[June-August], and was successively decreed with very little
   alteration."
{1312}
   The principal features of the constitution so framed, known as
   the Constitution of the Year III., were the following: "A
   Council, called 'The Council of the Five Hundred,' composed of
   500 members, of, at least, thirty years of age, having
   exclusively the right of proposing laws, one-third to be
   renewed every year. A Council called 'The Council of the
   Ancients,' composed of 250 members, of, at least, forty years
   of age, all either widowers or married, having the sanction of
   the laws, to be renewed also by one-third. An executive
   Directory, composed of five members, deciding by a majority,
   to be renewed annually by one-fifth, having responsible
   ministers. ... The mode of nominating these powers was the
   following: All the citizens of the age of twenty-one met of
   right in primary assembly on every first day of the month of
   Prairial, and nominated electoral assemblies. These electoral
   assemblies met every 20th of Prairial, and nominated the two
   Councils; and the two Councils nominated the Directory. ...
   The judicial authority was committed to elective judges. ...
   There were to be no communal assemblies, but municipal and
   departmental administrations, composed of three, five, or more
   members, according to the population: they were to be formed
   by way of election. ... The press was entirely free. The
   emigrants were banished for ever from the territory of the
   republic; the national domains were irrevocably secured to the
   purchasers; all religions were declared free, but were neither
   acknowledged nor paid by the state. ... One important question
   was started. The Constituent Assembly, from a parade of
   disinterestedness, had excluded itself from the new
   legislative body [the Legislative Assembly of 1791]; would the
   Convention do the same?" The members of the Convention decided
   this question in the negative, and "decreed, on the 5th of
   Fructidor (August 22d), that the new legislative body should
   be composed of two-thirds of the Convention, and that one new
   third only should be elected. The question to be decided was,
   whether the Convention should itself designate the two-thirds
   to be retained, or whether it should leave that duty to the
   electoral assemblies. After a tremendous dispute, it was
   agreed on the 13th of Fructidor (August 30), that this choice
   should be left to the electoral assemblies. It was decided
   that the primary assemblies should meet on the 20th of
   Fructidor (September 6th), to accept the constitution and the
   two decrees of the 5th and the 13th of Fructidor. It was
   likewise decided that, after giving their votes upon the
   constitution and the decrees, the primary assemblies should
   again meet and proceed forthwith, that is to say, in the year
   III. (1795), to the elections for the 1st of Prairial in the
   following year." The right of voting upon the constitution was
   extended, by another decree, to the armies in the field. "No
   sooner were these resolutions adopted, than the enemies of the
   Convention, so numerous and so diverse, were deeply mortified
   by them. ... The Convention, they said, was determined to
   cling to power; ... it wished to retain by force a majority
   composed of men who had covered France with scaffolds. ... All
   the sections of Paris, excepting that of the Quinze-Vingts,
   accepted the Constitution and rejected the decrees. The result
   was not the same in the rest of France. ... On the 1st of
   Vendémiaire, year IV. (September 23, 1795), the general result
   of the votes was proclaimed. The constitution was accepted
   almost unanimously, and the decrees by an immense majority of
   the voters." The Convention now decreed that the new
   legislative body should be elected in October and meet
   November 6.

      A. Thiers,
      History of the French Revolution
      (American edition), volume 3, pages 305-315.

      ALSO IN:
      H. Von Sybel,
      History of the French Revolution,
      book 12, chapter 4 (volume 4).

      H. C. Lockwood,
      Constitutional History of France,
      chapter 1, and appendix 3.

      J. Mallet du Pan,
      Memoirs and Correspondence,
      volume 2, chapter 8.

FRANCE: A. D. 1795 (June-December).
   Death of the late King's son (Louis XVII.)
   Treaty of Basle with Spain.
   Acquisition of Spanish San Domingo.
   Ineffectual campaign on the Rhine.
   Victory at Loano.

   "The Committees had formed great plans for the campaign of
   1795; meaning to invade the territories of the allies, take
   Mayence, and enter Southern Germany, go down into Italy, and
   reach the very heart of Spain. But Carnot, Lindet, and Prieur
   were no longer on the Committee, and their successors were not
   their equals; army discipline was relaxed; a vulgar
   reactionist had replaced Carnot in the war department and was
   working ruin. ... The attack in Spain was to begin with the
   Lower Pyrenees, by the capture of Pampeluna and a march upon
   Castile, but famine and fever decimated the army of the
   Western Pyrenees, and General Moncey was forced to postpone
   all serious action till the summer. At the other end of the
   Pyrenees, the French and Spaniards were fighting aimlessly at
   the entry to Catalonia. The war was at a standstill; but the
   negotiations went on between the two countries. The king of
   Spain, as in honor bound, made the liberation of his young
   kinsman, the son of Louis XVI., a condition of peace. This the
   Republic would not grant, but the prisoner's death (June 8,
   1795) removed the obstacle. The counter-revolutionists accused
   the Committees of poisoning the child styled by the royalist
   party Louis XVII. This charge was false; the poor little
   prisoner died of scrofula, developed by inaction, ennui, and
   the sufferings of a pitiless imprisonment, increased by the
   cruel treatment of his jailers, a cobbler named Simon and his
   wife. A rumor was also spread that the child was not dead, but
   had been taken away and an impostor substituted, who had died.
   Only one of the royal family now remained in the Temple, Louis
   XVI.'s daughter, afterwards the Duchesse d'Angoulême. Spain
   interceded for her, and she was exchanged. ... Peace with
   Spain was also hastened by French successes beyond the
   Pyrenees; General Marceau, being reinforced, took Vittoria and
   Bilboa, and pushed on to the Ebro. On the 22d of July,
   Barthelémi, the able French diplomatist, signed a treaty of
   peace with Spain at Basle, restoring her Biscayan and
   Catalonian provinces, and accepting Spanish mediation in favor
   of the king of Naples, Duke of Parma, king of Portugal, and
   'the other Italian powers,' including, though not mentioning,
   the Pope; and Spain yielded her share of San Domingo, which
   put a brighter face on French affairs in America. ...
   Guadeloupe, Santa Lucia, and St. Eustache were restored to the
   French. ... Spain soon made overtures for an alliance with
   France, wishing to put down the English desire to rule the
   seas; and, before the new treaty was signed, the army of the
   Eastern Pyrenees was sent to reinforce the armies of the Alps
   and Italy, who had only held their positions in the Apennines
   and on the Ligurian coast against the Austrians and
   Piedmontese by sheer force of will; but in the autumn of 1795
   the face of affairs was changed.
{1313}
   Now that Prussia had left the coalition, war on the Rhine went
   on between France and Austria, sustained by the South German
   States; France had to complete her mastery of the left bank by
   taking Mayence and Luxembourg; and Austria's aim was to
   dispute them with her. The French government charged Marceau
   to besiege Mayence during the winter of 1794-95, but did not
   furnish him the necessary resources, and, France not holding
   the right bank, Kléber could only partially invest the town,
   and both his soldiers and those blockading Luxembourg suffered
   greatly from cold and privation. Early in March, 1795,
   Pichegru was put in command of the armies of the Rhine and
   Moselle, and Jourdan was ordered to support him on the left
   (the Lower Rhine) with the army of Sambre-et-Meuse. Austria
   took no advantage of the feeble state of the French troops,
   and Luxembourg, one of the strongest posts in Europe,
   receiving no help, surrendered (June 24) with 800 cannon and
   huge store of provisions. The French now had the upper hand,
   Pichegru and Jourdan commanding 160,000 men on the Rhine. One
   of these men was upright and brave, but the other had treason
   in his soul; though everybody admired Pichegru, 'the conqueror
   of Holland.' ... In August, 1795, an agent of the Prince of
   Condé, who was then at Brisgau, in the Black Forest, with his
   corps of emigrants, offered Pichegru, who was in Alsace, the
   title of Marshal of France and Governor of Alsace, the royal
   castle of Chambord, a million down, an annuity of 200,000
   livres, and a house in Paris, in the 'king's' name, thus
   flattering at once his vanity and his greed. ... He was
   checked by no scruples; utterly devoid of moral sense, he
   hoped to gain his army by money and wine, and had no
   discussion with the Prince of Condé save as to the manner of
   his treason." In the end, Pichegru was not able to make his
   treason as effective as he had bargained to do; but he
   succeeded in spoiling the campaign of 1795 on the Rhine.
   Jourdan crossed the river and took Dusseldorf, with 168
   cannon, on the 6th of September, expecting a simultaneous
   movement on the part of Pichegru, to occupy the enemy in the
   latter's front. But Pichegru, though he took Mannheim, on the
   18th of September, threw a corps of 10,000 men into the hands
   of the Austrians, by placing it where it could be easily
   overwhelmed, and permitted his opponent, Wurmser, to send
   reinforcements to Clairfait, who forced Jourdan, in October,
   to retreat across the Rhine. "Pichegru's perfidy had thwarted
   a campaign which must have been decisive, and Jourdan's
   retreat was followed by the enemy's offensive return to the
   left bank [retaking Mannheim and raising the siege of
   Mayence], and by reverses which would have been fatal had they
   coincided with the outburst of royalist and reactionary plots
   and insurrections in the West, and in Paris itself; but they
   had luckily been stifled some time since, and as the
   Convention concluded its career, the direction of the war
   returned to the hands which guided it so well in 1793 and
   1794."

      H. Martin,
      Popular History of France from the First Revolution,
      chapter 24 (volume 1).

   "The peace with Spain ... enabled the government to detach the
   whole Pyrenean army to the support of General Scherer, who had
   succeeded Kellermann in the command of the army of Italy. On
   the 23d of November, the French attacked the Austrians in
   their position at Loano, and, after a conflict of two days,
   the enemy's centre was forced by Massena and Augereau, and the
   Imperialists fled with the loss of 7,000 men, 80 guns, and all
   their stores. But the season was too far advanced to prosecute
   this success, and the victors took up winter quarters on the
   ground they had occupied. ... The capture of the Cape of Good
   Hope (September 16) by the British under Sir James Craig, was
   the only other important event of this year."

      Epitome of Alison's History of Europe,
      sections 154 and 157
      (chapter 18 of the complete work).

      ALSO IN:
      A. Griffiths,
      French Revolutionary Generals,
      chapter 13.

      E. Baines,
      History of the Wars of the French Revolution,
      book. 1, chapters 19-20 (volume l).

      A. de Beauchesne,
      Louis XVII.: His Life, his Sufferings, his Death.

FRANCE: A. D. 1795 (October-December).
   The Insurrection of the 13th Vendemiare, put down by
   Napoleon Bonaparte.
   Dissolution of the National Convention.
   Organization of the government of the Directory.
   Licentiousness of the time.

   "The Parisians ... proclaimed their hostility to the
   Convention and its designs. The National Guard, consisting of
   armed citizens, almost unanimously sided with the enemies of
   the Convention; and it was openly proposed to march to the
   Tuilleries, and compel a change of measures by force of arms.
   The Convention perceiving their unpopularity and danger, began
   to look about them anxiously for the means of defence. There
   were in and near Paris 5,000 regular troops, on whom they
   thought they might rely, and who of course contemned the
   National Guard as only half soldiers. They had besides some
   hundreds of artillery men; and they now organised what they
   called 'the Sacred Band,' a body of 1,500 ruffians, the most
   part of them old and tried instruments of Robespierre. With
   these means they prepared to arrange a plan of defence; and it
   was obvious that they did not want materials, provided they
   could find a skilful and determined head. The insurgent
   sections placed themselves under the command of Danican, an
   old general of no great skill or reputation. The Convention
   opposed to him Menou; and he marched at the head of a column
   into the section Le Pelletier to disarm the National Guard of
   that district--one of the wealthiest of the capital. The
   National Guard were found drawn up in readiness to receive him
   at the end of the Rue Vivienne; and Menou, becoming alarmed,
   and hampered by the presence of some of the' Representatives
   of the People,' entered into a parley, and retired without
   having struck a blow. The Convention judged that Menou was not
   master of nerves for such a crisis; and consulted eagerly
   about a successor to his command. Barras, one of their number,
   had happened to be present at Toulon and to have appreciated
   the character of Buonaparte. He had, probably, been applied to
   by Napoleon in his recent pursuit of employment. Deliberating
   with Tallien and Carnot, his colleagues, he suddenly said, 'I
   have the man whom you want; it is a little Corsican officer,
   who will not stand upon ceremony.' These words decided the
   fate of Napoleon and of France. Buonaparte had been in the
   Odeon Theatre when the affair of Le Pelletier occurred, had
   run out, and witnessed the result. He now happened to be in
   the gallery, and heard the discussion concerning the conduct
   of Menou.
{1314}
   He was presently sent for, and asked his opinion as to that
   officer's retreat. He explained what had happened, and how the
   evil might have been avoided, in a manner which gave
   satisfaction. He was desired to assume the command, and
   arranged his plan of defence as well as the circumstances
   might permit; for it was already late at night, and the
   decisive assault on the Tuilleries was expected to take place
   next morning. Buonaparte stated that the failure of the march
   of Menou had been chiefly owing to the presence of the
   'Representatives of the People,' and refused to accept the
   command unless he received it free from all such interference.
   They yielded: Barras was named commander-in-chief; and
   Buonaparte second, with the virtual control. His first care
   was to despatch Murat, then a major of chasseurs, to Sablons,
   five miles off, where fifty great guns were posted. The
   Sectionaries sent a stronger detachment for these cannon
   immediately afterwards; and Murat, who passed them in the
   dark, would have gone in vain had he received his orders but a
   few minutes later. On the 4th of October (called in the
   revolutionary almanac the 13th Vendemiaire) the affray
   accordingly occurred. Thirty thousand National Guards advanced
   about two P. M., by different streets, to the siege of the
   palace: but its defence was now in far other hands than those
   of Louis XVI. Buonaparte, having planted artillery on all the
   bridges, had effectually secured the command of the river, and
   the safety of the Tuilleries on one side. He had placed cannon
   also at all the crossings of the streets by which the National
   Guard could advance towards the other front; and having posted
   his battalions in the garden of the Tuilleries and Place du
   Carousel, he awaited the attack. The insurgents had no cannon;
   and they came along the narrow streets of Paris in close and
   heavy columns. When one party reached the church of St. Roche,
   in the Rue St. Honoré, they found a body of Buonaparte's
   troops drawn up there, with two cannons. It is disputed on
   which side the firing began; but in an instant the artillery
   swept the streets and lanes, scattering grape-shot among the
   National Guards, and producing such confusion that they were
   compelled to give way. The first shot was a signal for all the
   batteries which Buonaparte had established; the quays of the
   Seine, opposite to the Tuilleries, were commanded by his guns
   below the palace and on the bridges. In less than an hour the
   action was over. The insurgents fled in all directions,
   leaving the streets covered with dead and wounded; the troops
   of the Convention marched into the various sections, disarmed
   the terrified inhabitants, and before nightfall everything was
   quiet. This eminent service secured the triumph of the
   Conventionalists. ... Within five days from the Day of the
   Sections Buonaparte was named second in command of the army of
   the interior; and shortly afterwards, Barras finding his
   duties as Director sufficient to occupy his time, gave up the
   command-in-chief of the same army to his 'little Corsican
   officer.'"

      J. G. Lockhart,
      Life of Napoleon Buonaparte,
      chapter 3.

   The victory of the 13th Vendemiaire "enabled the Convention
   immediately to devote its attention to the formation of the
   Councils proposed by it, two-thirds of which were to consist
   of its own members. The first third, which was freely elected,
   had already been nominated by the Reactionary party. The
   members of the Directory were chosen, and the deputies of the
   Convention, believing that for their own interests the
   regicides should be at the head of the Government, nominated
   La Réveillère-Lepeaux, Sièyes, Rewbel, Le Tourneur, and
   Barras. Sièyes refused to act, and Carnot was elected in his
   place. Immediately after this, the Convention declared its
   session at an end, after it had had three years of existence,
   from the 21st September, 1792, to the 28th October, 1795 (4th
   Brumaire, Year IV.). ... The Directors were all, with the
   exception of Carnot, of moderate capacity, and concurred in
   rendering their own position the more difficult. At this
   period there was no element of order or good government in the
   Republic; anarchy and uneasiness everywhere prevailed, famine
   had become chronic, the troops were without clothes,
   provisions or horses; the Convention had spent an immense
   capital represented by assignats, and had sold almost half of
   the Republican territory, belonging to the proscribed classes
   ...; the excessive degree of discredit to which paper money
   had fallen, after the issue of thirty-eight thousand millions,
   had destroyed all confidence and all legitimate commerce. ...
   Such was the general poverty, that when the Directors entered
   the palace which had been assigned to them as a dwelling, they
   found no furniture there, and were compelled to borrow of the
   porter a few straw chairs and a wooden table, on the latter of
   which they drew up the decree by which they were appointed to
   office. Their first care was to establish their power, and
   they succeeded in doing this by frankly following at first the
   rules laid down by the Constitution. In a short time industry
   and commerce began to raise their heads, the supply of
   provisions became tolerably abundant, and the clubs were
   abandoned for the workshops and the fields. The Directory
   exerted itself to revive agriculture, industry, and the arts,
   re-established the public exhibitions, and founded primary,
   central, and normal schools. ... This period was distinguished
   by a great licentiousness in manners. The wealthy classes, who
   had been so long forced into retirement by the Reign of
   Terror, now gave themselves up to the pursuit of pleasure
   without stint, and indulged in a course of unbridled luxury,
   which was outwardly displayed in balls, festivities, rich
   costumes and sumptuous equipages. Barras, who was a man of
   pleasure, favoured this dangerous sign of the reaction, and
   his palace soon became the rendezvous of the most frivolous
   and corrupt society. In spite of this, however, the wealthy
   classes were still the victims, under the government of the
   Directory, of violent and spoliative measures."

      E. de Bonnechose,
      History of France,
      volume 2. pages 270-273.

{1315}

FRANCE: A. D. 1796 (April-October).
   Triple attack on Austria.
   Bonaparte's first campaign in Italy.
   Submission of Sardinia.
   Armistice with Naples and the Pope.
   Pillage of art treasures.
   Hostile designs upon Venice.
   Expulsion of the Austrians from Lombardy.
   Failure of the campaign beyond the Rhine.

   "With the opening of the year 1796 the leading interest of
   European history passes to a new scene. ... The Directory was
   now able ... to throw its whole force into the struggle with
   Austria. By the advice of Bonaparte a threefold movement was
   undertaken against Vienna, by way of Lombardy, by the valley
   of the Danube, and by the valley of the Main. General Jourdan,
   in command of the army that had conquered the Netherlands, was
   ordered to enter Germany by Frankfort; Moreau, a Breton
   law-student in 1792, now one of the most skilful soldiers in
   Europe, crossed the Rhine at Strasburg; Bonaparte himself,
   drawing his scanty supplies along the coast-road from Nice,
   faced the allied forces of Austria and Sardinia upon the
   slopes of the Maritime Apennines, forty miles to the west of
   Genoa. ... Bonaparte entered Italy proclaiming himself the
   restorer of Italian freedom, but with the deliberate purpose
   of using Italy as a means of recruiting the exhausted treasury
   of France. His correspondence with the Directory exposes with
   brazen frankness this well·considered system of plunder and
   deceit, in which the general and the Government were cordially
   at one. ... The campaign of 1796 commenced in April, in the
   mountains above the coast-road connecting Nice and Genoa. ...
   Bonaparte ... for four days ... reiterated his attacks at
   Montenotte and at Millesimo, until he had forced his own army
   into a position in the centre of the Allies [Austrians and
   Piedmontese]; then, leaving a small force to watch the
   Austrians, he threw the mass of his troops upon the
   Piedmontese, and drove them back to within thirty miles of
   Turin. The terror-stricken Government, anticipating an
   outbreak in the capital itself, accepted an armistice from
   Bonaparte at Cherasco (April 28). ... The armistice, which was
   soon followed by a treaty of peace between France and
   Sardinia, ceding Savoy to the Republic, left him free to
   follow the Austrians, untroubled by the existence of some of
   the strongest fortresses of Europe behind him. In the
   negotiations with Sardinia, Bonaparte demanded the surrender
   of the town of Valenza, as necessary to secure his passage
   over the river Po. Having thus artfully led the Austrian
   Beaulieu to concentrate his forces at this point, he suddenly
   moved eastward along the southern bank of the river, and
   crossed at Piacenza, 50 miles below the spot where Beaulieu
   was awaiting him. ... The Austrian general, taken in the rear,
   had no alternative but to abandon Milan and all the country
   west of it, and to fall back upon the line of the Adda.
   Bonaparte followed, and on the 10th of May attacked the
   Austrians at Lodi. He himself stormed the bridge of Lodi at
   the head of his Grenadiers. The battle was so disastrous to
   the Austrians that they could risk no second engagement, and
   retired upon Mantua and the line of the Mincio. Bonaparte now
   made his triumphal entry into Milan (May 15). ... In return
   for the gift of liberty, the Milanese were invited to offer to
   their deliverers 20,000,000 francs, and a selection from the
   paintings in their churches and galleries. The Dukes of Parma
   and Modena, in return for an armistice, were required to hand
   over forty of their best pictures, and a sum of money
   proportioned to their revenues. The Dukes and the townspeople
   paid their contributions with a good grace: the peasantry of
   Lombardy, whose cattle were seized in order to supply an army
   that marched without any stores of its own, rose in arms, and
   threw themselves into Pavia, after killing all the French
   soldiers who fell in their way. The revolt was instantly
   suppressed, and the town of Pavia given up to pillage. ...
   Instead of crossing the Apennines, Bonaparte advanced against
   the Austrian positions upon the Mincio. ... A battle was
   fought and lost by the Austrians at Borghetto. ... Beaulieu's
   strength was exhausted; he could meet the enemy no more in the
   field, and led his army out of Italy into the Tyrol, leaving
   Mantua to be invested by the French. The first care of the
   conqueror was to make Venice pay for the crime of possessing
   territory intervening between the eastern and western extremes
   of the Austrian district. Bonaparte affected to believe that
   the Venetians had permitted Beaulieu to occupy Peschiera
   before he seized upon Brescia himself. ... 'I have purposely
   devised this rupture,' he wrote to the Directory (June 7th),
   'in case you should wish to obtain five or six millions of
   francs from Venice. If you have more decided intentions, I
   think it would be well to keep up the quarrel.' The intention
   referred to was the disgraceful project of sacrificing Venice
   to Austria in return for the cession of the Netherlands. ...
   The Austrians were fairly driven out of Lombardy, and
   Bonaparte was now free to deal with Southern Italy. He
   advanced into the States of the Church, and expelled the Papal
   Legate from Bologna. Ferdinand of Naples ... asked for a
   suspension of hostilities against his own kingdom ... and
   Bonaparte granted the king an armistice on easy terms. The
   Pope, in order to gain a few months' truce, had to permit the
   occupation of Ferrara, Ravenna, and Ancona, and to recognise
   the necessities, the learning, the taste, and the virtue of
   his conquerors by a gift of 20,000,000 francs, 500
   manuscripts, 100 pictures, and the busts of Marcus and Lucius
   Brutus. ... Tuscany had indeed made peace with the French
   Republic a year before, but ... while Bonaparte paid a
   respectful visit to the Grand Duke at Florence, Murat
   descended upon Leghorn, and seized upon everything that was
   not removed before his approach. Once established in Leghorn,
   the French declined to quit it. Mantua was meanwhile invested,
   and thither Bonaparte returned. Towards the end of July an
   Austrian relieving army, nearly double the strength of
   Bonaparte's, descended from the Tyrol. It was divided into
   three corps: one, under Quasdanovich, advanced by the road on
   the west of Lake Garda; the others, under Wurmser, the
   commander-in-chief, by the roads between the lake and the
   river Adige. ... Bonaparte ... instantly broke up the siege of
   Mantua, and withdrew from every position east of the river. On
   the 30th July, Quasdanovich was attacked and checked at
   Lonato. ... Wurmser, unaware of his colleague's repulse,
   entered Mantua in triumph, and then set out, expecting to
   envelop Bonaparte between two fires. But the French were ready
   for his approach. Wurmser was stopped and defeated at
   Castiglione (Aug. 3), while the western Austrian divisions
   were still held in check at Lonato. ... In five days the skill
   of Bonaparte and the unsparing exertions of his soldiery had
   more than retrieved all that appeared to have been lost. The
   Austrians retired into the Tyrol, leaving 15,000 prisoners in
   the hands of the enemy. Bonaparte now prepared to force his
   way into Germany by the Adige, in fulfilment of the original
   plan of the campaign. In the first days of September he again
   routed the Austrians, and gained possession of Roveredo and
   Trent.
{1316}
   Wurmser hereupon attempted to shut the French up in the
   mountains by a movement southwards; but, while he operated
   with insufficient forces between the Brenta and the Adige,
   with a view of cutting Bonaparte off from Italy, he was
   himself [defeated at Bassano, September 8, and] cut off from
   Germany, and only escaped capture by throwing himself into
   Mantua with the shattered remnant of his army. The road into
   Germany through the Tyrol now lay open; but in the midst of
   his victories Bonaparte learnt that the northern armies of
   Moreau and Jourdan, with which he had intended to co-operate
   in an attack upon Vienna, were in full retreat. Moreau's
   advance into the valley of the Danube had, during the months
   of July and August, been attended with unbroken military and
   political success. The Archduke Charles, who was entrusted
   with the defence of the Empire," fell back before Moreau, in
   order to unite his forces with those of Wartensleben, who
   commanded an army which confronted Jourdan. "The design of the
   Archduke succeeded in the end, but it opened Germany to the
   French for six weeks, and revealed how worthless was the
   military constitution of the Empire, and how little the
   Germans had to expect from one another. ... At length the
   retreating movement of the Austrians stopped [and the Archduke
   fought an indecisive battle with Moreau at Neresheim, August
   11]. Leaving 30,000 men on the Lech to disguise his motions
   from Moreau, Charles turned suddenly northwards from Neuberg
   on the 17th August, met Wartensleben at Amberg, and attacked
   Jourdan ... with greatly superior numbers. Jourdan was
   defeated [September 3, at Würtzburg] and driven back in
   confusion towards the Rhine. The issue of the campaign was
   decided before Moreau heard of his colleague's danger. It only
   remained for him to save his own army by a skilful retreat,"
   in the course of which he defeated the Austrian general Latour
   at Biberach, October 2, and fought two indecisive battles with
   the Archduke, at Emmendingen, October 19, and at Huningen on
   the 24th.

      C. A. Fyffe,
      History of Modern Europe,
      volume 1, chapter 3.

      ALSO IN:
      A. Griffiths,
      French Revolutionary Generals,
      chapters 14-15.

      General Jomini,
      Life of Napoleon,
      volume 1, chapter 2.

      E. Baines,
      History of the Wars of the French Revolution,
      book 1, chapter 22 (volume 1).

      C. Adams,
      Great Campaigns, 1796-1870,
      chapter 1.

FRANCE: A. D. 1796 (September).
   Evacuation of Corsica by the English.
   Its reoccupation by the French.

   "Corsica, which had been delivered to the English by Paoli,
   and occupied by them as a fourth kingdom annexed to the crown
   of the King of Great Britain, had just been evacuated by its
   new masters. They had never succeeded in subduing the interior
   of the island, frequent insurrections had kept them in
   continual alarm, and free communication between the various
   towns could only be effected by sea. The victories of the
   French army in Italy, under the command of one of their
   countrymen, had redoubled this internal ferment in Corsica,
   and the English had decided on entirely abandoning their
   conquest. In September 1796 they withdrew their troops, and
   also removed from Corsica their chief partisans, such as
   General Paoli, Pozzo di Borgo, Beraldi and others, who sought
   an asylum in England. On the first intelligence of the English
   preparations for evacuating the island, Buonaparte despatched
   General Gentili thither at the head of two or three hundred
   banished Corsicans, and with this little band Gentili took
   possession of the principal strongholds. ... On the 5th
   Frimaire, year V. (November 25, 1796), I received a decree of
   the Executive Directory ... appointing me
   Commissioner-Extraordinary of the Government in Corsica, and
   ordering me to proceed thither at once."

      Count Miot de Melito,
      Memoirs,
      chapter 4.

FRANCE: A. D. 1796 (October).
   Failure of peace negotiations with England.
   Treaties with Naples and Genoa.

   "It was France itself, more even than Italy, which was
   succumbing under the victories in Italy, and was falling
   rapidly under the military despotism of Bonaparte; while what
   had begun as a mere war of defence was already becoming a war
   of aggression against everybody. ... The more patriotic
   members of the legislative bodies were opposed to what they
   considered only a war of personal ambitions, and were desirous
   of peace, and a considerable peace party was forming
   throughout the country. The opportunity was taken by the
   English government for making proposals for peace, and a
   pass-port was obtained from the directory for lord Malmesbury,
   who was sent to Paris as the English plenipotentiary. Lord
   Malmesbury arrived in Paris on the 2nd of Brumaire (the 23rd
   of October, 1796), and next day had his first interview with
   the French minister Delacroix, who was chosen by the directory
   to act as their representative. There was from the first an
   evident want of cordiality and sincerity on the part of the
   French government in this negotiation; and the demands they
   made, and the political views entertained by them, were so
   unreasonable, that, after it had dragged on slowly for about a
   month, it ended without a result. The directory were secretly
   making great preparations for the invasion of Ireland, and
   they had hopes of making a separate and very advantageous
   peace with Austria. Bonaparte had, during this time, become
   uneasy on account of his position in Italy," and "urged the
   directory to enter into negotiations with the different
   Italian states in his rear, such as Naples, Rome, and Genoa,
   and to form an offensive and defensive alliance with the king
   of Sardinia, so that he might be able to raise reinforcements
   in Italy. For this purpose he asked for authority to proclaim
   the independence of Lombardy and of the states of Modena; so
   that, by forming both into republics, he might create a
   powerful French party, through which he might obtain both men
   and provisions. The directory was not unwilling to second the
   wishes of Bonaparte, and on the 19th of Vendemiaire (the 10th
   of October) a peace was signed with Naples, which was followed
   by a treaty with Genoa. This latter state paid two millions of
   francs as an indemnity for the acts of hostility formerly
   committed against France, and added two millions more as a
   loan." The negotiation for an offensive alliance with Sardinia
   failed, because the king demanded Lombardy.

      T. Wright,
      History of France,
      volume 2, page 758.

      ALSO IN:
      W. E. H. Lecky,
      History of England in the 18th Century,
      chapter 27 (volume 7).

      E. Burke,
      Letters on a Regicide Peace.

{1317}

FRANCE: A. D. 1796-1797 (October-April).
   Bonaparte's continued victories in Italy.
   His advance into Carinthia and the Tyrol.
   Peace preliminaries of Leoben.

   "The failure of the French invasion of Germany ... enabled the
   Austrians to make a fresh effort for the relief of [Würmser]
   in Mantua. 40,000 men under Alvinzi and 18,000 under
   Davidowich entered Italy from the Tyrol and marched by
   different routes towards Verona. Bonaparte had employed the
   recent interlude in consolidating French influence in Italy.
   Against the wishes of the Directors he dethroned the duke of
   Modena, and formed his territories into the Cispadane
   Republic. Then he tried to induce Piedmont and Venice to join
   France, but both states preferred to retain their neutral
   position. This was another of the charges which the general
   was preparing against Venice. On the news of the Austrian
   advance, Bonaparte marched against Alvinzi, and checked him at
   Carmignano (6 November). But meanwhile Davidowich had taken
   Trent and was approaching Rivoli. Bonaparte, in danger of
   being surrounded, was compelled to give way, and retreated to
   Verona, while Alvinzi followed him. Never was the French
   position more critical, and nothing but a very bold move could
   save them. With reckless courage Bonaparte attacked Alvinzi at
   Arcola, and after three days' hard fighting [November 15-17,
   on the dykes and causeways of a marshy region] won a complete
   victory. He then forced Davidowich to retreat to the Tyrol.
   The danger was averted, and the blockade of Mantua was
   continued. But Austria, as if its resources were
   inexhaustible, determined on a fourth effort in January, 1797.
   Alvinzi was again entrusted with the command, while another
   detachment under Provera advanced from Friuli. Bonaparte
   collected all his forces, marched against Alvinzi, and crushed
   him at Rivoli (15 January). But meanwhile Provera had reached
   Mantua, where Bonaparte, by a forced march, overtook him, and
   won another complete victory in the battle of La Favorita. The
   fate of Mantua was at last decided, and the city surrendered
   on the 2nd of February. With a generosity worthy of the glory
   which he had obtained, Bonaparte allowed Würmser and the
   garrison to march out with the honours of war. He now turned
   to Romagna, occupied Bologna and terrified the Pope into
   signing the treaty of Tolentino. The temporal power was
   allowed to exist, but within very curtailed limits. Not only
   Avignon, but the whole of Romagna, with Ancona, was
   surrendered to France. Even these terms, harsh as they were,
   were not so severe as the Directors had wished. But Bonaparte
   was beginning to play his own game; he saw that Catholicism
   was regaining ground in France, and he wished to make friends
   on what might prove after all the winning side. Affairs in
   Italy were now fairly settled: two republics, the Cisalpine in
   Lombardy, and the Cispadane, which included Modena, Ferrara,
   and Bologna, had been created to secure French influence in
   Italy. ... The French had occupied the Venetian territory from
   Bergamo to Verona, and had established close relations with
   those classes who were dissatisfied with their exclusion from
   political power. When the republic armed against the danger of
   a revolt, Bonaparte treated it as another ground for that
   quarrel which he artfully fomented for his own purposes. But
   at present he had other objects more immediately pressing than
   the oppression of Venice. Jourdan's army on the Rhine had been
   entrusted to Hoche, whose ambition had long chafed at the want
   of an opportunity, and who was burning to acquire glory by
   retrieving the disasters of the last campaign. Bonaparte, on
   the other hand, was eager to anticipate a possible rival, and
   determined to hurry on his own invasion of Austria, in order
   to keep the war and the negotiations in his own hands. The
   task of meeting him was entrusted to the archduke Charles, who
   had won such a brilliant reputation in 1796, but who was
   placed at a great disadvantage to his opponent by having to
   obey instructions from Vienna. The French carried all before
   them, Joubert occupied Tyrol, Masséna forced the route to
   Carinthia, and Bonaparte himself, after defeating the archduke
   on the Tagliamento, occupied Trieste and Carniola. The French
   now marched over the Alps, driving the Austrians before them.
   At Leoben, which they reached on 7th April, they were less
   than eighty miles from Vienna. Here Austrian envoys arrived to
   open negotiations. They consented to surrender Belgium,
   Lombardy, and the Rhine frontier, but they demanded
   compensation in Bavaria. This demand Bonaparte refused, but
   offered to compensate Austria at the expense of a neutral
   state, Venice. The preliminaries of Leoben, signed on the 18th
   April, gave to Austria, Istria, Dalmatia, and the Venetian
   provinces between the Oglio, the Po, and the Adriatic. At this
   moment, Hoche and Moreau, after overcoming the obstacles
   interposed by a sluggish government, were crossing the Rhine
   to bring their armies to bear against Austria. They had
   already gained several successes when the unwelcome news
   reached them from Leoben, and they had to retreat. Bonaparte
   may have failed to extort the most extreme terms from Austria,
   but he had at any rate kept both power and fame to himself."

      R. Lodge,
      English of Modern Europe,
      chapter 23.

      ALSO IN:
      F. Lanfrey,
      History of Napoleon I.,
      volume 1, chapters 5-7.

      Memoirs of Napoleon dictated at St. Helena,
      volume 4, chapters 1-4.

FRANCE: A. D. 1796-1797 (December-January):
   Hoche's expedition to Ireland.

      See IRELAND: A. D. 1791-1798.

FRANCE: A. D. 1797 (February-October).
   British naval victories of Cape St. Vincent and Camperdown.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1797.

FRANCE: A. D. 1797 (April-May).
   The overthrow of Venice by Bonaparte.

   When Napoleon, in March, entered upon his campaign against the
   Archduke Charles, "the animosity existing between France and
   Venice had ... attained a height that threatened an open
   rupture between the two republics, and was, therefore, of some
   advantage to Austria. The Signoria saw plainly what its fate
   would be should the French prove victorious; but though they
   had 12,000 or 15,000 Slavonian troops ready at hand, and
   mostly assembled in the capital, they never ventured to use
   them till the moment for acting was past. On the Terra Firma,
   the citizens of Brescia and Bergamo had openly renounced the
   authority of St. Mark, and espoused the cause of France; the
   country people, on the other hand, were bitterly hostile to
   the new Republicans. Oppressed by requisitions, plundered and
   insulted by the troops, the peasants had slain straggling and
   marauding French soldiers; the comrades of the sufferers had
   retaliated, and an open revolt was more than once expected.
   General Battaglia, the Venetian providatore, remonstrated
   against the open violence practised on the subjects of Venice;
   Buonaparte replied by accusing the government of partiality
   for Austria, and went so far as to employ General Andrieux to
   instigate the people to rise against the senate. The
   Directory, however, desired him to pause, and not to 'drive
   the Venetians to extremity, till the opportunity, should have
   arrived for carrying into effect the future projects
   entertained against that state.'
{1318}
   Both parties were watching their time, but the craven watches
   in vain, for he is struck down long before his time to strike
   arrives." A month later, when Napoleon was believed to be
   involved in difficulties in Carinthia and the Tyrol, Venice
   "had thrown off the mask of neutrality; the tocsin had sounded
   through the communes of the Terra Firma, and a body of troops
   had joined the insurgents in the attack on the citadel of
   Verona. Not only were the French assailed wherever they were
   found in arms, but the very sick were inhumanly slain in the
   hospitals by the infuriated peasantry; the principal massacre
   took place at Verona on Easter Monday [April 17], and cast a
   deep stain on the Venetian cause and character." But even
   while these sinister events were in progress, Bonaparte had
   made peace with the humiliated Austrians, and had signed the
   preliminary treaty of Leoben, which promised to give Venice to
   them in exchange for the Netherlands. And now, with all his
   forces set free, he was prepared to crush the venerable
   Republic, and make it subservient to his ambitious schemes. He
   "refused to hear of any accommodation: and, unfortunately, the
   base massacre of Verona blackened the Venetian cause so much
   as almost to gloss over the unprincipled violence of their
   adversaries. 'If you could offer me the treasures of Peru,'
   said Napoleon to the terrified deputies who came to sue for
   pardon and offer reparation, 'if you could cover your whole
   dominions with gold, the atonement would be insufficient.
   French blood has been treacherously shed, and the Lion of St.
   Mark must bite the dust.' On the 3d of May he declared war
   against the republic, and French troops immediately advanced
   to the shores of the lagunes. Here, however, the waves of the
   Adriatic arrested their progress, for they had not a single
   boat at command, whereas the Venetians had a good fleet in the
   harbour, and an army of 10,000 or 15,000 soldiers in the
   capital: they only wanted the courage to use them. Instead of
   fighting, however, they deliberated; and tried to purchase
   safety by gold, instead of maintaining it by arms. Finding the
   enemy relentless, the Great Council proposed to modify their
   government,--to render it more democratic, in order to please
   the French commander,--to lay their very institutions at the
   feet of the conqueror; and, strange to say, only 21 patricians
   out of 690 dissented from this act of national degradation.
   The democratic party, supported by the intrigues of Vittelan,
   the French secretary of legation, exerted themselves to the
   utmost. The Slavonian troops were disbanded, or embarked for
   Dalmatia; the fleet was dismantled, and the Senate were
   rapidly divesting themselves of every privilege, when, on the
   31st of May, a popular tumult broke out in the capital. The
   Great Council were in deliberation when shots were fired
   beneath the windows of the ducal palace. The trembling
   senators thought that the rising was directed against them,
   and that their lives were in danger, and hastened to divest
   themselves of every remnant of power and authority at the very
   moment when the populace were taking arms in their favour.
   'Long live St. Mark, and down with foreign dominion!' was the
   cry of the insurgents, but nothing could communicate one spark
   of gallant fire to the Venetian aristocracy. In the midst of
   the general confusion, while the adverse parties were firing
   on each other, and the disbanded Slavonians threatening to
   plunder the city, these unhappy legislators could only
   delegate their power to a hastily assembled provisional
   government, and then separate in shame and for ever. The
   democratic government commenced their career in a manner as
   dishonourable as that of the aristocracy had been closed."
   They "immediately despatched the flotilla to bring over the
   French troops. A brigade under Baraguai d'Hilliers soon landed
   [May 15] at the place of St. Mark; and Venice, which had
   braved the thunders of the Vatican, the power of the emperors,
   and the arms of the Othmans, ... now sunk for ever, and
   without striking one manly blow or firing one single shot for
   honour and fame! Venice counted 1300 years of independence,
   centuries of power and renown, and many also of greatness and
   glory, but ended in a manner more dishonourable than any state
   of which history makes mention. The French went through the
   form of acknowledging the new democratic government, but
   retained the power in their own hands. Heavy contributions
   were levied, all the naval and military stores were taken
   possession of, and the fleet, having conveyed French troops to
   the Ionian islands, was sent to Toulon."

      T. Mitchell,
      Principal Campaigns in the Rise of Napoleon,
      chapter 6 (Fraser's Magazine, April, 1846).

      ALSO IN:
      E. Flagg,
      Venice: The City of the Sea,
      part 1, chapters 1-4 (volume 1).

      Memoirs of Napoleon dictated at St. Helena,
      volume 4, chapter 5.

FRANCE: A. D. 1797 (May-October).
   Napoleon's political work in Italy.
   Creation of the Ligurian and Cisalpine Republics.
   Dismemberment of the Graubunden.
   The Peace of Campo-Formio.
   Venice given over to Austria, and Lombardy and the Netherlands
   taken away.

   "The revolution in Venice was soon followed by another in
   Genoa, also organised by the plots of the French minister
   there, Faypoult. The Genoese had in general shown themselves
   favourable to France; but there existed among the nobles an
   anti-French party; the Senate, like that of Venice, was too
   aristocratic to suit Bonaparte's or the Directory's notions;
   and it was considered that Genoa, under a democratic
   constitution, would be more subservient to French interests.
   An insurrection, prepared by Faypoult, of some 700 or 800 of
   the lowest class of Genoese, aided by Frenchmen and Lombards,
   broke out on May 22nd, but was put down by the great mass of
   the real Genoese people. Bonaparte, however, was determined to
   effect his object. He directed a force of 12,000 men on Genoa,
   and despatched Lavalette with a letter to the Doge. ...
   Bonaparte's threats were attended by the same magical effects
   at Genoa as had followed them at Venice. The Senate
   immediately despatched three nobles to treat with him, and on
   June 6th was concluded the Treaty of Montebello. The
   Government of Genoa recognised by this treaty the sovereignty
   of the people, confided the legislative power to two Councils,
   one of 300, the other of 500 members, the executive power to a
   Senate of twelve, presided over by the Doge. Meanwhile a
   provisional government was to be established. By a secret
   article a contribution of four millions, disguised under the
   name of a loan, was imposed upon Genoa.
{1319}
   Her obedience was recompensed with a considerable augmentation
   of territory, and the incorporation of the districts known as
   the 'imperial fiefs.' Such was the origin of the Ligurian
   Republic. Austrian Lombardy, after its conquest, had also been
   formed into the 'Lombard Republic'; but the Directory had not
   recognised it, awaiting a final settlement of Italy through a
   peace with Austria. Bonaparte, after taking possession of the
   Duchy of Modena and the Legations, had, at first, thought of
   erecting them into an independent state under the name of the
   'Cispadane Republic'; but he afterwards changed his mind and
   united these states with Lombardy under the title of the
   Cisalpine Republic. He declared, in the name of the Directory,
   the independence of this new republic, June 29th 1797;
   reserving, however, the right of nominating, for the first
   time, the members of the Government and of the legislative
   body. The districts of the Valteline, Chiavenna, and Bormio,
   subject to the Grison League, in which discontent and
   disturbance had been excited by French agents, were united in
   October to the new state; whose constitution was modelled on
   that of the French Republic. Bonaparte was commissioned by the
   Directory to negociate a definitive peace with Austria, and
   conferences were opened for that purpose at Montebello,
   Bonaparte's residence near Milan. The negociations were
   chiefly managed by himself, and on the part of Austria by the
   Marquis di Gallo, the Neapolitan ambassador at Vienna, and
   Count Meerfeld. ... The negociations were protracted six
   months, partly through Bonaparte's engagements in arranging
   the affairs of the new Italian republics, but more especially
   by divisions and feuds in the French Directory." The Peace of
   Campo Formio was concluded October 17. "It derived this name
   from its having been signed in a ruined castle situated in a
   small village of that name near Udine; a place selected on
   grounds of etiquette in preference to the residence of either
   of the negociators. By this treaty the Emperor ceded the
   Austrian Netherlands to France; abandoned to the Cisalpine
   Republic, which he recognised, Bergamo, Brescia, Crema,
   Peschiera, the town and fortress of Mantua with their
   territories, and all that part of the former Venetian
   possessions to the south and west of a line which, commencing
   in the Tyrol, traversed the Lago di Garda, the left bank of
   the Adige, but including Porto Legnago on the right bank, and
   thence along the left bank of the Po to its mouth. France was
   to possess the Ionian Islands, and all the Venetian
   settlements in Albania below the Gulf of Lodrino; the French
   Republic agreeing on its side that the Emperor should have
   Istria, Dalmatia, the Venetian isles in the Adriatic, the
   mouths of the Cattaro, the city of Venice, the Lagoons, and
   all the former Venetian terra firma to the line before
   described. The Emperor ceded the Breisgau to the Duke of
   Modena, to be held on the same conditions as he had held the
   Modenese. A congress composed of the plenipotentiaries of the
   German Federation was to assemble immediately, to treat of a
   peace between France and the Empire. To this patent treaty was
   added another secret one, by the principal article of which
   the Emperor consented that France should have the frontier of
   the Rhine, except the Prussian possessions, and stipulated
   that the Imperial troops should enter Venice on the same day
   that the French entered Mentz. He also promised to use his
   influence to obtain the accession of the Empire to this
   arrangement; and if that body withheld its consent, to give it
   no more assistance than his contingent. The navigation of the
   Rhine to be declared free. If, at the peace with the Empire,
   the French Republic should make any acquisitions in Germany,
   the Emperor was to obtain an equivalent there, and vice versa.
   The Dutch Stadtholder to have a territorial indemnity. To the
   King of Prussia were to be restored his possessions on the
   left bank of the Rhine, and he was consequently to have no new
   acquisitions in Germany. Princes and States of the Empire,
   damnified by this treaty, to obtain a suitable indemnity. ...
   By the Treaty of Campo Formio was terminated not only the
   Italian campaign, but also the first continental war of the
   Revolution. The establishment of Bonaparte's prestige and
   power by the former was a result still more momentous in its
   consequences for Europe than the fall of Venice and the
   revolutionising of Northern Italy."

      T. H. Dyer,
      History of Modern Europe,
      book 7, chapter 8 (volume 4).

      ALSO IN:
      A. Thiers,
      History of the French Revolution
      (American edition), volume 4, pages 214-225.

      Sir W. Scott,
      Life of Napoleon Buonaparte,
      chapter 28.

      Memoirs of Napoleon dictated at St. Helena,
      chapters 6-8.

FRANCE: A. D. 1797 (September).
   Conflict of the Directory and the two Councils.
   The Revolutionary Coup d'État of the 18th of Fructidor.
   Suppression of the Royalists and Moderates.
   Practical overthrow of the Constitution.

   "The inevitable dissension between the executive power and the
   electoral power had already displayed itself at the conclusion
   of the elections of the Year V. The elections were made for
   the most part under the influence of the reactionary party,
   which, whilst it refrained from conspiring for the overthrow
   of the new Constitution, saw with terror that the executive
   power was in the hands of men who had taken part in the
   excesses and crimes of the Convention. Pichegru, whose
   intrigues with the princes of the House of Bourbon were not
   yet known, was enthusiastically made President of the Council
   of Five Hundred, and Barbé-Marbois was made President of the
   Ancients. Le Tourneur having become, by lot, the retiring
   member of the Directory, Barthélemy, an upright and moderate
   man, was chosen in his place. He, as well as his colleague,
   Carnot, were opposed to violent measures; but they only formed
   in the Directorate a minority which was powerless against the
   Triumvirs Barras, Rewbel, and La Réveillère, who soon entered
   upon a struggle with the two Councils. ... There were,
   doubtless, amongst [their opponents] in the two Councils, some
   Royalists, and ardent reactionists, who desired with all their
   hearts the restoration of the Bourbons; but, according to the
   very best testimony, the majority of the names which were
   drawn from the electoral urn since the promulgation of the
   Constitution of the Year III. were strangers to the Royalist
   party. 'They did not desire,' to use the words of an eminent
   and impartial historian of our own day [De Barante, 'Life of
   Royer-Collard'], 'a counter-revolution, but the abolition of
   the revolutionary laws which were still in force. They wished
   for peace and true liberty, and the successive purification of
   a Directorate which was the direct heir of the Convention. ...