to the count of Luxembourg, who yielded her to the Duke of
   Burgundy, who surrendered her to the English, who delivered
   her to the Inquisition, by which she was tried, condemned and
   burned to death, at Rouen, as a witch (May 30, 1431). "It was
   a complex crime, in which each party got rid of
   responsibility, but in which the accusation rests with Paris
   [the University of Paris was foremost among the pursuers of
   the wonderful Maid], the cowardice with Luxembourg, the
   sentence with the Inquisition, the blame and punishment with
   England, and the disgrace and ingratitude with France. This
   bartering about Joan by her enemies, of whom the fiercest were
   her countrymen, had lasted six months. ... During these six
   months, the influence of this goddess of war upon the troops
   of Charles VII.--her spirit, which still guided the camp and
   council of the king--the patriotic, though superstitious,
   veneration of the people, which her captivity only
   doubled,--and, lastly, the absence of the Duke of Burgundy,
   ... all these causes had brought reverse after reverse upon
   the English, and a series of successes to Charles VII. Joan,
   although absent, triumphed everywhere."

      A. de Lamartine,
      Memoirs of Celebrated Characters: Joan of Arc.

   "It seems natural to ask what steps the King of France had
   taken ... to avert her doom. If ever there had been a
   sovereign indebted to a subject, that sovereign was Charles
   VII., that subject Joan of Arc. ... Yet, no sooner was she
   captive than she seems forgotten. We hear nothing of any
   attempt at rescue, of any proposal for ransom; neither the
   most common protest against her trial, nor the faintest threat
   of reprisals; nay, not even after her death, one single
   expression of regret! Charles continued to slumber in his
   delicious retreats beyond the Loire, engrossed by dames of a
   very different character from Joan's, and careless of the
   heroine to whom his security in that indolence was due. Her
   memory on the other hand was long endeared to the French
   people, and long did they continue to cherish a romantic hope
   that she might still survive.
{1177}
   So strong was this feeling, that in the year 1436 advantage
   was taken of it by a female imposter, who pretended to be Joan
   of Arc escaped from her captivity. She fixed her abode at
   Metz, and soon afterwards married a knight of good family, the
   Sire des Armoises. Strange to say, it appears from a contemporary
   chronicle, that Joan's two surviving brothers acknowledged
   this woman as their sister. Stranger still, other records
   prove that she made two visits to Orleans, one before and one
   after her marriage, and on each occasion was hailed as the
   heroine returned. ... The brothers of Joan of Arc might
   possibly have hopes of profit by the fraud; but how the people
   of Orleans, who had seen her so closely, who had fought side
   by side with her in the siege, could be deceived as to the
   person, we cannot understand, nor yet what motive they could
   have in deceiving. The interest which Joan of Arc inspires at
   the present day extends even to the house where she dwelt, and
   to the family from which she sprung. Her father died of grief
   at the tidings of her execution; her mother long survived it,
   but fell into great distress. Twenty years afterwards we find
   her in receipt of a pension from the city of Orleans; three
   francs a month; 'to help her to live.' Joan's brothers and
   their issue took, the name of Du Lis from the Lily of France,
   which the King had assigned as their arms. ... It will be easy
   to trace the true character of Joan. ... Nowhere do modern
   annals display a character more pure--more generous--more
   humble amidst fancied visions and undoubted victories--more
   free from all taint of selfishness--more akin to the champions
   and martyrs of old times. All this is no more than justice and
   love of truth would require us to say. But when we find some
   French historians, transported by an enthusiasm almost equal
   to that of Joan herself, represent her us filling the part of
   a general or statesman--as skilful in leading armies, or
   directing councils--we must withhold our faith. Such skill,
   indeed, from a country girl, without either education or
   experience, would be, had she really possessed it, scarcely
   less supernatural than the visions which she claimed. But the
   facts are far otherwise. In affairs of state, Joan's voice was
   never heard; in affairs of war, all her proposals will be
   found to resolve themselves into two--either to rush headlong
   upon the enemy, often in the very point where he was
   strongest, or to offer frequent and public prayers to the
   Almighty. We are not aware of any single instance in which her
   military suggestions were not these, or nearly akin to these.
   ... Of Joan's person no authentic resemblance now remains. A
   statue to her memory had been raised upon the bridge at
   Orleans, at the sole charge ... of the matrons and maids of
   that city: this probably preserved some degree of likeness,
   but unfortunately perished in the religious wars of the
   sixteenth century. There is no portrait extant; the two
   earliest engravings are of 1606 and 1612, and they greatly
   differ."

      Lord Mahon,
      Historical Essays,
      pages 53-57.

   "A few days before her death, when urged to resume her woman's
   dress, she said: 'When I shall have accomplished that for
   which I was sent from God, I will take the dress of a woman.'
   Yet, in one sense her mission did end at Rheims. The faith of
   the people still followed her, but her enemies--not the
   English, but those in the heart of the court of Charles--began
   to be too powerful for her. We may, indeed, conceive what a
   hoard of envy and malice was gathering in the hearts of those
   hardened politicians at seeing themselves superseded by a
   peasant girl. They, accustomed to dark and tortuous ways,
   could not comprehend or coalesce with the divine simplicity of
   her designs and means. A successful intrigue was formed
   against her. It was resolved to keep her still in the camp as
   a name and a figure, but to take from her all power, all voice
   in the direction of affairs. So accordingly it was done. ...
   Her ways and habits during the year she was in arms are
   attested by a multitude of witnesses. Dunois and the Duke of
   Alençon bear testimony to what they term her extraordinary
   talents for war, and to her perfect fearlessness in action;
   but in all other things she was the most simple of creatures.
   She wept when she first saw men slain in battle, to think that
   they should have died without confession. She wept at the
   abominable epithets which the English heaped upon her; but she
   was without a trace of vindictiveness. 'Ah, Glacidas, Glacidas!'
   she said to Sir William Glasdale at Orleans, 'you have called
   me foul names; but I have pity upon your soul and the souls of
   your men. Surrender to the King of Heaven!' And she was once
   seen, resting the head of a wounded Englishman on her lap,
   comforting and consoling him. In her diet she was abstemious
   in the extreme, rarely eating until evening, and then for the
   most part, only of bread and water sometimes mixed with wine.
   In the field she slept in her armour, but when she came into a
   city she always sought out some honourable matron, under whose
   protection she placed herself; and there is wonderful evidence
   of the atmosphere of purity which she diffused around her, her
   very presence banishing from men's hearts all evil thoughts
   and wishes. Her conversation, when it was not of the war, was
   entirely of religion. She confessed often, and received
   communion twice in the week. 'And it was her custom,' says
   Dunois, 'at twilight every day, to retire to the church and
   make the bells be rung for half an hour, and she gathered the
   mendicant religious who followed the King's army, and made
   them sing an antiphon of the Blessed Mother of God.' From
   presumption, as from superstition, she was entirely free. When
   women brought her crosses and chaplets to bless, she said:
   'How can I bless them? Your own blessing would be as good as
   mine.'"

      J. O'Hagan,
      Joan of Arc,
      pages 61-66.

   "What is to be thought of her? What is to be thought of the
   poor shepherd girl from the hills and forests of Lorraine,
   that--like the Hebrew shepherd boy from the hills and forests
   of Judea--rose suddenly out of the quiet, out of the safety,
   out of the religious inspiration, rooted in deep pastoral
   solitudes, to a station in the van of armies, and to the more
   perilous station at the right hand of kings? The Hebrew boy
   inaugurated his patriotic mission by an act, by a victorious
   act, such as no man could deny. But so did the girl of
   Lorraine, if we read her story as it was read by those who saw
   her nearest. Adverse armies bore witness to the boy as no
   pretender; but so they did to the gentle girl. Judged by the
   voices of all who saw them from a station of good-will, both
   were found true and loyal to any promises involved in their
   first acts. Enemies it was that made the difference between
   their subsequent fortunes.
{1178}
   The boy rose to a splendour, and a noonday prosperity, both
   personal and public, that rang through the records of his
   people, and became a by-word amongst his posterity for a
   thousand years, until the sceptre was departing from Judah.
   The poor, forsaken girl, on the contrary, drank not herself
   from that cup of rest which she had secured for France. ...
   This pure creature--pure from every suspicion of even a
   visionary self-interest, even as she was pure in senses more
   obvious--never once did this holy child, as regarded herself,
   relax from her belief in the darkness that was travelling to
   meet her. She might not prefigure the very manner of her
   death; she saw not in vision, perhaps, the aerial altitude of
   the fiery scaffold, the spectators without end on every road
   pouring into Rouen as to a coronation, the surging smoke, the
   volleying flames, the hostile faces all around, the pitying
   eye that lurked but here and there, until nature and
   imperishable truth broke loose from artificial
   restraints;--these might not be apparent through the mists of
   the hurrying future. But the voice that called her to death,
   that she heard for ever."

      T. De Quincey,
      Joan of Arc (Collected Writings, volume 5).

   A discussion of doubts that have been raised concerning the
   death of Joan at the stake will be found in

      Octave Delepierre's
      Historical Difficulties and Contested Events,
      chapter 8.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Michelet,
      History of France,
      book 10.

      E. de Monstrelet,
      Chronicles (Johnes' translation),
      book 2, chapters 57-105.

      H. Parr,
      Life and Death of Joan of Arc.

      J. Tuckey,
      Joan of Arc.

      Mrs. A. E. Bray,
      Joan of Arc.

FRANCE: A. D. 1431-1453.
   The English expelled.

   "In Joan of Arc the English certainly destroyed the cause of
   their late reverses. But the impulse had been given, and the
   crime of base vengeance could not stay it. Fortune declared
   every where and in every way against them. In vain was Henry
   VI. brought to Paris, crowned at Notre Dame, and made to
   exercise all the functions of royalty in court and parliament.
   The duke of Burgundy, disgusted with the English, became at
   last reconciled to Charles; who spared no sacrifice to win the
   support of so powerful a subject. The amplest possible amends
   were made for the murder of the late duke. The towns beyond
   the Somme were ceded to Burgundy, and the reigning duke [but
   not his successors] was exempted from all homage towards the
   king of France. Such was the famous treaty of Arras [September
   21, 1435], which restored to Charles his throne, and deprived
   the English of all hopes of retaining their conquests in the
   kingdom. The crimes and misrule of the Orleans faction were
   forgotten; popularity ebbed in favour of Charles. ... One of
   the gates of Paris was betrayed by the citizens to the
   constable and Dunois [April, 1436]. Willoughby, the governor,
   was obliged to shut himself up in the Bastile with his
   garrison, from whence they retired to Rouen. Charles VII.
   entered his capital, after twenty years' exclusion from it, in
   November, 1437. Thenceforward the war lost its serious
   character. Charles was gradually established on his throne,
   and the struggle between the two nations was feebly carried
   on, broken merely by a few sieges and enterprises, mostly to
   the disadvantage of the English. ... There had been frequent
   endeavours and conferences towards a peace between the French
   and English. The demands on either side proved irreconcilable.
   A truce was however concluded, in 1444, which lasted four
   years; it was sealed by the marriage of Henry VI. with
   Margaret of Anjou, daughter of Réné, and granddaughter of
   Louis, who had perished while leading an army to the conquest
   of Naples. ... In 1449 the truce was allowed to expire. The
   quarrels of York and Lancaster had commenced, and England was
   unable to defend her foreign possessions. Normandy was
   invaded. The gallant Talbot could not preserve Rouen with a
   disaffected population, and Charles recovered without loss of
   blood [1449] the second capital of his dominions. The only
   blow struck by the English for the preservation of Normandy
   was at Fourmigny near Bayeux. ... Normandy was for ever lost
   to the English after this action or skirmish. The following
   year Guyenne was invaded by the count de Dunois. He met with
   no resistance. The great towns at that day had grown wealthy,
   and their maxim was to avoid a siege at all hazards." Lord
   Talbot was killed in an engagement at Castillon (1450), and
   "with that hero expired the last hopes of his country in
   regard to France. Guyenne was lost [A. D. 1453] as well as
   Normandy, and Calais remained to England the only fruit of so
   much blood spilt and so many victories achieved."

      E. E. Crowe,
      History of France,
      volume 1, chapter 4.

      ALSO IN:
      J. Michelet,
      History of France,
      book 11.

      E. de Monstrelet,
      Chronicles (Johnes' translation),
      book 2, chapter 109, book 3, chapter 65.

      See, also,
      AQUITAINE: A. D. 1360-1453.

FRANCE: A. D. 1438.
   Pragmatic Sanction of Charles VII.
   Reforming decrees of the Council of Basel adopted for the
   Gallican church.

   After the rupture between the reforming Council of Basel and
   Pope Eugenius IV. (see PAPACY: A. D. 1431-1448), Charles VII.
   of France "determined to adopt in his own kingdom such of the
   decrees of the Council as were for his advantage, seeing that
   no opposition could be made by the Pope. Accordingly a Synod
   was summoned at Bourges on May 1, 1438. The embassadors of
   Pope and Council urged their respective causes. It was agreed
   that the King should write to Pope and Council to stay their
   hands in proceeding against one another; meanwhile, that the
   reformation be not lost, some of the Basel decrees should be
   maintained in France by royal authority. The results of the
   synod's deliberation were laid before the King, and on July 7
   were made binding as a pragmatic sanction on the French
   Church. The Pragmatic Sanction enacted that General Councils
   were to be held every ten years, and recognised the authority
   of the Council of Basel. The Pope was no longer to reserve any
   of the greater ecclesiastical appointments, but elections were
   to be duly made by the rightful patrons. Grants to benefices
   in expectancy, 'whence all agree that many evils arise,' were
   to cease, as well as reservations. In all cathedral churches,
   one prebend was to be given to a theologian who had studied
   for ten years in a university, and who was to lecture or
   preach at least once a week. Benefices were to be conferred in
   future, one-third on graduates, two-thirds on deserving
   clergy. Appeals to Rome, except for important causes, were
   forbidden. The number of Cardinals was to be 24, each of the
   age of 30 at least. Annates and first-fruits were no longer to
   be paid to the Pope, but only the necessary legal fees on
   institution. Regulations were made for greater reverence in
   the conduct of Divine service; prayers were to be said by the
   priest in an audible voice; mummeries in churches were
   forbidden, and clerical concubinage was to be punished by
   suspension for three months. Such were the chief reforms of
   its own special grievances, which France wished to establish.
   It was the first step in the assertion of the rights of
   national Churches to arrange for themselves the details of
   their own ecclesiastical organisation."

      M. Creighton,
      History of the Papacy during the Period of the Reformation,
      book 3, chapter 9 (volume 2).

{1179}

FRANCE: A. D. 1447.
   Origin of the claims of the house of Orleans to the duchy of
   Milan.

      See MILAN: A. D. 1447-1454.

FRANCE: A. D. 1453-1461.
   The reconstructed kingdom.
   The new plant of Absolutism.

   "At the expulsion of the English, France emerged from the
   chaos with an altered character and new features of
   government. The royal authority and supreme jurisdiction of
   the parliament were universally recognised. Yet there was a
   tendency towards insubordination left among the great
   nobility, arising in part from the remains of old feudal
   privileges, but still more from that lax administration which,
   in the convulsive struggles of the war, had been suffered to
   prevail. In the south were some considerable vassals, the
   houses of Foix, Albret, and Armagnac, who, on account of their
   distance from the seat of empire, had always maintained a very
   independent conduct. The dukes of Britany and Burgundy were of
   a more formidable character, and might rather be ranked among
   foreign powers than privileged subjects. The princes, too, of
   the royal blood, who, during the late reign, had learned to
   partake or contend for the management, were ill-inclined
   towards Charles VII., himself jealous, from old recollections
   of their ascendancy. They saw that the constitution was
   verging rapidly towards an absolute monarchy, from the
   direction of which they would studiously be excluded. This
   apprehension gave rise to several attempts at rebellion during
   the reign of Charles VII., and to the war, commonly entitled,
   for the Public Weal ('du bien public'), under Louis XI. Among
   the pretenses alleged by the revolters in each of these, the
   injuries of the people were not forgotten; but from the people
   they received small support. Weary of civil dissension, and
   anxious for a strong government to secure them from
   depredation, the French had no inducement to intrust even
   their real grievances to a few malcontent princes, whose
   regard for the common good they had much reason to distrust.
   Every circumstance favoured Charles VII. and his son in the
   attainment of arbitrary power. The country was pillaged by
   military ruffians. Some of these had been led by the dauphin
   to a war in Germany, but the remainder still infested the high
   roads and villages. Charles established his companies of
   ordonnance, the basis of the French regular army, in order to
   protect the country from such depredators. They consisted of
   about nine thousand soldiers, all cavalry, of whom fifteen
   hundred were heavy-armed; a force not very considerable, but
   the first, except mere body-guards, which had been raised in
   any part of Europe as a national standing army. These troops
   were paid out of the produce of a permanent tax, called the
   taille; an innovation still more important than the former.
   But the present benefit cheating the people, now prone to
   submissive habits, little or no opposition was made, except in
   Guienne, the inhabitants of which had speedy reason to regret
   the mild government of England, and vainly endeavoured to
   return to its protection. It was not long before the new
   despotism exhibited itself in its harshest character. Louis
   XI., son of Charles VII., who during his father's reign, had
   been connected with the discontented princes, came to the
   throne greatly endowed with those virtues and vices which
   conspire to the success of a king."

      H. Hallam,
      The Middle Ages,
      chapter 1, part 2.

FRANCE: A. D. 1458-1461.
   Renewed submission of Genoa to the King, and renewed revolt.

      See GENOA: A. D. 1458-1464.

FRANCE: A. D. 1461.
   Accession of King Louis XI.
   Contemporary portrait of him by Commines.

   "Of all the princes that I ever knew, the wisest and most
   dexterous to extricate himself out of any danger or difficulty
   in time of adversity, was our master King Louis XI. He was the
   humblest in his conversation and habit, and the most painful
   and indefatigable to win over any man to his side that he
   thought capable of doing him either mischief or service:
   though he was often refused, he would never give over a man
   that he wished to gain, but still pressed and continued his
   insinuations, promising him largely, and presenting him with
   such sums and honours as he knew would gratify his ambition;
   and for such as he had discarded in time of peace and
   prosperity, he paid dear (when he had occasion for them) to
   recover them again; but when he had once reconciled them, he
   retained no enmity towards them for what had passed, but
   employed them freely for the future. He was naturally kind and
   indulgent to persons of mean estate, and hostile to all great
   men who had no need of him. Never prince was so conversable,
   nor so inquisitive as he, for his desire was to know everybody
   he could; and indeed he knew all persons of any authority or
   worth in England, Spain, Portugal and Italy, in the
   territories of the Dukes of Burgundy and Bretagne, and among
   his own subjects; and by those qualities he preserved the
   crown upon his head, which was in much danger by the enemies
   he had created to himself upon his accession to the throne.
   But above all, his great bounty and liberality did him the
   greatest service: and yet, as he behaved himself wisely in
   time of distress, so when he thought himself a little out of
   danger, though it were but by a truce, he would disoblige the
   servants and officers of his court by mean and petty ways,
   which were little to his advantage; and as for peace, he could
   hardly endure the thoughts of it. He spoke slightingly of most
   people, and rather before their faces, than behind their
   backs, unless he was afraid of them, and of that sort there
   were a great many, for he was naturally somewhat timorous.
   When he had done himself any prejudice by his talk, or was
   apprehensive he should do so, and wished to make amends, he
   would say to the person whom he had disobliged, 'I am sensible
   my tongue has done me a great deal of mischief; but, on the
   other hand, it has sometimes done me much good; however, it is
   but reason I should make some reparation for the injury.' And
   he never used this kind of apologies to any person, but he
   granted some favour to the person to whom he made it, and it
   was always of considerable amount. It is certainly a great
   blessing from God upon any prince to have experienced
   adversity as well as prosperity, good as well as evil, and
   especially if the good outweighs the evil, as it did in the
   king our master.
{1180}
   I am of opinion that the troubles he was involved in, in his
   youth, when he fled from his father, and resided six years
   together with Philip Duke of Burgundy, were of great service
   to him; for there he learned to be complaisant to such as he
   had occasion to use, which was no slight advantage of
   adversity. As soon as he found himself a powerful and crowned
   king, his mind was wholly bent upon revenge; but he quickly
   found the inconvenience of this, repented by degrees of his
   indiscretion, and made sufficient reparation for his folly and
   error, by regaining those he had injured, as shall be related
   hereafter. Besides, I am very confident that if his education
   had not been different from the usual education of such nobles
   as I have seen in France, he could not so easily have worked
   himself out of his troubles; for they are brought up to
   nothing but to make themselves ridiculous, both in their
   clothes and discourse; they have no knowledge of letters; no
   wise man is suffered to come near them, to improve their
   understandings; they have governors who manage their business,
   but they do nothing themselves."--Such is the account of Louis
   XI. which Philip de Commines gives in one of the early
   chapters of his delightful Memoirs. In a later chapter he
   tells naively of the king's suspicions and fears, and of what
   he suffered, at the end of his life, as the penalty of his
   cruel and crafty dealings with his subjects: "Some five or six
   months before his death, he began to suspect everybody,
   especially those who were most capable and deserving of the
   administration of affairs. He was afraid of his son, and
   caused him to be kept close, so that no man saw or discoursed
   with him, but by his special command. At last he grew
   suspicious of his daughter, and of his son-in-law the Duke of
   Bourbon, and required an account of what persons came to speak
   with them at Plessis, and broke up a council which the Duke of
   Bourbon was holding there, by his order. ... Behold, then, if
   he had caused many to live under him in continual fear and
   apprehension, whether it was not returned to him again; for of
   whom could he be secure when he was afraid of his son-in-law,
   his daughter, and his own son? I speak this not only of him,
   but of all other princes who desire to be feared, that
   vengeance never falls on them till they grow old, and then, as
   a just penance, they are afraid of everybody themselves; and
   what grief must it have been to this poor King to be tormented
   with such terrors and passions? He was still attended by his
   physician, Master James Coctier, to whom in five months' time
   he had given fifty-four thousand crowns in ready money,
   besides the bishopric of Amiens for his nephew, and other
   great offices and estates for himself and his friends; yet
   this doctor used him very roughly indeed; one would not have
   given such outrageous language to one's servants as he gave
   the King, who stood in such awe of him, that he durst not
   forbid him his presence. It is true he complained of his
   impudence afterwards, but he durst not change him as he had
   done all the rest of his servants; because he had told him
   after a most audacious manner one day, 'I know well that some
   time or other you will dismiss me from court, as you have done
   the rest; but be sure (and he confirmed it with a great oath)
   you shall not live eight days after it'; with which expression
   the King was so terrified, that ever after he did nothing but
   flatter and bribe him, which must needs have been a great
   mortification to a prince who had been humbly obeyed all his
   life by so many good and brave men. The King had ordered
   several cruel prisons to be made; some were cages of iron, and
   some of wood, but all were covered with iron plates both
   within and without, with terrible locks, about eight feet wide
   and seven high; the first contriver of them was the Bishop of
   Verdun, who was immediately put in the first of them that was
   made, where he continued fourteen years. Many bitter curses he
   has had since for his invention, and some from me as I lay in
   one of them eight months together in the minority of our
   present King. He also ordered heavy and terrible fetters to be
   made in Germany, and particularly a certain ring for the feet,
   which was extremely hard to be opened, and fitted like an iron
   collar, with a thick weighty chain, and a great globe of iron
   at the end of it, most unreasonably heavy, which engines were
   called the King's Nets. ... As in his time this barbarous
   variety of prisons was invented, so before he died he himself
   was in greater torment, and more terrible apprehension than
   those whom he had imprisoned; which I look upon as a great
   mercy towards him, and as it part of his purgatory; and I have
   mentioned it here to show that there is no person, of what
   station or dignity soever, but suffers some time or other,
   either publicly or privately, especially if he has caused
   other people to suffer. The King, towards the latter end of
   his days, caused his castle of Plessis-les-Tours to be
   encompassed with great bars of iron in the form of thick
   grating, and at the four corners of the house four
   sparrow-nests of iron, strong, massy, and thick, were built.
   The grates were without the wall on the other side of the
   ditch, and sank to the bottom. Several spikes of iron were
   fastened into the wall, set as thick by one another as was
   possible, and each furnished with three or four points. He
   likewise placed ten bow-men in the ditches, to shoot at any
   man that durst approach the castle before the opening of the
   gates; and he ordered they should lie in the ditches, but
   retire to the sparrow-nests upon occasion. He was sensible
   enough that this fortification was too weak to keep out an
   army, or any great body of men, but he had no fear of such an
   attack; his great apprehension was, that some of the nobility
   of his kingdom, having intelligence within, might attempt to
   make themselves masters of the castle by night. ... Is it
   possible then to keep a prince (with any regard to his
   quality) in a closer prison than he kept himself? The cages
   which were made for other people were about eight feet square;
   and he (though so great a monarch) had but a small court of
   the castle to walk in, and seldom made use of that, but
   generally kept himself in the gallery, out of which he went
   into the chambers on his way to mass, but never passed through
   the court. ... I have not recorded these things merely to
   represent our master as a suspicious and mistrustful prince;
   but to show, that by the patience which he expressed in his
   sufferings (like those which he inflicted on other people),
   they may be looked upon, in my judgment, as a punishment which
   our Lord inflicted upon him in this world, in order to deal
   more mercifully with him in the next, as well in regard to
   those things before-mentioned as to the distempers of his
   body, which were great and painful, and much dreaded by him
   before they came upon him; and, likewise, that those princes
   who may be his successors, may learn by his example to be more
   tender and indulgent to their subjects, and less severe in
   their punishments than our master had been: although I will
   not censure him, or say I ever saw a better prince; for though
   he oppressed his subjects himself he would never see them
   injured by anybody else."

      Philip de Commines,
      Memoirs,
      book 1, chapter 10,
      and book 6, chapter 11.

{1181}

FRANCE: A. D. 1461-1468.
   The character and reign of Louis XI.
   The League of the Public Weal.

   "Except St. Louis, he [Louis XI.] was the first, as, indeed
   (with the solitary exception of Louis Philippe), he is still
   the only king of France whose mind was ever prepared for the
   duties of that high station by any course of severe and
   systematic study. Before he ascended the throne of his
   ancestors he had profoundly meditated the great Italian
   authors, and the institutions and maxims of the Italian
   republics. From those lessons he had derived a low esteem of
   his fellowmen, and especially of those among them upon whom
   wealth, and rank, and power had descended as an hereditary
   birthright. ... He clearly understood, and pursued with
   inflexible steadfastness of purpose the elevation of his
   country and the grandeur of his own royal house and lineage;
   but he pursued them with a torpid imagination, a cold heart,
   and a ruthless will. He regarded mankind as a physiologist
   contemplates the living subjects of his science, or as a
   chess-player surveys the pieces on his board. ... It has been
   said of Louis XI., that the appearance of the men of the
   Revolution of 1789 first made him intelligible. ... Louis was
   the first of the terrible Ideologists of France--of that class
   of men who, to enthrone an idolized idea, will offer whole
   hecatombs of human sacrifices at the shrine of their idol. The
   Idea of Louis was that of levelling all powers in the state,
   in order that the administration of the affairs, the
   possession of the wealth, and the enjoyment of the honours of
   his kingdom might be grasped by himself and his successors as
   their solitary and unrivalled dominion. ... Before his
   accession to the throne, all the great fiefs into which France
   had been divided under the earlier Capetian kings had, with
   the exception of Bretagne, been either annexed to the royal
   domain, or reduced to a state of dependence on the crown. But,
   under the name of Apanages, these ancient divisions of the
   kingdom into separate principalities had reappeared. The
   territorial feudalism of the Middle Ages seemed to be reviving
   in the persons of the younger branches of the royal house. The
   Dukes of Burgundy had thus become the rulers of a state [see
   BURGUNDY: A. D. 1467] which, under the government of more
   politic princes, might readily, in fulfillment of their
   desires, have attained the rank of an independent kingdom. The
   Duke of Bretagne, still asserting the peculiar privileges of
   his duchy, was rather an ally than a subject of the king of
   France. Charles, Duke of Berri, the brother of Louis, aspired
   to the possession of the same advantages. And these three
   great territorial potentates, in alliance with the Duc de
   Bourbon and the Comte de St. Pol, the brothers-in-law of Louis
   and of his queen, united together to form that confederacy
   against him to which they gave the very inappropriate title of
   La Ligue du Bien Public. It was, however, a title which
   recognized the growing strength of the Tiers Étât, and of that
   public opinion to which the Tiers Étât at once gave utterance
   and imparted authority. Selfish ambition was thus compelled to
   assume the mask of patriotism. The princes veiled their
   insatiable appetite for their own personal advantages under
   the popular and plausible demands of administrative
   reforms--of the reduction of imposts--of the government of
   the people by their representatives--and, consequently, of the
   convocation of the States-General. To these pretensions Louis
   was unable to make any effectual resistance." An indecisive
   but bloody battle was fought at Montlehery, near Paris (July
   16, 1465), from which both armies retreated with every
   appearance of defeat. The capital was besieged ineffectually
   for some weeks by the League; then the king yielded, or seemed
   to do so, and the Treaty of Conflans was signed. "He assented,
   in terms at least, to all the demands of his antagonists. He
   granted to the Duke of Berri the duchy of Normandy as an
   apanage transmissible in perpetuity to his male heirs. ... The
   confederates then laid down their arms. The wily monarch bided
   his time. He had bestowed on them advantages which he well
   knew would destroy their popularity and so subvert the basis
   of their power, and which he also knew the state of public
   opinion would not allow them to retain. To wrest those
   advantages from their hands, it was only necessary to comply
   with their last stipulation, and to convene the
   States-General. They met accordingly, at Tours, on the 6th of
   April, 1468." As Louis had anticipated--or, rather, as he had
   planned--the States-General cancelled the grant of Normandy to
   the Duke of Berri (which the king had been able already to
   recover possession of, owing to quarrels between the dukes of
   Berri and Brittany) and, generally, took away from the princes
   of the League nearly all that they had extorted in the Treaty
   of Conflans. On the express invitation of the king they
   appointed a commission to reform abuses in the
   government--which commission "attempted little and effected
   nothing"--and, then, having assisted the cunning king to
   overcome his threatening nobles, the States-General were
   dissolved, to meet no more while Louis XI. occupied the
   throne. In a desperate situation he had used the dangerous
   weapon against his enemies with effect; he was too prudent to
   draw it from the sheath a second time.

      Sir J. Stephen,
      Lectures on the History of France,
      lecture 11.

   "The career of Louis XI. presents a curious problem. How could
   a ruler whose morality fell below that of Jonathan Wild yet
   achieve some of the greatest permanent results of patriotic
   statesmanship, and be esteemed not only by himself but by so
   calm an observer as Commines the model of kingly virtue? As to
   Louis's moral character and principles, or want of principle,
   not a doubt can be entertained. To say he committed the acts
   of a villain is to fall far short of the truth. ... He
   possessed a kind of religious belief, but it was a species of
   religion which a respectable heathen would have scorned. He
   attempted to bribe heaven, or rather the saints, just as he
   attempted to win over his Swiss allies--that is, by gifts of
   money. ... Yet this man, who was daunted by no cruelty, and
   who could be bound by no oath save one, did work which all
   statesmen must admire, and which French patriots must
   fervently approve.
{1182}
   He was the creator of modern France. When he came to the
   throne it seemed more than likely that an utterly selfish and
   treacherous nobility would tear the country in pieces. The
   English still threatened to repeat the horrors of their
   invasions. The House of Burgundy overbalanced the power of the
   crown, and stimulated lawlessness throughout the whole
   country. The peasantry were miserably oppressed, and the
   middle classes could not prosper for want of that rule of law
   which is the first requisite for civilization. When Louis
   died, the existence of France and the power of the French
   crown was secured: 'He had extended the frontiers of his
   kingdom; Picardy, Provence, Burgundy, Anjou, Maine, Roussillon
   had been compelled to acknowledge the immediate authority of
   the crown.' He had crushed the feudal oligarchy; he had seen
   his most dangerous enemy destroyed by the resistance of the
   Swiss; he had baffled the attempt to construct a state which
   would have imperilled the national existence of France; he had
   put an end to all risk of English invasion; and he left France
   the most powerful country in Europe. Her internal government
   was no doubt oppressive, but, at any rate, it secured the rule
   of law; and his schemes for her benefit were still unfinished.
   He died regretting that he could not carry out his plans for
   the reform of the law and for the protection of commerce; and,
   in the opinion of Commines, if God had granted him the grace
   of living five or six years more, he would greatly have
   benefited his realm. He died commending his soul to the
   intercession of the Virgin, and the last words caught from his
   lips were: 'Lord, in thee have I trusted; let me never be
   confounded.' Nor should this be taken as the expression of
   hopeless self-delusion or gratuitous hypocrisy. In the opinion
   of Commines, uttered after the king's death, 'he was more
   wise, more liberal, and more virtuous in all things than any
   contemporary sovereign.' The expressions of Commines were, it
   may be said, but the echo of the low moral tone of the age.
   This, no doubt, is true; but the fact that the age did not
   condemn acts which, taken alone, seem to argue the utmost
   depravity, still needs explanation. The matter is the more
   worthy of consideration because Louis represents, though in an
   exaggerated form, the vices and virtues of a special body of
   rulers. He was the incarnation, so to speak, of kingcraft. The
   word and the idea it represents have now become out of date,
   but for about two centuries--say, roughly, from the middle of
   the seventeenth century--the idea of a great king was that of
   a monarch who ruled by means of cunning, intrigue, and
   disregard of ordinary moral rules. We here come across the
   fact which explains both the career and the reputation of
   Louis and of others, such as Henry VII. of England, who were
   masters of kingcraft. The universal feeling of the time,
   shared by subjects no less than by rulers, was that a king was
   not bound by the rules of morality, and especially by the
   rules of honesty, which bind other men. Until you realize this
   fact, nothing is more incomprehensible than the adulation
   lavished by men such as Bacon or Casaubon on a ruler such as
   James I. ... The real puzzle is to ascertain how this feeling
   that kings were above the moral law came into existence. The
   facts of history afford the necessary explanation. When the
   modern European world was falling into shape the one thing
   required for national prosperity was the growth of a power
   which might check the disorders of the feudal nobility, and
   secure for the mass of the people the blessings of an orderly
   government. The only power which, in most cases, could achieve
   this end, was the crown. In England the monarchs put an end to
   the wars of the nobility. In France the growth of the monarchy
   secured not only internal quiet, but protection from external
   invasion. In these and in other cases the interest of the
   crown and the interest of the people became for a time
   identical. ... Acts which would have seemed villainous when
   done to promote a purely private interest, became mere devices
   of statesmanship when performed in the interest of the public.
   The maxims that the king can do no wrong, and that the safety
   of the people is the highest law, blended together in the
   minds of ambitious rulers. The result was the production of
   men like Louis XI."

      A. V. Dicey,
      Willert's Louis XI.
      (The Nation, December 7, 1876).

   "A careful examination of the reign of Louis the Eleventh has
   particularly impressed upon me one fact, that the ends for
   which he toiled and sinned throughout his whole life were
   attained at last rather by circumstances than by his labours.
   The supreme object of all his schemes was to crush that most
   formidable of all his foes, Burgundy. And yet had Charles
   confined his ambition within reasonable limits, had he
   possessed an ordinary share of statecraft, and, above all,
   could he have controlled those fiery passions, which drove him
   to the verge of madness, he would have won the game quite
   easily. Louis lacked one of the essential qualities of
   statecraft--patience; and was wholly destitute of that
   necessity of ambition--boldness. An irritable restlessness
   was one of the salient points of his character. His courtiers
   and attendants were ever intriguing to embroil him in war,
   'because,' says Comines, 'the nature of the King was such,
   that unless he was at war with some foreign prince, he would
   certainly find some quarrel or other at home with his
   servants, domestics, or officers, for his mind must be always
   working.' His mood was ever changing, and he was by turns
   confiding, suspicious, avaricious, prodigal, audacious, and
   timid. He frequently nullified his most crafty schemes by
   impatience for the result. He would sow the seed with the
   utmost care, but he could not wait for the fructification. In
   this he was false to the practice of those Italian statesmen
   who were avowedly his models. It was this irritable
   restlessness which brought down upon him the hatred of all
   classes, from the noble to the serf; for we find him at one
   time cunningly bidding for popularity, and immediately
   afterwards destroying all he had gained by some rash and
   inconsiderate act. His extreme timidity hampered the execution
   of all his plans. He had not even the boldness of the coward
   who will fight when all the strength is on his own side.
   Constantly at war, during a reign of twenty-two years there
   were fought but two battles, Montlehéry and Guingette, both of
   which, strange to say, were undecided, and both of which were
   fought against his will and counsel. ... He left France larger
   by one-fourth than he had inherited it; but out of the five
   provinces which he acquired, Provence was bequeathed him,
   Roussillon was pawned to him by the usurping King of Navarre,
   and Burgundy was won for him by the Swiss. His triumphs were
   much more the result of fortune than the efforts of his own
   genius."

      Louis the Eleventh
      (Temple Bar, volume 46, pages 523-524).

      ALSO IN:
      J. Michelet,
      History of France,
      book 13.

      P. F. Willert,
      The Reign of Louis XI.

      J. F. Kirk,
      History of Charles the Bold,
      book 1, chapters 4-6.

      P. de Commines,
      Memoirs,
      book 1.

      E. de Monstrelet,
      Chronicles
      (Johnes' translation),
      book 3, chapters 99-153.

{1183}

FRANCE: A. D. 1467-1477.
   The troubles of Louis XI. with Charles the Bold, of Burgundy.
   Death of the Duke and Louis' acquisition of Burgundy.

      See BURGUNDY: A. D. 1467-1468, to 1477.

FRANCE: A. D. 1483.
   The kingdom as left by Louis XI.

   Louis XI., who died Aug. 30, A. D. 1483, "had joined to the
   crown Berry, the apanage of his brother, Provence, the duchy
   of Burgundy, Anjou, Maine, Ponthieu, the counties of Auxerre,
   of Mâcon, Charolais, the Free County, Artois, Marche,
   Armagnac, Cerdagne, and Roussilon. ... The seven latter
   provinces did not yet remain irrevocably united with France:
   one part was given anew in apanage, and the other part
   restored to foreign sovereigns, and only returned one by one
   to the crown of France. ... The principal work of Louis XI.
   was the abasement of the second feudality, which had raised
   itself on the ruins of the first, and which, without him,
   would have replunged France into anarchy. The chiefs of that
   feudality were, however, more formidable, since, for the most
   part, they belonged to the blood royal of France. Their
   powerful houses, which possessed at the accession of that
   prince a considerable part of the kingdom, were those of
   Orleans, Anjou, Burgundy, and Bourbon. They found themselves
   much weakened at his death, and dispossessed in great part, as
   we have seen in the history of the reign, by confiscations,
   treaties, gifts or heritages. By the side of these houses,
   which issued from that of France, there were others whose
   power extended still, at this period, in the limits of France
   proper, over vast domains. Those of Luxembourg and La Mark
   possessed great wealth upon the frontier of the north; that of
   Vaudemont had inherited Lorraine and the duchy of Bar; the
   house of La Tour was powerful in Auvergne; in the south the
   houses of Foix and Albert ruled, the first in the valley of
   Ariége, the second between the Adour and the Pyrenees. In the
   west the house of Brittany had guarded its independence; but
   the moment approached when this beautiful province was to be
   forever united with the crown. Lastly, two foreign sovereigns
   held possessions in France; the Pope had Avignon and the
   county Venaissin; and the Duke of Savoy possessed, between the
   Rhone and the Saône, Bugey and Valromey. The time was still
   distant when the royal authority would be seen freely
   exercised through every territory comprised in the natural
   limits of the kingdom. But Louis XI. did much to attain this
   aim, and after him no princely or vassal house was powerful
   enough to resist the crown by its own forces, and to put the
   throne in peril."

      E. de Bonnechose,
      History of France,
      volume 1, pages 315-318,
      and foot-note.

FRANCE: A. D. 1483.
   Accession of King Charles VIII.

FRANCE: A. D. 1485-1487.
   The League of the Princes.

   Charles VIII., son and successor of Louis XI., came to the
   throne at the age of thirteen, on the death of his father in
   1483. His eldest sister, Anne, married to the Lord of Beaujeu,
   made herself practically regent of the kingdom, by sheer
   ability and force of character; and ruled during the minority,
   pursuing the lines of her father's policy. The princes of the
   blood-royal, with the Dukes of Orleans and Bourbon at their
   head, formed a league against her. They were supported by many
   nobles, including Philip de Commines, the Count of Dunois and
   the Prince of Orange. They also received aid from the Duke of
   Brittany, and from Maximilian of Austria, who now controlled
   the Netherlands. Anne's general, La Trémouille, defeated the
   league in a decisive battle (A. D. 1487) near St. Aubin du
   Cormier, where the Duke of Orleans, the Prince of Orange, and
   many nobles and knights were made prisoners. The Duke and the
   Prince were sent to Anne, who shut them up in strong places,
   while most of their companions were summarily executed.

      E. de Bonnechose,
      History of France,
      volume 1, book 3, chapter 3.

      ALSO IN:
      F. P. Guizot,
      Popular History of France,
      ch. 26.

FRANCE: A. D. 1491.
   Brittany, the last of the great fiefs, united to the crown.
   The end of the Feudal System.

   See BRITTANY: A. D. 1491.

FRANCE: A. D. 1492-1515.
   The reigns of Charles VIII. and Louis XII.
   Their Italian Expeditions and Wars.
   The effects on France.
   Beginning of the Renaissance.

   Louis XI. was succeeded by his son, Charles VIII., a boy of
   thirteen years, whose elder sister Anne governed the kingdom
   ably until he came of age. She dealt firmly with a rebellion
   of the nobles and suppressed it. She frustrated an intended
   marriage of Anne of Brittany with Maximilian of Austria, which
   would have drawn the last of the great semi-independent fiefs
   into a dangerous relationship, and she made Charles instead of
   his rival the husband of the Breton heiress. When Charles, who
   had little intelligence, assumed the government, he was
   excited with dreams of making good the pretensions of the
   Second House of Anjou to the Kingdom of Naples. Those
   pretensions, which had been bequeathed to Louis XI., and which
   Charles VIII. had now inherited, had the following origin: "In
   the eleventh century, Robert Guiscard, of the Norman family of
   Hauteville, at the head of a band of adventurers, took
   possession of Sicily and South Italy, then in a state of
   complete anarchy. Roger, the son of Robert, founded the
   Kingdom of the Two Sicilies under the Pope's suzerainty. In
   1189 the Guiscard family became extinct, whereupon the German
   Emperor laid claim to the kingdom in right of his wife
   Constance, daughter of one of the Norman kings. The Roman
   Pontiffs, dreading such powerful neighbours, were adverse to
   the arrangement, and in 1254 King Conrad, being succeeded by
   his son Conradin, still a minor, furnished a pretext for
   bestowing the crown of the Two Sicilies on Charles d' Anjou,
   brother of St. Louis. Manfred, guardian of the boy Conradin,
   and a natural son of the Emperor Frederick II., raised an army
   against Charles d' Anjou, but was defeated, and fell in the
   encounter of 1266. Two years later, Prince Conradin was
   cruelly beheaded in Naples. Before his death, however, he made
   a will, by which he invested Peter III. of Aragon, son-in-law
   of Manfred, with full power over the Two Sicilies, exhorting
   him to avenge his death [see ITALY: A. D. 1250-1268].
{1184}
   This bequest was the origin of the rivalry between the houses
   of Aragon and Anjou, a rivalry which developed into open
   antagonism when the island of Sicily was given up to Peter of
   Aragon and his descendants, while Charles d' Anjou still held
   Naples for himself and his heirs [see ITALY: A. D. 1282-1300].
   In 1435 Joan II., Queen of Naples, bequeathed her estates to
   Alfonso V. of Aragon, surnamed the Magnanimous, to the
   exclusion of Louis III. of Anjou. After a long and bloody
   struggle, Alfonso succeeded in driving the Anjou dynasty out
   of Naples [see ITALY: A. D. 1343-1389, and 1386-1414]. Louis
   III. was the last representative of this once-powerful family.
   He returned to France, survived his defeat two-and-twenty
   years, and by his will left all his rights to the Count of
   Maine, his nephew, who, on his death, transferred them to
   Louis XI. The wily Louis was not tempted to claim this
   worthless legacy. His successor, Charles VIII., less
   matter-of-fact, and more romantic, was beguiled into a series
   of brilliant, though sterile, expeditions, disastrous to
   national interests, neglecting the Flemish provinces, the
   liege vassals of France, and thoroughly French at heart.
   Charles VIII. put himself at the head of his nobles, made a
   triumphal entry into Naples and returned without having gained
   an inch of territory [see ITALY: A. D. 1492-1494, and 1494-1496].
   De Commines judges the whole affair a mystery; it was,
   in fact, one of those dazzling and chivalrous adventures with
   which the French delighted to astonish Europe. Louis XII.,
   like Charles VIII. [whom he succeeded in 1498], proclaimed his
   right to Naples, and also to the Duchy of Milan, inherited
   from his grandmother, Valentine de Visconti. These pretended
   rights were more than doubtful. The Emperor Wenceslas, on
   conferring the duchy on the Viscontis, excluded women from the
   inheritance, and both Louis XI. and Charles VIII. recognised
   the validity of the Salic law in Milan by concluding an
   alliance with the Sforzas. The seventeen years of Louis XII.'s
   reign was absorbed in these Italian wars, in which the French
   invariably began by victory, and as invariably ended in
   defeat. The League of Cambrai, the Battles of Agnadel,
   Ravenna, Novara, the Treaties of Grenada and Blois, are the
   principal episodes of this unlucky campaign."

      C. Coignet,
      Francis the First and His Times,
      chapter 3.

      See, also, ITALY: A. D. 1499-1500.

   "The warriors of France came back from Italy with the wonders
   of the South on their lips and her treasures in their hands.
   They brought with them books and paintings, they brought with
   them armour inlaid with gold and silver, tapestries enriched
   with precious metals, embroidered clothing, and even household
   furniture. Distributed by many hands in many different places,
   each precious thing became a separate centre of initiative
   power. The châteaux of the country nobles boasted the
   treasures which had fallen to the share of their lords at
   Genoa or at Naples; and the great women of the court were
   eager to divide the spoil. The contagion spread rapidly. Even
   in the most fantastic moment of Gothic inspiration, the French
   artist gave evidence that his right hand obeyed a national
   instinct for order, for balance, for completeness, and that
   his eye preferred, in obedience to a national predilection,
   the most refined harmonies of colour. Step by step he had been
   feeling his way; now, the broken link of tradition was again
   made fast; the workmen of Paris and the workmen of Athens
   joined hands, united by the genius of Italy. It must not,
   however, be supposed that no intercourse had previously
   existed between France and Italy. The roads by Narbonne and
   Lyons were worn by many feet. The artists of Tours and
   Poitiers, the artists of Paris and Dijon, were alike familiar
   with the path to Rome. But an intercourse, hitherto
   restricted, was rendered by the wars of Charles VIII. all but
   universal. ... Cruelly as the Italians had suffered at the
   hands of Charles VIII. they still looked to France for help;
   they knew that though they had been injured they had not been
   betrayed. But the weak and generous impulses of Charles VIII.
   found no place in the councils of his successors. ... The doom
   of Italy was pronounced. Substantially the compact was this.
   Aided by Borgia, the French were to destroy the free cities of