries,
      chapter 2, (volume 1).

GERMANY: A. D. 1520-1521.
   The Capitulation of Charles V.
   His first Diet, at Worms, and its political measures.

   The election of Charles V. "was accompanied with a new and
   essential alteration in the constitution of the empire.
   Hitherto a general and verbal promise to confirm the Germanic
   privileges had been deemed a sufficient security; but as the
   enormous power and vast possessions of the new emperor
   rendered him the object of greater jealousy and alarm than his
   predecessors, the electors digested into a formal deed or
   capitulation all their laws, customs, and privileges, which
   the ambassadors of Charles signed before his election, and
   which he himself ratified before his coronation; and this
   example has been followed by his successors. It consisted of
   36 articles, partly relating to the Germanic body in general,
   and partly to the electors and states in particular. Of those
   relating to the Germanic body in general, the most prominent
   were, not to confer the escheated fiefs, but to re-unite and
   consolidate them, for the benefit of the emperor and empire;
   not to intrust the charges of the empire to any but Germans;
   not to grant dispensations of the common law; to use the
   German language in the proceedings of the chancery; and to put
   no one arbitrarily to the ban, who had not been previously
   condemned by the diet or imperial chamber. He was to maintain
   the Germanic body in the exercise of its legislative powers,
   in its right of declaring war and making peace, of passing
   laws on commerce and coinage, of regulating the contingents,
   imposing and directing the perception of ordinary
   contributions, of establishing and superintending the superior
   tribunals, and of judging the personal causes of the states.
   Finally, he promised not to cite the members of the Germanic
   body before any tribunal except those of the empire, and to
   maintain them in their legitimate privileges of territorial
   sovereignty. The articles which regarded the electors were of
   the utmost importance, because they confirmed the rights which
   had been long contested with the emperors. ... Besides these
   concessions, be promised not to make any attempt to render the
   imperial crown hereditary in his family, and to re-establish the
   council of regency, in conformity with the advice of the
   electors and great princes of the empire. On the 6th of
   January, 1521, Charles assembled his first diet at Worms,
   where he presided in person. At his proposition the states
   passed regulations to terminate the troubles which had already
   arisen during the short interval of the interregnum, and to
   prevent the revival of similar disorders. ... The imperial
   chamber was re-established in all its authority, and the
   public peace again promulgated, and enforced by new penalties.
   In order to direct the affairs of the empire during the
   absence of Charles, a council of regency was established. ...
   It was to consist of a lieutenant-general, appointed by the
   emperor, and 22 assessors, of' whom 18 were nominated by the
   states, and four by Charles, as possessor of the circles of
   Burgundy and Austria. ... At the same time an aid of 20,000
   foot and 4,000 horse was granted, to accompany the emperor in
   his expedition to Rome; but the diet endeavoured to prevent
   him from interfering, as Maximilian had done, in the affairs
   of Italy, by stipulating that these troops were only to be
   employed as an escort, and not for the purpose of aggression."

      W. Coxe,
      History of the House of Austria,
      chapter 26 (volume 1).

      ALSO IN:
      L. von Ranke,
      History of the Reformation in Germany,
      book 2, chapter 4 (volume 1).

{1459}

GERMANY: A. D. 1522-1525.
   Systematic organization and adoption in northern Germany of
   the Lutheran Reformation.
   The Diets at Nuremberg.
   The Catholic League of Ratisbon.

      See PAPACY: A. D. 1522-1525.

GERMANY: A. D. 1524-1525.
   The Peasants' War.

   "A political ferment, very different from that produced by the
   Gospel, had long been troubling the empire. The people,
   weighed down under civil and ecclesiastical oppression,
   attached in many places to the lands belonging to the lords,
   and sold with them, threatened to rise, and furiously burst
   their chains. In Holland, at the end of the preceding century,
   the peasants had mustered around standards inscribed with the
   words 'bread' and 'cheese,' to them the two necessaries of
   life. In 1503 the 'Cobblers' League' ['Bundschuh'--see
   GERMANY: A. D. 1492-1514] had burst forth in the neighbourhood
   of Spires. In 1513 this was renewed in Brisgau, and encouraged
   by the priests. In 1514 Wurtemburg had witnessed 'the League
   of poor Conrad,' the object of which was to uphold 'the
   justice of God' by revolt. In 1515 terrible commotions had
   taken place in Carinthia and Hungary. These insurrections were
   stifled by torrents of blood, but no relief had been given to
   the peoples. A political reform was as much wanted as a
   religious one. The people had a right to it, but they were not
   ripe to enjoy it. Since the commencement of the Reformation
   these popular agitations had been suspended, the minds of men
   being absorbed with other thoughts. ... But everything showed
   that peace would not last long. ... The main dykes which had
   hitherto kept the torrent back were broken, and nothing could
   restrain its fury. Perhaps it must be admitted that the
   movement communicated to the people by the Reform gave new
   force to the discontent which was fermenting in the nation.
   ... Erasmus did not hesitate to say to Luther: 'We are now
   reaping the fruits of the seed you have sown.' ... The evil
   was augmented by the pretensions of certain fanatical men, who
   laid claim to celestial inspirations. ... The most
   distinguished of these enthusiasts was Thomas Münzer. ... His
   first appearance was at Zwickau. He left Wittenberg after
   Luther's return [from his concealment at Wartburg, 1522],
   dissatisfied with the inferior part he had played, and he
   became pastor of the little town of Alstadt in Thuringia.
   There he could not long be at rest, and he accused the
   reformers of founding a new papacy by their attachment to the
   letter, and of forming churches which were not pure and holy.
   He regarded himself as called of God to bear a remedy for so
   great an evil. ... He maintained that to obey princes,
   'destitute of reason,' was to serve God and Belial at the same
   time. Then, marching at the head of his parishioners, to a
   chapel which was visited by pilgrims from all quarters, he
   pulled it to the ground. After this exploit he was obliged to
   quit the country, wandered over Germany, and came to
   Switzerland, spreading as he went, wherever people would hear
   him, his plan for a universal revolution. In every place he
   found elements ready for his purpose. He threw his powder upon
   the burning coals, and a violent explosion soon followed. ...
   The revolt commenced in those regions of the Black Forest, and
   the sources of the Danube, which were so often the scene of
   popular disturbances. On the 19th of July, 1524, the
   Thurgovian peasantry rose against the Abbot of Reichenau, who
   would not grant them an evangelical preacher. Thousands soon
   gathered around the little town of Tengen, to liberate an
   ecclesiastic who was imprisoned there. The revolt spread, with
   inconceivable rapidity, from Suabia to the Rhine countries, to
   Franconia, to Thuringia, and to Saxony. In January, 1525, the
   whole of these countries were in insurrection. Towards the end
   of that month the peasants published a declaration in twelve
   articles, asking the liberty to choose their own pastors, the
   abolition of petty tithes, serfdom, the duties on inheritance,
   and liberty to hunt, fish, cut wood, &c., and each demand was
   supported by a passage of Scripture."

      J. H. Merle D'Aubigné,
      The Story of the Reformation,
      part 3, chapter 8,
      (History of the Reformation, book 10, chapters 10-11).

   "Had the feudal lords granted proper and fair reforms long
   ago, they would never have heard of these twelve articles. But
   they had refused reform, and they now had to meet revolution.
   And they knew of but one way of meeting it, namely, by the
   sword. The lords of the Swabian League sent their army of foot
   and horsemen, under their captain, George Truchsess. The poor
   peasants could not hold out against trained soldiers and
   cavalry. Two battles on the Danube, in which thousands of
   peasants were slain, or drowned in the river, and a third
   equally bloody one in Algau, near the Boden See, crushed this
   rebellion in Swabia, as former rebellions had so often been
   crushed before. This was early in April 1525. But in the
   meantime the revolution had spread further north. In the
   valley of the Neckar a body of 6,000 peasants had come
   together, enraged by the news of the slaughter of their fellow
   peasants in the south of Swabia." They stormed the castle of the
   young Count von Helfenstein, who had recently cut the throats
   of some peasants who met him on the road, and put the Count to
   death, with 60 of his companions. "A yell of horror was raised
   through Germany at the news of the peasants' revenge. No yell
   had risen when the Count cut peasants' throats, or the Swabian
   lords slew thousands of peasant rebels. Europe had not yet
   learned to mete out the same measure of justice to noble and
   common blood. ... The revolution spread, and the reign of
   terror spread with it. North and east of the valley of the
   Neckar, among the little towns of Franconia, and in the
   valleys of the Maine, other bands of peasants, mustering by
   thousands, destroyed alike cloisters and castles. Two hundred
   of these lighted the night with their flames during the few
   weeks of their temporary triumph. And here another feature of
   the revolution became prominent. The little towns were already
   ... passing through an internal revolution. The artisans were
   rising against the wealthier burghers, overturning the town
   councils, and electing committees of artisans in their place,
   making sudden changes in religion, putting down the Mass,
   unfrocking priests and monks, and in fact, in the interests of
   what they thought to be the gospel, turning all things upside
   down. ... It was during the Franconian rebellion that the
   peasants chose the robber knight Goetz von Berlichingen as
   their leader. It did them no good. More than a robber chief
   was needed to cope with soldiers used to war. ... While all
   this was going on in the valleys of the Maine, the revolution
   had crossed the Rhine into Elsass and Lothringen, and the
   Palatinate about Spires and Worms, and in the month of May had
   been crushed in blood, as in Swabia and Franconia.
{1460}
   South and east, in Bavaria, in the Tyrol, and in Carinthia
   also, castles and monasteries went up in flames, and then,
   when the tide of victory turned, the burning houses and farms
   of the peasants lit up the night and their blood flowed
   freely. Meanwhile Münzer, who had done so much to stir up the
   peasantry in the south to rebel, had gone north into
   Thuringia, and headed a revolution in the town of Mülhausen,
   and became a sort of Savonarola of a madder kind. ... But the
   end was coming. The princes, with their disciplined troops,
   came nearer and nearer. What could Münzer do with his 8,000
   peasants? He pointed to a rainbow and expected a miracle, but
   no miracle came. The battle, of course, was lost; 5,000
   peasants lay dead upon the field near the little town of
   Frankenhausen, where it was fought. Münzer fled and concealed
   himself in a bed, but was found and taken before the princes,
   thrust into a dungeon, and afterwards beheaded. So ended the
   wild career of this misguided, fanatical, self-deceived, but
   yet, as we must think, earnest and in many ways heroic spirit.
   ... The princes and nobles now everywhere prevailed over the
   insurgent peasants. Luther, writing on June 21, 1525,
   says:--'It is a certain fact, that in Franconia 11,000
   peasants have been slain. Markgraf Casimir is cruelly severe
   upon his peasants, who have twice broken faith with him. In
   the Duchy of Wurtemberg, 6,000 have been killed; in different
   places in Swabia, 10,000. It is said that in Alsace the Duke
   of Lorraine has slain 20,000. Thus everywhere the wretched
   peasants are cut down.' ... Before the Peasants' War was ended
   at least 100,000 perished, or twenty times as many as were put
   to death in Paris during the Reign of Terror in 1793. ...
   Luther, throughout the Peasants' War, sided with the ruling
   powers. ... The reform he sought was by means of the civil
   power; and in order to clear himself and his cause from all
   participation in the wild doings of the peasantry, he publicly
   exhorted the princes to crush their rebellion."

      F. Seebohm,
      The Era of the Protestant Revolution,
      part 2, chapter 5.

      ALSO IN:
      L. von Ranke,
      History of the Reformation in Germany,
      book 3, chapter 6 (volume 2).

      P. Bayne,
      Martin Luther: His Life and Work,
      book 11 (volume 2).

      J. Köstlin,
      Life of Luther,
      part 4, chapter 5.

      C. W. C. Oman,
      The German Peasant War of 1525
      (English History Review, volume 5).

GERMANY: A. D. 1525-1529.
   League of Torgau.
   The Diets at Spires.
   Legal recognition of the Reformed Religion, and the withdrawal
   of it.
   The Protest which gave rise to the name "Protestants."

      See PAPACY: A. D.1525-1529.

GERMANY: A. D. 1529.
   Turkish invasion of Austria.
   Siege of Vienna.

      See HUNGARY: A. D. 1526-1567.

GERMANY: A. D. 1530.
   The Diet at Augsburg.
   The signing and reading of the Protestant Confession of Faith.
   The condemnatory decree.
   Breach between the Protestants and the emperor.

      See PAPACY: A. D. 1530-1531.

GERMANY: A. D. 1530-1532.
   The Augsburg Decree.
   Alarm of the Protestants.
   Their League of Smalkalde and alliance with the king of
   France.
   Pacification of Nuremberg with the emperor.
   Expulsion of the Turks from Hungary.

   The decree issued by the Diet at Augsburg was condemnatory of
   most of the tenets peculiar to the protestants, "forbidding
   any person to protect or tolerate such as taught them,
   enjoining a strict observance of the established rites, and
   prohibiting any farther innovation, under severe penalties.
   All orders of men were required to assist with their persons
   and fortunes in carrying this decree into execution; and such
   as refused to obey it were declared incapable of acting as
   judges, or of appearing as parties in the imperial chamber,
   the supreme court of judicature in the empire. To all which
   was subjoined a promise, that an application should be made to
   the pope, requiring him to call a general council within six
   months, in order to terminate all controversies by its
   sovereign decisions. The severity of this decree, which was
   considered as a prelude to the most violent persecution,
   alarmed the protestants, and convinced them that the emperor
   was resolved on their destruction." Under these circumstances,
   the protestant princes met at Smalkalde, December 22, 1530,
   and there "concluded a league of mutual defence against all
   aggressors, by which they formed the protestant states of the
   empire into one regular body, and, beginning already to
   consider themselves as such, they resolved to apply to the
   kings of France and England, and to implore them to patronise
   and assist their new confederacy. An affair not connected with
   religion furnished them with a pretence for courting the aid
   of foreign princes.'" This was the election of the emperor's
   brother, Ferdinand, to be King of the Romans, against, which
   they had protested vigorously. "When the protestants, who
   were' assembled a second time at Smalkalde [February, 1531],
   received an account of this transaction, and heard, at the
   same time, that prosecutions were commenced in the imperial
   chamber against some of their number, on account of their
   religious principles, they thought it necessary, not only to
   renew their former confederacy, but immediately to despatch
   their ambassadors into France and England." The king of France
   "listened with the utmost eagerness to the complaints of the
   protestant princes; and, without seeming to countenance their
   religious opinions, determined secretly to cherish those
   sparks of political discord which might be afterwards kindled
   into a flame. For this purpose he sent William de Bellay, one
   of the ablest negotiators in France, into Germany, who,
   visiting the courts of the malecontent princes, and
   heightening their ill-humour by various arts, concluded an
   alliance between them, and his master, which, though concealed
   at that time, and productive of no immediate effects, laid the
   foundation of a union fatal on many occasions to Charles's
   ambitious projects. ... The king of England [Henry VIII.],
   highly incensed against Charles, in complaisance to whom, the
   pope had long retarded, and now openly opposed, his divorce
   [from Catharine of Aragon], was no less disposed than Francis
   to strengthen a league which might be rendered so formidable
   to the emperor. But his favourite project of the divorce led
   him into such a labyrinth of schemes and negotiations, and he
   was, at the same time, so intent on abolishing the papal
   jurisdiction in England, that he had no leisure for foreign
   affairs. This obliged him to rest satisfied with giving
   general promises, together with a small supply in money, to
   the confederates of Smalkalde. Meanwhile, many circumstances
   convinced Charles that this was not a juncture" in which he
   could afford to let his zeal for the church push him to
   extremities with the protestants.
{1461}
   "Negotiations were, accordingly, carried on by his direction
   with the elector of Saxony and his associates; after many
   delays ... terms of pacification were agreed upon at Nuremberg
   [July 23], and ratified solemnly in the diet at Ratisbon
   [August 3]. In this treaty it was stipulated: that universal
   peace be established in Germany, until the meeting of a
   general council, the convocation of which within six months
   the emperor shall endeavour to procure; that no person shall
   be molested on account of religion; that a stop shall be put
   to all processes begun by the imperial chamber against
   protestants, and the sentences already passed to their
   detriment shall be declared void. On their part, the
   protestants engaged to assist the emperor with all their
   forces in resisting the invasion of the Turks. ... The
   protestants of Germany, who had hitherto been viewed only as a
   religious sect, came henceforth to be considered as a
   political body of no small consequence. The intelligence which
   Charles received of Solyman's having entered Hungary, at the
   head of 300,000 men, brought the deliberations of the diet at
   Ratisbon to a period. ... The protestants, as a testimony of
   their gratitude to the emperor, exerted themselves with
   extraordinary zeal, and brought into the field forces which
   exceeded in number the quota imposed on them; and the
   catholics imitating their example, one of the greatest and
   best-appointed armies that had ever been levied in Germany
   assembled near Vienna. ... It amounted in all to 90,000
   disciplined foot, and 30,000 horse, besides a prodigious swarm
   of irregulars. Of this vast army ... the emperor took the
   command in person; and mankind waited in suspense the issue of
   a decisive battle between the two greatest monarchs in the
   world. But each of them dreading the other's power and good
   fortune, they both conducted their operations with such
   excessive caution, that a campaign for which such immense
   preparations had been made ended without any memorable event.
   Solyman, finding it impossible to gain ground upon an enemy
   always attentive and on his guard, marched back to
   Constantinople towards the end of autumn. ... About the
   beginning of this campaign, the elector of Saxony died, and
   was succeeded by his son John Frederick. ... Immediately after
   the retreat of the Turks, Charles, impatient to revisit Spain,
   set out, on his way thither, for Italy."

      W. Robertson,
      History of the Reign of Charles V.,
      book 5.

      ALSO IN:
      L. von Ranke,
      History of the Reformation in Germany,
      book 6, chapters 1-8 (volume 3).

      H. Stebbing,
      History of the Reformation,
      chapters 12-13 (volume 2).

GERMANY: A. D. 1532-1536.
   Fanaticism of the Anabaptists of Münster.
   Siege and capture of the city.

      See ANABAPTISTS OF MÜNSTER.

GERMANY: A. D. 1533-1546.
   Mercenary aspects of the Reformation.
   Protestant intolerance.
   Union with the Swiss Reformers.
   The Catholic Holy League.
   Preparations for war.

   "During the next few years [after the peace concluded at
   Nuremberg] there was no open hostility between the two
   religious parties. ... But there was dissension enough. In the
   first place there was much disputation as to the meaning of
   the articles concluded at Nuremberg. The catholic princes,
   under the pretext that, if no man was to be disturbed for his
   faith, or for things depending on faith, he was still amenable
   for certain offences against the church, which were purely of a
   civil nature, were eager that the imperial chamber should take
   cognisance of future cases, at least, where protestants should
   seek to invade the temporalities of the church. ... But
   nothing was effected; the tribunal was too powerless to
   enforce its decrees. In 1534, the protestants, in a public
   assembly, renounced all obedience to the chamber; yet they did
   not cease to appropriate to themselves the property of such
   monasteries and churches as, by the conversion of catholics to
   their faith--and that faith was continually progressive--lay
   within their jurisdiction. We need scarcely observe, that the
   prospect of spoliation was often the most powerful inducement
   with the princes and nobles to change their religion. When
   they, or the magistracy of any particular city, renounced the
   faith hitherto established, the people were expected to follow
   the example: the moment Lutheranism was established in its place,
   the ancient faith was abolished; nobody was allowed to profess
   it; and, with one common accord, all who had any prospect of
   benefiting by the change threw themselves on the domains of
   the expelled clergy. That the latter should complain before
   the only tribunal where justice could be expected, was
   natural; nor can we be surprised that the plunderers should
   soon deny, in religious affairs, the jurisdiction of that
   tribunal. From the departure of the emperor to the year 1538,
   some hundreds of domains were thus seized, and some hundreds
   of complaints addressed to him by parties who resolved to
   interpret the articles of Nuremberg in their own way. The
   protestants declared, in a letter to him, that their
   consciences would not allow them to tolerate any papist in
   their states. ... By espousing the cause of the exiled duke of
   Wittemberg, they procured a powerful ally. ... But a greater
   advantage was the union of the sacramentarians [the Swiss
   reformers, who accepted the doctrine of Zwingli respecting the
   purely symbolical significance of the commemoration of the
   Lord's Supper--see SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1528-1531] with the
   Lutherans. Of such a result, at the diet of Augsburg, there
   was not the least hope; but Bucer, being deputed by the
   imperial cities to ascertain whether a union might not be
   effected, laboured so zealously at the task that it was
   effected. He consented to modify some of his former opinions;
   or at least to wrap them in language so equivocal that they
   might mean anything or nothing at the pleasure of the holder.
   The Swiss, indeed, especially those of Zurich, refused to
   sanction the articles on which Luther and Bucer had agreed.
   Still, by the union of all protestant Germany under the same
   banners, much was gained. ... In the meantime, the dissensions
   between the two great parties augmented from day to day. To
   pacify them, Charles sent fruitless embassies. Roused by the
   apparent danger, in 1538, the catholic princes formed, at
   Nuremberg, a counter league to that of Smalcald [calling it
   the Holy League]. ... The death of Luther's old enemy, George,
   duke of Saxony [1539], transferred the dominion of that
   prince's states into the hands of [his brother Henry] a
   Lutheran. Henry, duke of Brunswick, was now the only great
   secular prince in the north of Germany who adhered to the
   Roman catholic faith. ... A truce was concluded at Frankfort,
   in 1539; but it could not remove the existing animosity, which
   was daily augmented. Both parties were in the wrong. ...
{1462}
   At the close of 1540, Worms was the scene of a conference very
   different from that where, 20 years before, Luther had been
   proscribed. There was an interminable theological disputation.
   ... As little good resulted, Charles, who was hastening from
   the Low Countries to his German dominions, evoked the affair
   before a diet at Ratisbon, in April, 1541. ... The diet of
   Ratisbon was well attended; and never did prince exert himself
   more zealously than Charles to make peace between his angry
   subjects. But ... all that could be obtained was, that things
   should be suffered to remain in their present state until a
   future diet or a general council. The reduction of Buda,
   however, by the Turks, rendered king Ferdinand, his brother,
   and the whole of Germany, eager for an immediate settlement of
   the dispute. ... Hence the diet of Spires in 1542. If, in
   regard to religion, nothing definitive was arranged, except
   the selection of Trent as the place most suitable for a
   general council, one good end was secured--supplies for the
   war with the Turks. The campaign, however, which passed
   without an action, was inglorious to the Germans, who appear
   to have been in a lamentable state of discipline. Nor was the
   public satisfaction much increased by the disputes of the
   Smalcald league with Henry of Brunswick. The duke was angry
   with his subjects of Brunswick and Breslau, who adhered to the
   protestant league; and though he had reason enough to be
   dissatisfied with both, nothing could be more vexatious than
   his conduct towards them. In revenge, the league of Smalcald
   sent 19,000 men into the field,--a formidable display of
   protestant power!--and Henry was expelled from his hereditary
   states, which were seized by the victors. He invoked the aid
   of the imperial chamber, which cited the chiefs of the league;
   but as, in 1538, the competency of that tribunal had been
   denied in religious, so now it was denied in civil matters.
   ... The following years exhibit on both sides the same
   jealousy, the same duplicity, often the same violence where
   the mask was no longer required, with as many ineffectual
   attempts to procure a union between them. ... The progress of
   events continued to favour the reformers. They had already two
   votes in the electoral college,--those of Saxony and Brandenburg;
   they were now to have the preponderance; for the elector
   palatine and Herman archbishop of Cologne abjured their
   religion, thus placing at the command of the reformed party
   four votes against three. But this numerical superiority did
   not long remain. ... The pope excommunicated the archbishop,
   deposed him from his dignity, and ordered the chapter to
   proceed to a new election; and when Herman refused to obey,
   Charles sent troops to expel him, and to install the
   archbishop elect, Count Adolf of Nassau. Herman retired to his
   patrimonial estates, where he died in the profession of the
   reformed religion. These events mortified the members of the
   Smalcald league; but they were soon partially consoled by the
   capture of Henry duke of Brunswick [1546], who had the
   temerity to collect troops and invade his patrimonial
   dominions. Their success gave umbrage to the emperor. ... He
   knew that the confederates had already 20,000 men under arms,
   and that they were actively, however secretly, augmenting
   their forces. His first care was to cause troops to be as
   secretly collected in his hereditary states; his second, to
   seduce, if possible, some leaders of the protestants. With
   Maurice duke of Saxony he was soon successful; and eventually
   with the two margraves of Brandenburg, who agreed to make
   preparations for a campaign and join him at the proper moment.
   ... His convocation of the diet at Ratisbon [1546], which
   after a vain parade ended in nothing, was only to hide his
   real designs. As he began to throw off the mask, the reformed
   theologians precipitately withdrew; and both parties took the
   field, but not until they had each published a manifesto to
   justify this extreme proceeding. In each there was much truth,
   and more falsehood."

      S. A. Dunham,
      History of the Germanic Empire,
      book 3, chapter 2 (volume 3).

GERMANY: A. D. 1542-1544.
   War with Francis I. of France.
   Battle of Cerisoles.
   Treaty of Crespy.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1532-1547.

GERMANY: A. D. 1542-1563.
   The beginning of the Roman Catholic reaction.
   The Council of Trent.

      See PAPACY: A. D. 1537-1563.

GERMANY: A. D. 1546-1552.
   War of Charles against the Protestants.
   The treachery of Maurice of Saxony.
   The battle of Muhlberg.
   The emperor's proposed "Interim" and its failure.
   His reverse of fortune.
   Protestantism triumphant.
   The Treaty of Passau.

   "Luther's death [which occurred in 1546] made no change in the
   resolution which Charles had at last taken to crush the
   Reformation in his German dominions by force of arms; on the
   contrary, he was more than ever stimulated to carry out his
   purpose by two occurrences: the adoption of the new religion
   by one who was not only an Elector of the Empire, but one of
   the chief prelates of the Church, the Prince-Archbishop of
   Cologne. ... The other event that influenced him was the
   refusal of the Protestants to accept as binding the decrees of
   the Council of Trent, which was composed of scarcely any
   members but a few Italian and Spanish prelates, and from which
   they appealed to either a free general Council or a national
   Council of the Empire; offering, at the same time, if Charles
   should prefer it, to submit the whole question of religion to
   a joint Commission, composed of divines of each party. These
   remonstrances, however, the Emperor treated with contempt. He
   had been for some time secretly raising troops in different
   quarters; and, early in 1546, he made a fresh treaty with the
   Pope, by which he bound himself instantly to commence warlike
   operations, and which, though it had been negotiated, as a
   secret treaty, Paul instantly published, to prevent any
   retraction or delay on his part. War therefore now began,
   though Charles professed to enter upon it, not for the purpose
   of enforcing a particular religious belief on the recusants,
   but for that of re-establishing the Imperial authority, which,
   as he affirmed, many of the confederate princes had disowned.
   Such a pretext he expected to sow disunion in the body, some
   members of which were far from desirous to weaken the great
   confederacy of the Empire: and, in effect, it did produce a
   hesitation in their early steps that had the most important
   consequences on the first campaign; for, in spite of the
   length of time during which he had secretly been preparing for
   war, when it came they were more ready than he. They at once
   took the field with an army of 90,000 men and 120 guns, while
   he, for the first few weeks after the declaration of war, had
   hardly 10,000 men with him in Ratisbon. ...
{1463}
   But the advantage of a single over a divided command was
   perhaps never more clearly exemplified than in the first
   operations of the two armies. He, as the weaker party, took up
   a defensive position near Ingolstadt; but, though they
   advanced within sight of his lines, they could not agree on
   the mode of attack, or even on the prudence of attacking him
   at all. ... At last, the confederates actually drew off, and
   Charles, advancing, made himself master of many important
   towns, which their irresolution alone had enabled him to
   approach." Meanwhile the Emperor had won an important ally.
   This was Duke Maurice, of the Albertine line of the House of
   Saxony (see SAXONY: A. D. 1180-1553), to whom several
   opportune deaths had given the ducal seat unexpectedly, in
   1541, and whose ambition now hungered for the Electorate,
   which was held by the other (the Ernestine) branch of the
   family. He conceived the idea of profiting by the troubles of
   the time to win possession of it. "With this view, though he
   also was a Protestant, he tendered his services to the
   Emperor, who, in spite of his youth, discerned in him a
   promise of very superior capacity, gladly accepted his aid,
   and promised to reward him with the territories which he
   coveted. The advantages which Protestantism eventually derived
   from Maurice's success has blinded some historians to the
   infamy of the conduct by which he achieved it. ... The Elector
   [John Frederick] was his [second] cousin; the Landgrave of
   Hesse was his father-in-law. Pleading an unwillingness while
   so young (he was barely 21) to engage in the war, he
   volunteered to undertake the protection of his cousin's
   dominions during his absence in the field. His offer was
   thankfully accepted; but he was no sooner installed in his
   charge than he began to negotiate with the enemy to invade the
   territories which he had bound himself to protect. And on
   receiving from Charles a copy of a decree, called the Ban of
   the Empire, which had just been issued against both the
   Elector and the Landgrave, he at once raised a force of his
   own, with which he overran one portion of [the Elector's]
   dominions, while a division of the Imperial army attacked the
   rest; and he would probably have succeeded at once in subduing
   the whole Electorate, had the main body of the Protestants
   been able to maintain the war on the Danube." But Charles's
   successes there brought about a suspension ol hostilities
   which enabled the Elector to return and "chastise Maurice for
   his treachery; to drive him not only from the towns and
   districts which he had seized, but to strip him also of the
   greater part of the territory which belonged to him by
   inheritance." Charles was unable, at first, to give any
   assistance to his ally. The Elector, however, who was the
   worst of generals, so scattered his forces that when, "on the
   23d of April [1547], Charles reached the Elbe and prepared to
   attack him, he had no advantage over his assailant but that of
   position. That indeed was very strong. He lay at Muhlberg, on
   the right bank of the river, which at that point is 300 yards
   wide and more than four feet deep, with a stream so rapid as
   to render the passage, even for horsemen, a task of great
   difficulty and danger." Against the remonstrances of his
   ablest general, the Duke of Alva, Charles, favored by a heavy
   fog, led his army across the river and boldly attacked. The
   Ejector attempted to retreat, but his retreat became a rout.
   Many fell, but many more were taken prisoners, including the
   Elector and the Landgrave of Hesse. The victory was decisive
   for the time, and Charles used it without moderation or
   generosity. He declared a forfeiture of the whole Electorate
   of Saxony by John Frederick, and conferred it upon the
   treacherous Maurice; and, "though Maurice was son-in-law of
   the Landgrave of Hesse, he stripped that prince of his
   territories, and, by a device scarcely removed from the tricks
   of a kidnapper, threw him also into prison." Charles seemed
   now to be completely master of the situation in Germany, and
   there was little opposition to his will in a diet which he
   convened at Augsburg.

      C. D. Yonge,
      Three Centuries of Modern History,
      chapter 4.

   "He opened the Diet of Augsburg (September 1, 1547), in the
   hope of finally bringing about the union so long desired and
   so frequently attempted, but which he despaired of effecting
   through a council which the Protestants had rejected in
   advance. ... By the famous 'Interim' of Augsburg--the joint
   production of Julius von Pflug, Bishop of Naumberg; Michael
   Helding, coadjutor of Mentz; and the wily and subtle John
   Agricola, preacher to the Elector of Brandenburg--Protestants
   were permitted to receive the Holy Eucharist under both kinds;
   the Protestant clergy already married to retain their wives;
   and a tacit approval given to the retention of property
   already taken from the Church. This instrument was, from
   beginning to end, a masterpiece of duplicity, and as such
   satisfied no party. The Catholics of Germany, the Protestants,
   and the Court of Rome, each took exception to it. ... Maurice,
   the new Elector of Saxony, unwilling to give the Interim an
   unconditional approval, consulted with a number of Protestant
   theologians, headed by Melancthon, as to how far he might
   accept its provisions with a safe conscience. In reply they
   drew up what is known as the Leipsig Interim (1548), in which
   they stated that questions of ritual and ceremony, and others
   of minor importance, which they designated by the generic word
   adiaphora, might be wholly overlooked; and even in points of a
   strictly doctrinal character, they expressed themselves
   favourable to concession and compromise. ... Such Lutheran
   preachers as professed to be faithful followers of their
   master, made a determined opposition to the 'Interim,' and
   began a vigorous assault upon its adiaphoristic clauses. The
   Anti-adiaphorists, as they were called, were headed by Flacius
   Illyricus, who being an ardent disciple of Luther's, and
   possessing somewhat of his courage and energy, repaired to
   Magdeburg, whose bold citizens were as defiant of imperial
   power as they were contemptuous of papal authority. But in
   spite of this spirited opposition, the Interim was gradually
   accepted by several Protestant countries and cities--a fact
   which encouraged the emperor at the Diet of Augsburg, in 1550,
   to make a final effort to have the Protestants attend the
   sessions of the Council of Trent, again opened by Pope Julius
   III. ... After a short delay, deputies from Brandenburg,
   Würtemberg, and Saxony began to appear at Trent; and even the
   Wittenberg theologians, headed by Melancthon, were already on
   their way to the Council, when Maurice of Saxony, having
   secured all the advantages he hoped to obtain by an alliance
   with the Catholic party, and regardless of the obligations by
   which he was bound, proceeded to betray both the emperor and
   his country.
{1464}
   Having received a commission to carry into effect the ban of
   the empire passed upon Magdeburg, he was in a position to
   assemble a large body of troops in Germany without exciting
   suspicion, or revealing his ulterior purposes. Besides uniting
   to himself, as confederates in his plot, John Albert, Duke of
   Mecklenburg; Albert, Margrave of Brandenburg; and William,
   Landgrave of Hesse, eldest son of Philip of Hesse, he entered
   into a secret treaty (Oct. 5, 1551) with Henry II., King of
   France, who, as was pretended, coming into Germany as the
   saviour of the country, seized the cities of Metz, Toul, and
   Verdun. Maurice also held out to Henry the prospect of
   securing the imperial crown. Everything being in readiness for
   action, Maurice advancing through Thuringia, seized the city
   of Augsburg, and suddenly made his appearance before
   Innspruck, whence the emperor, who lay sick of a severe attack
   of the gout, was hastily conveyed on a litter, through the
   passes of the mountains, to Villach, in Carinthia. While
   Maurice was thus making himself master of Innspruck, the King
   of the French was carrying out his part of the programme by
   actively prosecuting the war in Lorraine. Charles V., now
   destitute of the material resources necessary to carry on a
   successful campaign against the combined armies of the French
   king and the German princes, and despairing of putting an end
   to the obstinate conflict by his personal endeavours, resolved
   to re-establish, if possible, his waning power by peaceful
   negotiations. To this end, he commissioned his brother
   Ferdinand to conclude the Treaty of Passau (July 30, 1552),
   which provided that Philip of Hesse should be set at liberty,
   and gave pledges for the speedy settlement of all religious
   and political differences by a Diet, to be summoned at an
   early day. It further provided that neither the emperor nor
   the Protestant princes should put any restraint upon freedom
   of conscience, and that all questions arising in the interval
   between the two parties should be referred for settlement to
   an Imperial Commission, composed of an equal number of
   Catholics and Protestants. In consequence of the war then
   being carried on by the empire against France for the recovery
   of the three bishoprics of Lorraine of which the French had
   taken possession, the Diet did not convene until February 5,
   1555."

      J. Alzog,
      Manual of Universal Church History,
      volume 3, pages 276-279.

      ALSO IN:
      W. Robertson,
      History of the Reign of Charles V.,
      books 8-10 (volume 2-3).

      L. von Ranke,
      Civil Wars and Monarchy in France,
      chapter 6.

      E. E. Crowe,
      Cardinal Granvelle and Maurice of Saxony
      (Eminent Foreign Statesmen, volume 1).

      L. Häusser,
      The Period of the Reformation,
      chapters 15-17.

      G. P. Fisher,
      History of the Reformation,
      chapter 5.

      F. Kohlrausch,
      History of Germany,
      chapter 20.

GERMANY: A. D. 1547.
   Pragmatic Sanction of Charles V., changing the relations of
   the Netherland provinces to the Empire.

      See NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1547.

GERMANY: A. D. 1552-1561.
   Battle of Sievershausen and death of Maurice.
   The Religious Peace of Augsburg.
   Abdication of Charles V.
   Succession of Ferdinand I.
   The halting of the Reformation and the rally of Catholic
   resistance.

   By the treaty of Passau, Maurice of Saxony bound himself to
   defend the empire against the French and the Turks. "He
   accordingly took the field against the latter, but with little
   success, the imperial commander, Castaldo, contravening all
   his efforts by plundering Hungary and drawing upon himself the
   hatred of the people. Charles, meanwhile, marched against the
   French, and, without hesitation, again deposed the corporative
   governments reinstated by Maurice, on his way through
   Augsburg, Ulm, Esslingen, etc. Metz, valiantly defended by the
   Duke de Guise, was vainly besieged for some months, and the
   Emperor was at length forced to retreat. The French were,
   nevertheless, driven out of Italy. The aged emperor now sighed
   for peace. Ferdinand, averse to open warfare, placed his hopes
   on the imperceptible effect of a consistently pursued system
   of suppression and Jesuitical obscurantism. Maurice was
   answerable for the continuance of the peace, the terms of
   which he had prescribed. ... Albert the Wild [of Brandenburg]
   was the only one among the princes who was still desirous of
   war. Indifferent to aught else, he marched at the head of some
   thousand followers through central Germany, murdering and
   plundering as he passed along, with the intent of once more
   laying the Franconian and Saxon bishoprics waste in the name
   of the gospel. The princes at length formed the Heidelberg
   confederacy against this monster and the emperor put him under
   the bann of the empire, which Maurice undertook to execute,