had extricated themselves.
{1328}
   The town was at length entered, and a frightful carnage ensued
   in the streets, in the midst of which the illustrious Lavater
   was barbarously shot by a French soldier: while Korsakoff,
   after losing 8,000 killed and wounded, 5,000 prisoners, 100
   pieces of cannon, and all his ammunition, stores, and military
   chest, succeeded in reaching Schaffhausen. The attack of Soult
   above the lake (September 25) was equally triumphant. The
   gallant Hotze, who commanded in that quarter, was killed in
   the first encounter; and the Austrians, giving way in
   consternation, were driven over the Thur, and at length over
   the Rhine, with the loss of 20 guns and 3,000 prisoners.
   Suwarroff in the meantime was gallantly performing his part of
   the plan. On the 23d of September, the French posts at Airolo
   and St. Gothard were carried, after a desperate resistance, by
   the Russian main force, while their flank was turned by
   Rosenberg; and Lecourbe, hastily retreating, broke down the
   Devil's Bridge to check the advance of the enemy. A scene of
   useless butchery followed, the two parties firing on each
   other from the opposite brinks of the impassable abyss; but
   the flank of the French was at length turned, the bridge
   repaired, and the Russians, pressing on in triumph, joined the
   Austrian division of Auffenberg, at Wasen, and repulsed the
   French beyond Altdorf. But this was the limit of the old
   marshal's success. After effecting with severe loss the
   passage of the tremendous defiles and ridges of the
   Schachenthal, between Altdorf and Mutten, he found that Linken
   and Jellachich, who were to have moved from Coire to
   co-operate with him, had again retreated on learning the
   disaster at Zurich; and Suwarroff found himself in the midst
   of the enemy, with Massena on one side and Molitor on the
   other. With the utmost difficulty the veteran conqueror was
   prevailed upon, for the first time in his life, to order a
   retreat; which had become indispensable, and the heads of his
   columns were turned towards Glarus and the Grisons. But though
   the attack of Massena on their rear in the Muttenthal was
   repulsed with the loss of 2,000 men, their onward route was
   barred at Naefels by Molitor, who defied all the efforts of
   Prince Bagrathion to dislodge him; and in the midst of a heavy
   fall of snow, which obliterated the mountain paths, the
   Russian army wound its way (October 5) in single file over the
   rugged and sterile peaks of the Alps of Glarus. Numbers
   perished of cold, or fell over the precipices; but nothing
   could overcome the unconquerable spirit of the soldiers:
   without fire or stores, and compelled to bivouac on the snow,
   they still struggled on through incredible hardships, till the
   dreadful march terminated (October 10) at Ilantz. Such was the
   famous, passage of the Alps by Suwarroff. Korsakoff in the
   meanwhile (October 1-7) had maintained a desperate conflict
   near Constance, till the return of the Archduke checked the
   efforts of the French; and the Allies, abandoning the St.
   Gothard, and all the other posts they still held in
   Switzerland, concentrated their forces on the Rhine, which
   became the boundary of the two armies. ... In Italy, after the
   disastrous battle of Novi, the Directory had given the
   leadership of the armies, both of Italy and Savoy, to the
   gallant Championnet, but he could muster only 54,000 troops
   and 6,000 raw conscripts to oppose Melas, who had succeeded
   Suwarroff in the command, and who had 68,000, besides his
   garrisons and detachments. The proposition of Championnet had
   been to fall back, with his army still entire, to the other
   side of the Alps: but his orders were positive to attempt the
   relief of Coni, then besieged by the Austrians; and after a
   desultory warfare for several weeks, he commenced a decisive
   movement for that purpose at the end of October, with 35,000
   men. But before the different French columns could effect a
   junction, they were separately assailed by Melas: the
   divisions of Grenier and Victor were overwhelmed at Genola
   (November 4), and defeated with the loss of 7,000 men; and
   though St. Cyr repulsed the Imperialists (November 10) on the
   plateau of Novi, Coni was left to its fate, and surrendered
   with all its garrison (December 4). An epidemic disorder broke
   out in the French army, to which Championnet himself, and
   numerous soldiers, fell victims: the troops giving way to
   despair, abandoned their standards by hundreds and returned to
   France; and it was with difficulty that the eloquent
   exhortations of St. Cyr succeeded in keeping together a
   sufficient number to defend the Bochetta pass, in front of
   Genoa, the loss of which would have entailed destruction on
   the whole army. The discomfited Republicans were driven back
   on their own frontiers; and, excepting Genoa, the tricolor
   flag was everywhere expelled from Italy. At the same time the
   campaign on the Rhine was drawing to a close. The army of
   Massena was not strong enough to follow up the brilliant
   success at Zurich, and the jealousies of the Austrians and
   Russians, who mutually laid on each other the blame of the
   late disasters, prevented their acting cordially in concert
   against him. Suwarroff at length, in a fit of exasperation,
   drew off his troops to winter quarters in Bavaria, and took no
   further share in the war; and a fruitless attempt in November
   against Philipsburg, by Lecourbe, who had been transferred to
   the command on the lower Rhine, closed the operations in that
   quarter."

      Epitome of Alison's History of Europe,
      sections 245-251
      (chapter 28, volume 7 of complete work).

   Meantime, the French had been entirely expelled from southern
   Italy. On the withdrawal of Macdonald, with most of his army,
   from Naples, "Cardinal Ruffo, a soldier, churchman, and
   politician, put himself at the head of a numerous body of
   insurgents, and commenced war against such French troops as
   had been left in the south and in the middle of Italy. This
   movement was actively supported by the British fleet. Lord
   Nelson recovered Naples; Rome surrendered to Commodore
   Trowbridge. Thus the Parthenopean and Roman republics were
   extinguished forever. The royal family returned to Naples, and
   that fine city and country were once more a kingdom. Rome, the
   capital of the world, was occupied by Neapolitan troops."

      Sir W. Scott,
      Life of Napoleon,
      chapter 38.

      ALSO IN:
      L. M. P. de Laverne,
      Life of Souvarof,
      chapter 6.

      H. Spalding,
      Suvoroff.

      P. Colletta,
      History of the Kingdom of Naples,
      book 4, chapter 2 and book 5,
      chapters 1-2 (volume 1).

      T. J. Pettigrew,
      Memoirs of Lord Nelson,
      volume 1, chapters 8-9.

{1329}

FRANCE: A. D. 1799 (September-October).
   Disastrous ending of the Anglo-Russian invasion of Holland.
   Capitulation of the Duke of York.
   Dissolution of the Dutch East India Company.

   "It is very obvious that the Duke of York was selected in an
   unlucky hour to be the commander-in-chief of this
   Anglo-Russian expedition, when we compare the time in which
   Abercrombie was alone on the marshy promontory of the Helder
   ... with the subsequent period. On the 10th of September
   Abercrombie successfully repulsed the attack of General Brune,
   who had come for the purpose from Haarlem to Alkmar; on the
   19th the Duke of York landed, and soon ruined everything. The
   first division of the Russians had at length arrived on the
   15th, under the command of General Herrmann, for whom it was
   originally destined, although unhappily it afterwards came
   into the hands of General Korsakoff. The duke therefore
   thought he might venture on a general attack on the 19th. In
   this attack Herrmann led the right wing, which was formed by
   the Russians, and Abercrombie, with whom was the Prince of
   Orange, the left, whilst the centre was left to the Duke of
   York, the commander-in-chief. This decisive battle was fought
   at Bergen, a place situated to the north of Alkmar. The
   combined army was victorious on both wings; and Horn, on the
   Zuyder Zee, was occupied; the Duke of York, who was only a
   general for parades and reviews, merely indulged the centre
   with a few manœuvres hither and thither. ... The Russians,
   therefore, who were left alone in impassible marshes,
   traversed by ditches, and unknown to their officers, lost many
   men, and were at length surrounded, and even their general
   taken prisoner. The duke concerned himself very little about
   the Russians, and had long before prudently retired into his
   trenches; and, as the Russians were lost, Abercrombie and the
   Crown Prince were obliged to relinquish Horn." The incapacity
   of the commander-in-chief held the army paralyzed during the
   fortnight following, suffering from sickness and want, while
   it would still have been practicable to push forward to South
   Holland. "A series of bloody engagements took place from the
   2nd till the 6th of October, and the object of the attack upon
   the whole line of the French and Batavian army would have been
   attained had Abercrombie alone commanded. The English and
   Russians, who call this the battle of Alkmar, were
   indisputably victorious in the engagements of the 2nd and 3rd
   of October. They even drove the enemy before them to the
   neighbourhood of Haarlem, after having taken possession of
   Alkmar; but on the 6th, Brune, who owes his otherwise very
   moderate military renown to this engagement alone, having
   received a reinforcement of some thousands on the 4th and 5th,
   renewed the battle. The fighting on this day took place at
   Castricum, on a narrow strip of land between the sea and the
   lake of Haarlem, a position favourable to the French. The
   French report is, as usual, full of the boasts of a splendid
   victory; the English, however, remained in possession of the
   field, and did not retire to their trenches behind Alkmar and
   to the marshes of Zyp till the 7th. ... In not more than eight
   days afterwards, the want in the army and the anxiety of its
   incapable commander-in-chief became so great, the number of
   the sick increased so rapidly, and the fear of the
   difficulties of embarkation in winter so grew and spread, that
   the duke accepted the most shameful capitulation that had ever
   been offered to an English general, except at Saratoga. This
   capitulation, concluded on the 19th of October, was only
   granted because the English, by destroying the dykes, had it
   in their power to ruin the country."

      F. C. Schlosser,
      History of the Eighteenth Century,
      volume 7, pages 149-151.

   "For the failure in accomplishing the great objects of
   emancipating Holland and restoring its legitimate ruler; for
   the clamorous joy with which her enemies, foreign and
   domestic, hailed the event; the government of Great Britain
   had many consolations. ... The Dutch fleet, which, in the
   hands of an enterprising enemy, might have been so injuriously
   employed, was a capture of immense importance: if Holland was
   ever to become a friend and ally, we had abundant means of
   promoting her prosperity and re-establishing her greatness; if
   an enemy, her means of injury and hopes of rivalship were
   effectually suppressed. Her East-India Company, ... long the
   rival of our own in power and prosperity, whose dividends in
   some years had risen to the amount of 40 per cent., now
   finally closed its career, making a paltry final payment in
   part of the arrears of dividends for the present and three
   preceding years."

      J. Adolphus,
      History of England: Reign of George III.,
      chapter 109 (volume 7).

      ALSO IN:
      G. R. Gleig,
      Life of General Sir R. Abercromby
      (Eminent British Military Commanders, volume 3).

FRANCE: A. D. 1799 (November).
   Return of Bonaparte from Egypt.
   The first Napoleonic Coup d'État.
   Revolution of the 18th Brumaire.
   End of the First Republic.
   Creation of the Consulate.

   "When Bonaparte, by means of the bundle of papers which Sidney
   Smith caused to find their way through the French lines,
   learned the condition of affairs in Europe, there was but one
   course consistent with his character for him to pursue. There
   was nothing more to be done in Egypt; there was everything to
   be done in France. If he were to lead his army back, even in
   case he should, by some miracle, elude the eager eyes of Lord
   Nelson, the act would be generally regarded as a confession of
   disaster. If he were to remain with the army, he could, at
   best, do nothing but pursue a purely defensive policy; and if
   the army were to be overwhelmed, it was no part of Napoleonism
   to be involved in the disaster. ... It would be far shrewder
   to throw the responsibility of the future of Egypt on another,
   and to transfer himself to the field that was fast ripening
   for the coveted harvest. Of course Bonaparte, under such
   circumstances, did not hesitate as to which course to pursue.
   Robbing the army of such good officers as survived, he left it
   in command of the only one who had dared to raise his voice in
   opposition to the work of the 18th Fructidor ... the heroic
   but indignant Kléber. Was there ever a more exquisite revenge?
   ... On the arrival of Bonaparte in Paris everything seemed
   ready to his hand. ... The policy which, in the seizure of
   Switzerland and the Papal States, he had taken pains to
   inaugurate before his departure for Egypt had borne its
   natural fruit. As never before in the history of Europe,
   England, Holland, Russia, Austria, Naples, and even Turkey had
   joined hands in a common cause, and as a natural consequence
   the Directory had been defeated at every point. Nor was it
   unnatural for the people to attribute all these disasters to
   the inefficiency of the government. The Directory had really
   fallen into general contempt, and at the new election on the
   30th Prairial it had been practically overthrown.
{1330}
   Rewbell, who by his influence had stood at the head of
   affairs, had been obliged to give way," and Sieyès had been
   put in his place. "By the side of this fantastic statesman ...
   Barras had been retained, probably for no other reason than
   that he was sure to be found with the majority, while the
   other members, Gohier, Moulins, and Roger-Ducos were men from
   whose supposed mediocrity no very decided opposition could be
   anticipated. Thus the popular party was not only revenged for
   the outrages of Fructidor, but it had also made up the new
   Directory of men who seemed likely to be nothing but clay in
   the hands of Bonaparte. ... The manner in which the General
   was received can have left no possible doubt remaining in his
   mind as to the strength of his hold on the hearts of the
   people. It must have been apparent to all that he needed but
   to declare himself, in order to secure a well-nigh unanimous
   support and following of the masses. But with the political
   leaders the case, for obvious reasons, was far different. ...
   His popularity was so overwhelming, that in his enmity the
   leaders could anticipate nothing but annihilation, in his
   friendship nothing but insignificance. ... The member of the
   government who, at the time, wielded most influence, was
   Sieyès, a man to whom personally the General had so
   unconquerable an aversion, that Josephine was accustomed to
   refer to him as her husband's béte noir. It was evident that
   Sieyès was the most formidable obstacle to the General's
   advance." As a first movement, Bonaparte endeavored to bring
   about the removal of Sieyès from the Directory and his own
   election to the place. Failing this, his party attempted the
   immediate creation of a dictatorship. When that, too, was
   found impracticable, Sieyès was persuaded to a reconciliation
   and alliance with the ambitious soldier, and the two, at a
   meeting, planned the proceedings "which led to that dark day
   in French history known as the 18th Brumaire [November 9,
   1799]. It remained only to get absolute control of the
   military forces, a task at that time in no way difficult. The
   officers who had returned with Bonaparte from Egypt were
   impatient to follow wherever their master might lead. Moreau,
   who, since the death of Hoche, was regarded as standing next
   to Bonaparte in military ability, was not reluctant to cast in
   his lot with the others, and Macdonald as well as Serurier
   soon followed his example. Bernadotte alone would yield to
   neither flattery nor intimidation. ... While Bonaparte was
   thus marshalling his forces in the Rue de la Victoire, the way
   was opening in the Councils. A commission of the Ancients,
   made up of the leading conspirators, had worked all night
   drawing up the proposed articles, in order that in the morning
   the Council might have nothing to do but to vote them. The
   meeting was called for seven o'clock, and care was taken not
   to notify those members whose opposition there was reason to
   fear. ... The articles were adopted without discussion. Those
   present voted, first, to remove the sessions of the Councils
   from Paris to Saint Cloud (a privilege which the constitution
   conferred upon the Ancients alone), thus putting them at once
   beyond the power of influencing the populace and of standing
   in the way of Bonaparte. They then passed a decree giving to
   Bonaparte the command of the military forces, at the same time
   inviting him to come to the Assembly for the purpose of taking
   the oath of allegiance to the Constitution." Bonaparte
   appeared, accordingly, before the Council; but instead of
   taking an oath of allegiance to the constitution, he made a
   speech which he closed by declaring: "We want a Republic
   founded on true liberty and national representation. We will
   have it, I swear; I swear it in my own name and that of my
   companions in arms." "Thus the mockery of the oath-taking in
   the Council of Ancients was accomplished. The General had now
   a more difficult part to perform in the Council of Five
   Hundred. As the meeting of the Assembly was not to occur until
   twelve o'clock of the following day, Bonaparte made use of the
   intervening time in posting his forces and in disposing of the
   Directory. ... There was one locality in the city where it was
   probable aggressive force would be required. The Luxembourg
   was the seat of the Directory, and the Directory must at all
   hazards be crushed. ... Bonaparte knew well how to turn all
   such ignominious service to account. In close imitation of
   that policy which had left Kleber in Egypt, he placed the
   Luxembourg in charge of the only man in the nation who could
   now be regarded as his rival for popular favor. Moreau fell
   into the snare, and by so doing lost a popularity which he was
   never afterwards able to regain. Having thus placed his
   military forces, Bonaparte turned his attention to the
   Directors. The resignations of Sieyès and of Roger-Ducos he
   already had upon his table. It remained only to procure the
   others. Barras, without warning, was confronted by Talleyrand
   and Bruix, who asked him without circumlocution to resign his
   office," which he did, after slight hesitation. Gohier and
   Moulins were addressed by Bonaparte in person, but firmly
   resisted his importunities and his threats. They were then
   made prisoners by Moreau. "The night of the 18th passed in
   comparative tranquillity. The fact that there was no organized
   resistance is accounted for by Lanfrey with a single mournful
   statement, that 'nothing of the kind could be expected of a
   nation that had been decapitated. All the men of rank in
   France for the previous ten years, either by character or
   genius or virtue, had been mown down, first by the scaffolds
   and proscriptions, next by war.'" On the morrow, the 19th of
   Brumaire (November 10) the sitting of the two councils began
   at two o'clock. In the Council of Five Hundred the partisans
   of Bonaparte were less numerous than in that of the Ancients,
   and a powerful indignation at the doings of the previous day
   began quickly to show itself. In the midst of a warm debate
   upon the resignation of Barras, which had just been received,
   "the door was opened, and Bonaparte, surrounded by his
   grenadiers, entered the hall. A burst of indignation at once
   arose. Every member sprang to his feet. 'What is this?' they
   cried, 'swords here! armed men! Away! we will have no dictator
   here.' Then some of the deputies, bolder than the others,
   surrounded Bonaparte and overwhelmed him with invectives. 'You
   are violating the sanctity of the laws; what are you doing,
   rash man?' exclaimed Bigonnet. 'Is it for this that you have
   conquered?' demanded Destrem, advancing towards him. Others
   seized him by the collar of his coat, and, shaking him
   violently, reproached him with treason. This reception, though
   the General had come with the purpose of intimidating the
   Assembly, fairly overwhelmed him.
{1331}
   Eye-witnesses declare that he turned pale, and fell fainting
   into the arms of his soldiers, who drew him out of the hall."
   His brother Lucien, who was President of the Council, showed
   better nerve. By refusing to put motions that were made to
   vote, and finally by resigning his office and quitting the
   chair, he threw the Council into confusion. Then, appearing to
   the troops outside, who supposed him to be still President of
   the Council, he harangued them and summoned them to clear the
   chamber. "The grenadiers poured into the hall. A last cry of
   'Vive la République' was raised, and a moment later the hall
   was empty. Thus the crime of the conspirators was consummated,
   and the First French Republic was at an end. After this action
   it remained only to put into the hands of Bonaparte the
   semblance of regular authority. ... A phantom of the Council
   of Five Hundred--Cornet, one of them, says 30 members--met in
   the evening and voted the measures which had been previously
   agreed upon by the conspirators. Bonaparte, Sieyès, and
   Roger-Ducos were appointed provisional consuls; 57 members of
   the Council who had been most prominent in their opposition
   were excluded from their seats; a list of proscriptions was
   prepared; two commissioners chosen from the assemblies were
   appointed to assist the consuls in their work of organization;
   and, finally, ... they adjourned the legislative body until
   the 20th of February."

      C. K. Adams,
      Democracy and Monarchy in France,
      chapter 4.

      ALSO IN:
      P. Lanfrey,
      History of Napoleon I.

      A. Thiers,
      History of the French Revolution
      (American edition), volume 4, pages 407-430.

      M. de Bourrienne,
      Private Memoirs of Napoleon,
      volume l, chapter 24-27.

      Count Miot de Melito,
      Memoirs,
      chapter 9.

FRANCE: A. D. 1799 (November-December).
   The constitution of the consulate.
   Bonaparte as First Consul.

   "During the three months which followed the 18th Brumaire,
   approbation and expectation were general. A provisional
   government had been appointed, composed of three consuls,
   Bonaparte, Siéyes, and Roger-Ducos, with two legislative
   commissioners, entrusted to prepare the constitution and a
   definitive order of things. The consuls and the two
   commissioners were installed on the 21st Brumaire. This
   provisional government abolished the law respecting hostages
   and compulsory loans; it permitted the return of the priests
   proscribed since the 18th Fructidor; it released from prison
   and sent out of the republic the emigrants who had been
   ship-wrecked on the coast of Calais, and who for four years
   were captives in France, and were exposed to the heavy
   punishment of the emigrant army. All these measures were very
   favourably received. But public opinion revolted at a
   proscription put in force against the extreme republicans.
   Thirty-six of them were sentenced to transportation to Guiana,
   and twenty-one were put under serveillance in the department
   of Charante-Inférieure, merely by a decree of the consuls on
   the report of Fouché, minister of police. The public viewed
   unfavourably all who attacked the government, but at the same
   time it exclaimed against an act so arbitrary and unjust. The
   consuls, accordingly, recoiled before their own act; they
   first commuted transportation into surveillance, and soon
   withdrew surveillance itself. It was not long before a rupture
   broke out between the authors of the 18th Brumaire. During
   their provisional authority it did not create much noise,
   because it took place in the legislative commissions. The new
   constitution was the cause of it. Siéyes and Bonaparte could
   not agree on this subject: the former wished to institute
   France, the latter to govern it as a master. ... Bonaparte
   took part in the deliberations of the constituent committee,
   with his instinct of power, he seized upon everything in the
   ideas of Siéyes which was calculated to serve his projects,
   and caused the rest to be rejected. ... On the 24th of
   December, 1799 (Nivose, year VIII.), forty-five days after the
   18th Brumaire, was published the constitution of the year
   VIII.; it was composed of the wrecks of that of Siéyes, now
   become a constitution of servitude."

      F. A. Mignet,
      History of the French Revolution,
      chapter 14.

   "The new constitution was still republic in name and
   appearance, but monarchical in fact, the latter concealed, by
   the government being committed, not to the hand of one
   individual, but of three. The three persons so fixed upon were
   denominated consuls, and appointed for ten years;--one of
   them, however, was really ruler, although he only obtained the
   modest name of First Consul. The rights which Bonaparte caused
   to be given to himself made all the rest nothing more than
   mere deception. The First Consul was to invite the others
   merely to consultation on affairs of state, whilst he himself,
   either immediately or through the senate, was to appoint to
   all places of trust and authority, to decide absolutely upon
   questions of peace or war, and to be assisted by a council of
   state. ... In order to cover and conceal the power of the
   First Consul, especially in reference to the appointment of
   persons to offices of trust and authority, a senate was
   created, which neither belonged to the people nor to the
   government, but immediately from the very beginning was an
   assembly of courtiers and placemen, and at a later period
   became the mere tool of every kind of despotism, by rendering
   it easy to dispense with the legislative body. The senate
   consisted of eighty members, a part of whom were to be
   immediately nominated from the lists of notability, and the
   senate to fill up its own body from persons submitted to them
   by the First Consul, the tribunate, and the legislative body.
   Each senator was to have a salary of 25,000 f.; their meetings
   were not public, and their business very small. From the
   national lists the senate was also to select consuls,
   legislators, tribunes, and judges of the Court of Cassation.
   Large lists were first presented to the communes, on which,
   according to Roederer, there stood some 500,000 names, out of
   which the communes selected 50,000 for the departmental lists,
   from which again 5,000 were to be chosen for the national
   list. From these 5,000 names, selected from the departmental
   list, or from what was termed the national list, the senate
   was afterwards to elect the members of the legislature and the
   high officers of government. The legislature was to consist of
   two chambers, the tribunate and the legislative body--the
   former composed of 100, and the latter of 300 members. The
   chambers had no power of taking the initiative, that is, they
   were obliged to wait till bills were submitted to them, and
   could of themselves originate nothing: they were, however,
   permitted to express wishes of all kinds to the government.
   Each bill (projet de loi) was introduced into the tribunate by
   three members of the council of state, and there defended by
   them, because the tribunate alone had the right of discussion,
   whilst the mere power of saying Yea or Nay was conferred upon
   the members of the legislative body.
{1332}
   The tribunate, having accepted the bill, sent three of its
   members, accompanied by the members from the council of state,
   to defend the measure in the assembly of the legislative body.
   Every year one-fifth of the members of the legislative body
   was to retire from office, being, however, always re-eligible
   as long as their names remained on the national list. The
   sittings of the legislative body alone were public, because
   they were only permitted to be silent listeners to the
   addresses of the tribunes or councillors of state, and to
   assent to, or dissent from, the proposed law. Not above 100
   persons were, however, allowed to be present as auditors; the
   sittings were not allowed to continue longer than four months;
   both chambers, however, might be summoned to an extraordinary
   sitting. ... When the constitution was ready to be brought
   into operation, Sieyes terminated merely as he had begun, and
   Bonaparte saw with pleasure that he showed himself both
   contemptible and venal. He became a dumb senator, with a
   yearly income of 25,000 f.; and obtained 800,000 f. from the
   directorial treasury, whilst Roger Ducos was obliged to go
   away contented with a douceur of 120,000 f.; and, last of all,
   Sieyes condescended to accept from Bonaparte a present of the
   national domain of Crosne, which he afterwards exchanged for
   another estate. For colleagues in his new dignity Bonaparte
   selected very able and skilful men, but wholly destitute of
   all nobility of mind, and to whom it never once occurred to
   offer him any opposition; these were Cambacérès and Lebrun.
   The former, a celebrated lawyer, although formerly a vehement
   Jacobin, impatiently waited till Bonaparte brought forth again
   all the old plunder; and then, covered with orders, he
   strutted up and down the Palais Royal like a peacock, and
   exhibited himself as a show. Lebrun, who was afterwards
   created a duke, at a later period distinguished himself by
   being the first to revive the use of hair powder; in fact, he
   was completely a child and partisan of the olden times,
   although for a time he had played the part of a Girondist. ...
   As early as the 25th and 26th of December the First Consul took
   up his abode in the Tuileries. There the name of citizen
   altogether disappeared, for the consul's wife caused herself
   again to be addressed as Madame. Everything which concerned
   the government now began to assume full activity, and the
   adjourned legislative councils were summoned for the 1st of
   January, in order that they might be dissolved."

      F. C. Schlosser,
      History of the Eighteenth Century,
      volume 7, pages 189-192.

      ALSO IN:
      P. Lanfrey,
      History of Napoleon I.,
      volume 1, chapters 13-14.

      A. Thiers,
      History of the Consulate and Empire,
      books 1-2 (volume 1).

      H. C. Lockwood,
      Constitutional History of France,
      chapter 2 and appendix 4.

FRANCE: A. D. 1800.
   Convention with the United States.

      See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1800.

FRANCE: A. D. 1800 (January-June).
   Affairs in Egypt.
   The repudiated Treaty of El Arish.
   Kléber's victory at Heliopolis.
   His assassination.

   "Affairs in Egypt had been on the whole unfavourable to the
   French, since that army had lost the presence of the
   commander-in-chief. Kléber, on whom the command devolved, was
   discontented both at the unceremonious and sudden manner in
   which the duty had been imposed upon him, and with the
   scarcity of means left to support his defence. Perceiving
   himself threatened by a large Turkish force, which was
   collecting for the purpose of avenging the defeat of the
   vizier at Aboukir, he became desirous of giving up a
   settlement which he despaired of maintaining. He signed
   accordingly a convention with the Turkish plenipotentiaries,
   and Sir Sidney Smith on the part of the British [at El Arish,
   January 28, 1800], by which it was provided that the French
   should evacuate Egypt, and that Kléber and his army should be
   transported to France in safety, without being molested by the
   British fleet. When the British government received advice of
   this convention they refused to ratify it, on the ground that
   Sir Sidney Smith had exceeded his powers in entering into it.
   The Earl of Elgin having been sent out as plenipotentiary to
   the Porte, it was asserted that Sir Sidney's ministerial
   powers were superseded by his appointment. ... The truth was
   that the arrival of Kléber and his army in the south of
   France, at the very moment when the successes of Suwarrow gave
   strong hopes of making some impression on her frontier, might
   have had a most material effect upon the events of the war.
   ... The treaty of El Arish was in consequence broken off.
   Kléber, disappointed of this mode of extricating himself, had
   recourse to arms. The Vizier Jousseff Pacha, having crossed
   the Desert and entered Egypt, received a bloody and decisive
   defeat from the French general, near the ruins of the ancient
   city of Heliopolis, on the 20th of March, 1800 [following
   which Kléber crushed with great slaughter a revolt that had
   broken out in Cairo]. The measures which Kléber adopted after
   this victory were well calculated to maintain the possession
   of the country, and reconcile the inhabitants to the French
   government. ... While busied in these measures, he was cut
   short by the blow of an assassin. A fanatic Turk, called
   Soliman Haleby, a native of Aleppo, imagined he was inspired
   by Heaven to slay the enemy of the Prophet and the Grand
   Seignior. He concealed himself in a cistern, and springing out
   on Kléber when there was only one man in company with him,
   stabbed him dead [June 14]. ... The Baron Menou, on whom the
   command now devolved, was an inferior person to Kléber. ...
   Menou altered for the worse several of the regulations of
   Kléber, and, carrying into literal execution what Buonaparte
   had only written and spoken of, he became an actual
   Mahommedan."

      Sir W. Scott,
      Life of Napoleon Buonaparte,
      chapter 40.

      ALSO IN:
      A. Thiers,
      History of the Consulate and Empire,
      book 5 (volume 1).

{1333}

FRANCE: A. D. 1800-1801 (May-February).
   Bonaparte's second Italian campaign.
   The crossing of the Alps.
   The Battle of Marengo.
   Moreau in Germany.
   Hohenlinden.
   Austrian siege of Genoa.

   "Preparations for the new campaign in spring were completed.
   Moreau was made commander-in-chief of the army of the Rhine,
   150,000 strong. The plan of the campaign was concerted between
   the First Consul and Carnot, who had superseded Berthier as
   Minister at War. The operations were conducted with the utmost
   secrecy. Napoleon had determined to strike the decisive blow
   against Austria in Italy, and to command there in person. By
   an article in the Constitution the First Consul was forbidden
   to take command of an army. To this interdiction he cheerfully
   assented; but he evaded it, as soon as the occasion was ripe,
   by giving the nominal command of the army of Italy to
   Berthier. He began to collect troops at Dijon, which were, he
   publicly announced, intended to advance upon Italy. They
   consisted chiefly of conscripts and invalids, with a numerous
   staff, and were called 'the army of reserve.' Meantime, while
   caricatures of some ancient men with wooden legs and little
   boys of twelve years old, entitled 'Bonaparte's Army of
   Reserve,' were amusing the Austrian public, the real army of
   Italy was formed in the heart of France, and was marching by
   various roads towards Switzerland. ... The artillery was sent
   piecemeal from different arsenals; the provisions necessary to
   an army about to cross barren mountains were forwarded to
   Geneva, embarked on the lake, and landed at Villeneuve, near
   the entrance to the valley of the Simplon. The situation of
   the French army in Italy had become critical. Massena had
   thrown himself into Genoa with 12,000 men, and was enduring
   all the rigours of a siege, pressed by 30,000 Austrians under
   General Ott, seconded by the British fleet. Suchet, with the
   remainder of the French army, about 10,000 strong, completely
   cut off from communication with Massena, had concentrated his
   forces on the Var, was maintaining an unequal contest with
   Melas, the Austrian commander-in-chief, and strenuously
   defending the French frontier. Napoleon's plan was to
   transport his army across the Alps, plant himself in the rear
   of the Austrians, intercept their communications, then
   manœuvre so as to place his own army and that of Massena on
   the Austrian right and left flanks respectively, cut off their
   retreat, and finally give them battle at the decisive moment.
   While all Europe imagined that the multifarious concerns of
   the Government held the First Consul at Paris, he was
   travelling at a rapid rate towards Geneva, accompanied only by
   his secretary. He left Paris on the 6th of May, at two in the
   morning, leaving Cambacérès to preside until his return, and
   ordering Fouché to announce that he was about to review the
   army at Dijon, and might possibly go as far as Geneva, but
   would return in a fortnight. 'Should anything happen,' he
   significantly added, 'I shall be back like a thunderbolt.' ...
   On the 13th the First Consul reviewed the vanguard of his
   army, commanded by General Lannes, at Lausanne. The whole army
   consisted of nearly 70,000 men. Two columns, each of about
   6,000 men, were put in motion, one under Tureau, the other
   under Chabran, to take the routes of Mont Cenis and the Little
   St. Bernard. A division consisting of 15,000 men, under
   Moncey, detached from the army of the Rhine, was to march by
   St. Gothard. Moreau kept the Austrian army of the Rhine, under
   General Kray, on the defensive before Ulm [to which he had
   forced his way in a series of important engagements, at Engen,
   May 2, at Moeskirch, May 4, at Biberach, May 9, and at
   Hochstadt, June 19], and held himself in readiness to cover
   the operations of the First Consul in Italy. The main body of
   the French army, in numbers about 40,000, nominally commanded
   by Berthier, but in fact by the First Consul himself, marched
   on the 15th from Lausanne to the village of St. Pierre, at the
   foot of the Great St. Bernard, at which all trace of a
   practicable road entirely ceased. General Marescot, the
   engineer who had been sent forward from Geneva to reconnoitre,
   reported the paths to be 'barely passable.' 'Set forward
   immediately!' wrote Napoleon. Field forges were established at
   St. Pierre to dismount the guns, the carriages and wheels were
   slung on poles, and the ammunition-boxes carried by mules. A
   number of trees were felled, then hollowed out, and the
   pieces, being jammed into these rough cases, 100 soldiers were
   attached to each and ordered to drag them up the steeps. ...
   The whole army effected the passage of the Great St. Bernard
   in three days."

      R. H. Horne,
      History of Napoleon Bonaparte,
      chapter 18.

   "From May 16 to May 19, the solitudes of the vast mountain
   track echoed to the din and tumult of war, as the French
   soldiery swept over its heights to reach the valley of the Po
   and the plains of Lombardy. A hill fort, for a time, stopped
   the daring invaders, but the obstacle was passed by an
   ingenious stratagem; and before long Bonaparte, exulting in
   hope, was marching from the verge of Piedmont on Milan, having
   made a demonstration against Turin, in order to hide his real
   purpose. By June 2 the whole French army, joined by the
   reinforcement sent by Moreau, was in possession of the Lombard
   capital, and threatened the line of its enemy's retreat, having
   successfully accomplished the first part of the brilliant
   design of its great leader. While Bonaparte was thus
   descending from the Alps, the Austrian commander had been
   pressing forward the siege of Genoa and his operations on the
   Var. Masséna, however, stubbornly held out in Genoa; and
   Suchet had defended the defiles of Provence with a weak force
   with such marked skill that his adversary had made little
   progress. When first informed of the terrible apparition of a
   hostile army gathering upon his rear, Melas disbelieved what
   he thought impossible; and when he could no longer discredit
   what he heard, the movements by Mont Cenis and against Turin,
   intended to perplex him, had made him hesitate. As soon,
   however, as the real design of the First Consul was fully
   revealed, the brave Austrian chief resolved to force his way
   to the Adige at any cost; and, directing Ott to raise the
   siege of Genoa, and leaving a subordinate to hold Suchet in
   check, he began to draw his divided army together, in order to
   make a desperate attack on the audacious foe upon his line of
   retreat. Ott, however, delayed some days to receive the keys
   of Genoa, which fell [June 4] after a defence memorable in the
   annals of war; and, as the Austrian forces had been widely
   scattered, it was June 12 [after a severe defeat at
   Montebello, on the 9th, by Lannes] before 50,000 men were
   assembled for an offensive movement round the well-known
   fortresses of Alessandria. Meanwhile, the First Consul had
   broken up from Milan; and, whether ill-informed of his enemy's
   operations, or apprehensive that, after the fall of Genoa,
   Melas would escape by a march southwards, he had advanced from
   a strong position he had taken between the Ticino, the Adda,
   and the Po, and had crossed the Scrivia into the plains of
   Marengo, with forces disseminated far too widely. Melas boldly
   seized the opportunity to escape from the weakened meshes of
   the net thrown round him; and attacked Bonaparte on the
   morning of June 14 with a vigor and energy which did him
   honor.
{1334}
   The battle raged confusedly for several hours; but the French
   had begun to give way and fly, when the arrival of an isolated
   division on the field [that of Desaix, who had been sent
   southward by Bonaparte, and who turned back, on his own
   responsibility, when he heard the sounds of battle] and the
   unexpected charge of a small body of horsemen, suddenly
   changed defeat into a brilliant victory. The importance was
   then seen of the commanding position of Bonaparte on the rear
   of his foe; the Austrian army, its retreat cut off, was
   obliged to come to terms after a single reverse; and within a
   few days an armistice was signed by which Italy to the Mincio
   was restored to the French, and the disasters of 1799 were
   effaced. ... While Italy had been regained at one stroke, the
   campaign in Germany had progressed slowly; and though Moreau
   was largely superior in force, he had met more than one check
   near Ulm, on the Danube. The stand, however, made ably by
   Kray, could not lessen the effects of Marengo; and Austria,
   after that terrible reverse, endeavored to negotiate with the
   dreaded conqueror. Bonaparte, however, following out a purpose
   which he had already made a maxim of policy, and resolved if
   possible to divide the Coalition, refused to treat with
   Austria jointly with England, except on conditions known to be
   futile; and after a pause of a few weeks hostilities were
   resumed with increased energy. By this time, however, the
   French armies had acquired largely preponderating strength;
   and while Brune advanced victoriously to the Adige--the First
   Consul had returned to the seat of government--Moreau in
   Bavaria marched on the rivers which, descending from the Alps
   to the Danube, form one of the bulwarks of the Austrian
   Monarchy. He was attacked incautiously by the Archduke
   John--the Archduke Charles, who ought to have been in command,
   was in temporary disgrace at the Court--and soon afterwards
   [December 3] he won a great battle at Hohenlinden, between the
   Iser and the Inn, the success of the French being complete and
   decisive, though the conduct of their chief has not escaped
   criticism. This last disaster proved overwhelming, and Austria
   and the States of the Empire were forced to submit to the
   terms of Bonaparte. After a brief delay peace was made at
   Luneville in February 1801."

      W. O'C. Morris,
      The French Revolution and First Empire,
      chapter 10.

      ALSO IN:
      C. Botta,
      Italy during the Consulate and Empire of Napoleon,
      chapters 1-2.

      Baron Jomini,
      Life of Napoleon,
      chapter 6 (volume l).

      C. Adams,
      Great Campaigns in Europe
      from 1796 to 1870, chapter 2.

      Duke de Rovigo,
      Memoirs,
      volume 1, chapters 19-20.

FRANCE: A. D. 1800-1801 (June-February).
   The King of Naples spared at the intercession of the Russian
   Czar.
   The Czar won away from the Coalition.
   The Pope befriended.

   "Replaced in his richest territories by the allies, the King
   of Naples was bound by every tie to assist them in the
   campaign of 1800. He accordingly sent an army into the march
   of Ancona, under the command of Count Roger de Damas. ...
   Undeterred by the battle of Marengo, the Count de Damas
   marched against the French general Miollis, who commanded in
   Tuscany, and sustained a defeat by him near Sienna. Retreat
   became now necessary, the more especially as the armistice
   which was entered into by General Melas deprived the
   Neapolitans of any assistance from the Austrians, and rendered
   their whole expedition utterly hopeless. They were not even
   included by name in the armistice, and were thus left exposed
   to the whole vengeance of the French. ... At this desperate
   crisis, the Queen of the Two Sicilies took a resolution which
   seemed almost as desperate, and could only have been adopted
   by a woman of a bold and decisive character. She resolved,
   notwithstanding the severity of the season, to repair in
   person to the court of the Emperor Paul, and implore his
   intercession with the First Consul, in behalf of her husband
   and his territories." The Russian autocrat was more than ready
   to accede to her request. Disgusted and enraged at the
   discomfiture of Suwarrow in Switzerland, dissatisfied with the
   conduct of Austria in that unfortunate campaign, and equally
   dissatisfied with England in the joint invasion of the
   Batavian republic, he made prompt preparations to quit the
   coalition and to ally himself with the First Consul of France.
   Bonaparte welcomed his overtures and gave them every
   flattering encouragement, conceding instantly the grace which
   he asked on behalf of the King and Queen of Naples. "The
   respect paid by the First Consul to the wishes of Paul saved
   for the present the royal family of Naples; but Murat [who
   commanded the army sent to central and southern Italy],
   nevertheless, made them experience a full portion of the
   bitter cup which the vanquished are generally doomed to
   swallow. General Damas was commanded in the haughtiest terms
   to evacuate the Roman States, and not to presume to claim any
   benefit from the armistice which had been extended to the
   Austrians. At the same time, while the Neapolitans were thus
   compelled hastily to evacuate the Roman territories, general
   surprise was exhibited when, instead of marching to Rome, and
   re-establishing the authority of the Roman Republic, Murat,
   according to the orders which he had received from the First
   Consul, carefully respected the territory of the Church, and
   reinstalled the officers of the Pope in what had been long
   termed the patrimony of St. Peter's. This unexpected turn of
   circumstances originated in high policy on the part of
   Buonaparte. ... Besides evacuating the Ecclesiastical States,
   the Neapolitans were compelled by Murat to restore various
   paintings, statues, and other objects of art, which they had,
   in imitation of Buonaparte, taken forcibly from the
   Romans,--so captivating is the influence of bad example. A
   French army of about 18,000 men was to be quartered in
   Calabria. ... The harbours of the Neapolitan dominions were of
   course to be closed against the English. A cession of part of
   the isle of Elba, and the relinquishment of all pretensions
   upon Tuscany, summed up the sacrifices of the King of Naples
   [stipulated in the treaty of Foligno, signed in February,
   1801], who, considering how often he had braved Napoleon, had
   great reason to thank the Emperor of Russia for his effectual
   mediation."

      Sir W. Scott,
      Life of Napoleon,
      chapter 38.

FRANCE: A. D. 1801 (February).
   The Peace of Luneville.
   The Rhine boundary confirmed.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1801-1803.

FRANCE: A. D. 1801 (March).
   Recovery of Louisiana from Spain.

      See LOUISIANA: A. D. 1798-1803.

FRANCE: A. D. 1801.
   Expedition against the Blacks of Hayti.

      See HAYTI: A. D. 1632-1803.

{1335}

FRANCE: A. D. 1801-1802.
   The import of the Peace of Luneville.
   Bonaparte's preparations for conflict with England.
   The Northern Maritime League.
   English bombardment of Copenhagen and
   summary crushing of the League.
   Murder of the Russian Czar.
   English expedition to Egypt.
   Surrender of the French army.
   Peace of Amiens.

   "The treaty of Luneville was of far greater import than the
   treaties which had ended the struggle of the first coalition.
   ... The significance then of the Peace of Luneville lay in
   this, not only that it was the close of the earlier
   revolutionary struggle for supremacy in Europe, the
   abandonment by France of her effort to 'liberate the peoples,'
   to force new institutions on the nations about her by sheer
   dint of arms; but that it marked the concentration of all her
   energies on a struggle with Britain for the supremacy of the
   world. For England herself the event which accompanied it, the
   sudden withdrawal of William Pitt from office, which took
   place in the very month of the treaty, was hardly less
   significant. ... The bulk of the old Ministry returned in a
   few days to office with Mr. Addington at their head, and his
   administration received the support of the whole Tory party in
   Parliament. ... It was with anxiety that England found itself
   guided by men like these. ... The country stood utterly alone;
   while the peace of Luneville secured France from all hostility
   on the Continent. ... To strike at England's wealth had been
   among the projects of the Directory: it was now the dream of
   the First Consul. It was in vain for England to produce, if he
   shut her out of every market. Her carrying-trade must be
   annihilated if he closed every port against her ships. It was
   this gigantic project of a 'Continental System' that revealed
   itself as soon as Buonaparte became finally master of France.
   From France itself and its dependencies in Holland and the
   Netherlands English trade was already excluded. But Italy also
   was shut against her after the Peace of Luneville [and the
   Treaty of Foligno with the King of Naples], and Spain not only
   closed her own ports but forced Portugal to break with her
   English ally. In the Baltic, Buonaparte was more active than
   even in the Mediterranean. In a treaty with America, which was
   destined to bring this power also in the end into his great
   attack, he had formally recognized the rights of neutral
   vessels which England was hourly disputing. ... The only
   powers which now possessed naval resources were the powers of
   the North. ... Both the Scandinavian states resented the
   severity with which Britain enforced that right of search
   which had brought about their armed neutrality at the close of
   the American war; while Denmark was besides an old ally of
   France; and her sympathies were still believed to be French.
   The First Consul therefore had little trouble in enlisting
   them in a league of Neutrals, which was in effect a
   declaration of war against England, and which Prussia as
   before showed herself ready to join. Russia indeed seemed
   harder to gain." But Paul, the Czar, afraid of the opposition
   of England to his designs upon Turkey, dissatisfied with the
   operations of the coalition, and flattered by Bonaparte, gave
   himself up to the influence of the latter. "It was to check
   the action of Britain in the East that the Czar now turned to
   the French Consul, and seconded his efforts for the formation
   of a naval confederacy in the North, while his minister,
   Rostopchin, planned a division of the Turkish Empire in Europe
   between Russia and her allies. ... A squabble over Malta,
   which had been blockaded since its capture by Buonaparte, and
   which surrendered at last [September, 1800] to a British
   fleet, but whose possession the Czar claimed as his own on the
   ground of an alleged election as Grand Master of the Order of
   St. John, served as a pretext for a quarrel with England; and
   at the close of· 1800 Paul openly prepared for hostilities.
   ... The Danes, who throughout the year had been struggling to
   evade the British right of search, at once joined this neutral
   league, and were followed by Sweden in their course. ... But
   dexterous as the combination was, it was shattered at a blow.
   On the 1st of April, 1801, a British fleet of 18 men-of-war
   [under Sir Hyde Parker, with Nelson second in command] forced
   the passage of the Belt; appeared before Copenhagen, and at
   once attacked the city and its fleet. In spite of a brave
   resistance from the Danish batteries and gunboats six Danish
   ships were taken, and the Crown Prince was forced to conclude
   an armistice which enabled the English ships to enter the
   Baltic. ... But their work was really over. The seizure of
   English goods and the declaration of war had bitterly
   irritated the Russian nobles, whose sole outlet for the sale
   of the produce of their vast estates was thus closed to them;
   and on the 24th of March, nine days before the battle of
   Copenhagen, Paul fell in a midnight attack by conspirators in
   his own palace. With Paul fell the Confederacy of the North.
   ... At the very moment of the attack on Copenhagen, a stroke
   as effective wrecked his projects in the East. ... In March,
   1801, a force of 15,000 men under General Abercrombie anchored
   in Aboukir Bay. Deserted as they were by Buonaparte, the
   French had firmly maintained their hold on Egypt. ... But
   their army was foolishly scattered, and Abercrombie was able
   to force a landing five days after his arrival on the coast.
   The French however rapidly concentrated; and on the 21st of
   March their general attacked the English army on the ground it
   had won, with a force equal to its own. The battle [known as
   the battle of Alexandria] was a stubborn one, and Abercrombie
   fell mortally wounded ere its close; but after six hours'
   fighting the French drew off with heavy loss; and their
   retreat was followed by the investment of Alexandria and
   Cairo. ... At the close of June the capitulation of the 13,000
   soldiers who remained closed the French rule over Egypt."
   Threatening preparations for an invasion of England were kept
   up, and gunboats and flatboats collected at Boulogne, which
   Nelson attacked unsuccessfully in August, 1801. "The First
   Consul opened negotiations for peace at the close of 1801. His
   offers were at once met by the English Government. ... The
   negotiations which went on through the winter between England
   and the three allied Powers of France, Spain, and the Dutch,
   brought about in March, 1802, the Peace of Amiens." The treaty
   secured "a pledge on the part of France to withdraw its forces
   from Southern Italy, and to leave to themselves the republics
   it had set up along its border in Holland, Switzerland, and
   Piedmont. In exchange for this pledge, England recognized the
   French government, restored all the colonies which they had
   lost, save Ceylon and Trinidad, to France and its allies