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Germany.

   In the German kingdom, much the same processes of
   disintegration had produced much the same results as in
   France. The great fiefs into which it was divided--the duchies
   of Saxony, Franconia, Swabia and Bavaria--were even more
   powerful than the great fiefs of France. When the Carlovingian
   dynasty came to an end, in 911, the nobles made choice of a
   king, electing Conrad of Franconia, and, after him (919),
   Henry the Fowler, Duke of Saxony. The monarchy continued
   thereafter to be elective, actually as well as in theory, for
   a long period. Three times the crown was kept in the same
   family during several successive generations: in the House of
   Saxony from 919 to 1024; in the House of Franconia from 1024
   to 1137; in the House of the Hohenstaufens, of Swabia, from
   1137 to 1254: but it never became an acknowledged heritage
   until long after the Hapsburgs won possession of it; and even
   to the end the forms of election were preserved.

The Holy Roman Empire.

   The second king of the Saxon dynasty, Otho I., called the
   Great, recovered the imperial title, which had become extinct
   again in the West, added the crown of Lombardy to the crown of
   Germany, and founded anew the Germanic Roman Empire, which
   Charlemagne had failed to establish enduringly, but which now
   became one of the conspicuous facts of European history for
   more than eight hundred years, although seldom more than a
   shadow and a name. But the shadow and the name were those of
   the great Rome of antiquity, and the mighty memory it had left
   in the world gave a superior dignity and rank to these German
   emperors, even while it diminished their actual power as kings
   of Germany. It conferred upon them, indeed, more than rank and
   dignity; it bestowed an "office" which the ideas and feelings
   of that age could not suffer to remain vacant. The Imperial
   office seemed to be required, in matters temporal, to balance
   and to be the complement of the Papal office in matters
   spiritual. "In nature and compass the government of these two
   potentates is the same, differing only in the sphere of its
   working; and it matters not whether we call the Pope a
   spiritual Emperor, or the Emperor a secular Pope." "Thus the
   Holy Roman Church and the Holy Roman Empire are one and the
   same thing, in two aspects; and Catholicism, the principle of
   the universal Christian society, is also Romanism; that is,
   rests upon Rome as the origin and type of its universality"
   (Bryce). These mediæval ideas of the "Holy Roman Empire," as
   it came to be called (not immediately, but after a time), gave
   importance to the imperial coronation thenceforth claimed by
   the German kings. It was a factitious importance, so far as
   concerned the immediate realm of those kings. In Germany,
   while it brought no increase to their material power, it
   tended to alarm feudal jealousies; it tended to draw the kings
   away from their natural identification with their own country; it
   tended to distract them from an effective royal policy at
   home, by foreign ambitions and aims; and altogether it
   interfered seriously with the nationalization of Germany, and
   gave a longer play to the disrupting influences of feudalism
   in that country than in any other.

Italy, the Empire and the Papacy.

   Otto I. had won Italy and the Imperial crown (962) very
   easily. For more than half a century the peninsula had been in
   a deplorable state. The elective Lombard crown, quarreled over
   by the ducal houses of Friuli, Spoleto, Ivrea, Provence, and
   others, settled nowhere with any sureness, and lost all
   dignity and strength, though several of the petty kings who
   wore it had been crowned emperors by the Pope. At Rome, all
   legitimate government, civil or ecclesiastical, had
   disappeared. The city and the Church had been for years under
   the rule of a family of courtesans, who made popes of their
   lovers and their sons. Southern Italy was being ravaged by the
   Saracens, who occupied Sicily, and Northern Italy was
   desolated by the Hungarians. Under these circumstances, Otto
   I., the German king, listened to an appeal from an oppressed
   queen, Adelaide, widow of a murdered king, and crossed, the
   Alps (951), like a gallant knight, to her relief. He chastised
   and humbled the oppressor, rescued the queen, and married her. A
   few years later, on further provocation, he entered Italy
   again, deposed the troublesome King Berengar, caused himself
   to be crowned King of Italy, and received the imperial crown
   at Rome (962) from one of the vilest of a vile brood of popes,
   John XII. Soon afterwards, he was impelled to convoke a synod
   which deposed this disgraceful pope and elected in his place
   Leo VIII., who had been Otto's chief secretary. The citizens
   now conceded to the Emperor an absolute veto on papal
   elections, and the new pope confirmed their act. The German
   sovereigns, from that time, for many years, asserted their
   right to control the filling of the chair of St. Peter, and
   exercised the right on many occasions, though always with
   difficulty.

   Nominally they were sovereigns of Rome and Italy; but during
   their long absences from the country they scarcely made a show
   of administrative government in it, and their visits were
   generally of the nature of expeditions for a reconquest of the
   land. Their claims of sovereignty were resisted more and more,
   politically throughout Italy and ecclesiastically at Rome. The
   Papacy emancipated itself from their control and acquired a
   natural leadership of Italian opposition to German imperial
   pretensions. The conflict between these two forces became, as
   will be seen later on, one of the dominating facts of European
   history for four centuries--from the eleventh to the
   fourteenth.

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The Italian City-republics.

   The disorder that had been scarcely checked in Italy since the
   Goths came into it,--the practical extinction of central
   authority after Charlemagne dropped his sceptre, and the
   increasing conflicts of the nobles among themselves,--had one
   consequence of remarkable importance in Italian history. It
   opened opportunities to many cities in the northern parts of
   the peninsula for acquiring municipal freedom, which they did
   not lack spirit to improve. They led the movement and set the
   example which created, a little later, so many vigorous
   communes in Flanders and France, and imperial free cities in
   Germany at a still later day. They were earlier in winning
   their liberties, and they pushed them farther,--to the point
   in many cases of creating, as at Pisa, Genoa, Florence, and
   Venice, a republican city state. Venice, growing up in the
   security of her lagoons, from a cluster of fishing villages to
   a great city of palaces, had been independent from the
   beginning, except as she acknowledged for a time the nominal
   supremacy of the Eastern Emperor. Others won their way to
   independence through struggles that are now obscure, and
   developed, before these dark centuries reached their close, an
   energy of life and a splendor of genius that come near to
   comparison with the power and the genius of the Greeks. But,
   like the city-republics of Greece, they were perpetually at
   strife with one another, and sacrificed to their mutual
   jealousies, in the end, the precious liberty which made them
   great, and which they might, by a well settled union, have
   preserved.

The Saxon line of Emperors.

   Such were the conditions existing or taking shape in Italy
   when the Empire of the West--the Holy Roman Empire of later
   times--was founded anew by Otho the Great. Territorially, the
   Empire as he left it covered Germany to its full extent, and
   two-thirds of Italy, with the Emperor's superiority
   acknowledged by the subject states of Burgundy, Bohemia,
   Moravia, Poland, Denmark, and Hungary--the last named with
   more dispute.

   Otho the Great died in 972. His two immediate successors, Otho
   II. (973-983) and Otho III. (983-1002) accomplished little,
   though the latter had great ambitions, planning to raise Rome
   to her old place as the capital of the world; but he died in
   his youth in Italy, and was succeeded by a cousin, Henry II.,
   whose election was contested by rivals in Germany, and
   repudiated in Italy. In the latter country the great nobles
   placed Ardoin, marquis of Ivrea, on the Lombard throne; but
   the factions among them soon caused his overthrow, and, Henry,
   crossing the Alps, reclaimed the crown.

The Franconian Emperors.

   Henry II. was the last of the Saxon line, and upon his death,
   in 1024, the House of Franconia came to the throne, by the
   election of Conrad II., called "the Salic." Under Conrad, the
   kingdom of Burgundy, afterwards called the kingdom of Arles
   (which is to be distinguished from the French Duchy of
   Burgundy--the northwestern part of the old kingdom), was
   reunited to the Empire, by the bequest of its last king,
   Rudolph III. Conrad's son, grandson, and great grandson
   succeeded him in due order; Henry III. from 1039 to 1056;
   Henry IV. from 1056 to 1106; Henry V. from 1106 to 1125. Under
   Henry III. the Empire was at the summit of its power. Henry
   II., exercising the imperial prerogative, had raised the Duke
   of Hungary to royal rank, giving him the title of king. Henry
   III. now forced the Hungarian king to acknowledge the imperial
   supremacy and pay tribute. The German kingdom was ruled with a
   strong hand and peace among its members compelled. "In Rome,
   no German sovereign had ever been so absolute. A disgraceful
   contest between three claimants of the papal chair had shocked
   even the reckless apathy of Italy. Henry deposed them all and
   appointed their successor." "The synod passed a decree
   granting to Henry the right of nominating the supreme pontiff;
   and the Roman priesthood, who had forfeited the respect of the
   world even more by habitual simony than by the flagrant
   corruption of their manners, were forced to receive German
   after German as their bishop, at the bidding of a ruler so
   powerful, so severe, and so pious. But Henry's encroachments
   alarmed his own nobles no less than the Italians, and the
   reaction, which might have been dangerous to himself, was
   fatal to his successor. A mere chance, as some might call it,
   determined the course of history. The great Emperor died
   suddenly in A. D. 1056, and a child was left at the helm,
   while storms were gathering that might have demanded the
   wisest hand" (Bryce).

Hildebrand and Henry IV.

   The child was Henry IV., of unfortunate memory; the storms
   which beset him blew from Rome. The Papacy, lifted from its
   degradation by Henry's father and grandfather, had recovered
   its boldness of tone and enlarged its pretensions and claims.
   It had come under the influence of an extraordinary man, the
   monk Hildebrand, who swayed the councils of four popes before
   he became pope himself (1073), and whose pontifical reign as
   Gregory VII. is the epoch of greatest importance in the
   history of the Roman Church. The overmastering ascendancy of
   the popes, in the Church and over all who acknowledge its
   communion, really began when this invincible monk was raised
   to the papal throne. He broke the priesthood and the whole
   hierarchy of the West to blind obedience by his relentless
   discipline. He isolated them, as an order apart, by enforcing
   celibacy upon them; and he extinguished the corrupting
   practices of simony. Then, when he had marshalled the forces
   of the Church, he proclaimed its independence and its
   supremacy in absolute terms. In the growth of feudalism
   throughout Europe, the Church had become compromised in many
   ways with the civil powers. Its bishoprics and abbeys had
   acquired extensively the nature of fiefs, and bishops and
   abbots were required to do homage to a secular lord before
   they could receive an "investiture" of the rich estates which
   had become attached by a feudal tenure to their sees. The
   ceremony of investiture, moreover, included delivery of the
   crozier and the pastoral ring, which were the very symbols of
   their spiritual office. Against this dependence of the Church
   upon temporal powers, Gregory now arrayed it in revolt, and
   began the "War of Investitures," which lasted for half a
   century. The great battle ground was Germany; the Emperor, of
   necessity, was the chief opponent; and Henry IV., whose youth
   had been badly trained, and whose authority had been weakened
   by a long, ill-guardianed minority, was at a disadvantage in
   the contest. His humiliation at Canossa (1077), when he stood
   through three winter days, a suppliant before the door of the
   castle which lodged his haughty enemy, praying to be released
   from the dread penalties of excommunication, is one of the
   familiar tableaux of history. He had a poor revenge seven
   years later, when he took Rome, drove Gregory into the castle
   St. Angelo, and seated an anti-pope in the Vatican. But his
   triumph was brief. There came to the rescue of the
   beleaguered Pope certain new actors in Italian history, whom
   it is now necessary to introduce.

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The Normans in Italy and Sicily.

   The settlement of predatory Northmen on the Seine, which took
   the name of Normandy and the constitution of a ducal fief of
   France, had long since grown into an important
   half-independent state. Its people--now called Normans in the
   smoother speech of the South--had lost something of their
   early rudeness, and had fallen a little under the spell of the
   rising chivalry of the age; but the goad of a warlike temper
   which drove their fathers out of Norway still pricked the sons
   and sent them abroad, in restless search of adventures and
   gain. Some found their way into the south of Italy, where
   Greeks, Lombards and Saracens were fighting merrily, and where
   a good sword and a tough lance were tools of the only industry
   well-paid. Presently there was banded among them there a
   little army, which found itself a match for any force that
   Greek or Lombard, or other opponent, could bring against it,
   and which proceeded accordingly to work its own will in the
   land. It seized Apulia (1042) and divided it into twelve
   countships, as an aristocratic republic. Pope Leo IX. led an
   army against it and was beaten and taken prisoner (1053). To
   release himself he was compelled to grant the duchy they had
   taken to them, as a fief of the Church, and to extend his
   grant to whatever they might succeed in taking, beyond it. The
   chiefs of the Normans thus far had been, in succession, three
   sons of a poor gentleman in the Cotentin, Tancred by name, who
   now sent a fourth son to the scene. This new comer was Robert,
   having the surname of Guiscard, who became the fourth leader
   of the Norman troop (1057), and who, in a few years, assumed
   the title of Duke of Calabria and Apulia. His duchies
   comprised, substantially, the territory of the later kingdom
   of Naples. A fifth brother, Roger, had meantime crossed to
   Sicily, with a small following of his countrymen; and, between
   1060 and 1090, had expelled the Saracens from that island, and
   possessed it as a fief of his brother's duchy. But in the next
   generation these relations between the two conquests were
   practically reversed. The son of Roger received the title of
   King of Sicily from the Pope, and Calabria and Apulia were
   annexed to his kingdom, through the extinction of Robert's
   family.

   These Normans of Southern Italy were the allies who came to
   the rescue of Pope Gregory, when the Emperor, Henry IV.,
   besieged him in Castle St. Angelo. He summoned Robert Guiscard
   as a vassal of the Church, and the response was prompt. Henry
   and his Germans retreated when the Normans came near, and the
   latter entered Rome (1084). Accustomed to pillage, they began,
   soon, to treat the city as a captured place, and the Romans
   rose against them. They retaliated with torch and sword, and
   once more Rome suffered from the destroying rage of a
   barbarous soldiery let loose. "Neither Goth nor Vandal,
   neither Greek nor German, brought such desolation on the city
   as this capture by the Normans" (Milman). Duke Robert made no
   attempt to hold the ruined capital, but withdrew to his own
   dominions. The Pope went with him, and died soon afterwards
   (1085), unable to return to Rome. But the imperious temper he
   had imparted to the Church was lastingly fixed in it, and his
   lofty pretensions were even surpassed by the pontiffs who
   succeeded him. He spoke for the Papacy the first syllables of
   that awful proclamation that was sounded in its finality,
   after eight hundred years, when the dogma of infallibility was
   put forth.

Norman Conquest of England.

   The Normans in Italy established no durable power. In another
   quarter they were more fortunate. Their kinsmen, the Danes,
   who subjugated England and annexed it to their own kingdom in
   1016, had lost it again in 1042, when the old line of kings
   was restored, in the person of Edward, called the Confessor.
   But William, Duke of Normandy, had acquired, in the course of
   these shiftings of the English crown, certain claims which he
   put forth when Edward died, and when Harold, son of the great
   Earl Godwine, was elected king to succeed him, in 1066. To
   enforce his claim, Duke William, commissioned by the Pope,
   invaded England, in the early autumn of that year, and won the
   kingdom in the great and decisive battle of Senlac, or
   Hastings, where Harold was slain. On Christmas Day he was
   crowned, and a few years sufficed to end all resistance to his
   authority. He established on the English throne a dynasty
   which, though shifting sometimes to collateral lines, has held
   it to the present day.

   The Norman Conquest, as estimated by its greatest historian,
   Professor Freeman, wrought more good effects than ill to the
   English people. It did not sweep away their laws, customs or
   language, but it modified them all, and not unfavorably; while
   "it aroused the old national spirit to fresh life, and gave
   the conquered people fellow-workers in their conquerors." The
   monarchy was strengthened by William's advantages as a
   conqueror, used with the wisdom and moderation of a statesman.
   Feudalism came into England stripped of its disrupting forces;
   and the possible alternative of absolutism was hindered by
   potent checks. At the same time, the Conquest brought England
   into relations with the Continent which might otherwise have
   arisen very slowly, and thus gave an early importance to the
   nation in European history.

The Crusades.

   At the period now reached in our survey, all Europe was on the
   eve of a profounder excitement and commotion than it had ever
   before known--one which stirred it for the first time with a
   common feeling and with common thoughts. A great cry ran
   through it, for help to deliver the holy places of the
   Christian faith from the infidels who possessed them. The
   pious and the adventurous, the fanatical and the vagrant, rose
   up in one motley and tumultuous response to the appeal, and
   mobs and armies (hardly distinguishable) of Crusaders--
   warriors of the Cross--began to whiten the highways into Asia
   with their bones. The first movement, in 1096, swept 300,000
   men, women and children, under Peter the Hermit, to their
   death, with no other result; but nearly at the same time there
   went an army, French and Norman for the most part, which made its
   way to Jerusalem, took the city by assault (1099) and founded
   a kingdom there, which defended itself for almost a hundred
   years. Long before it fell, it was pressed sorely by the
   surrounding Moslems and cried to Europe for help.
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   A Second Crusade, in 1147, accomplished nothing for its
   relief, but spent vast multitudes of lives; and when the
   feeble kingdom disappeared, in 1187, and the Sepulchre of the
   Saviour was defiled again by unbelievers, Christendom grew
   wild, once more, with passion, and a Third Crusade was led by
   the redoubtable Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, of Germany, King
   Richard Cœur de Lion, of England, and King Philip Augustus of
   France. The Emperor perished miserably on the way and his army
   was wasted in its march; the French and English exhausted
   themselves in sieges which won nothing of durable advantage to
   the Christian world; the Sultan Saladin gathered most of the
   laurels of the war.

The Turks on the Scene.

   The armies of Islam which the Crusaders encountered in Asia
   Minor and the Holy Land were no longer, in their leadership,
   of the race of Mahomet. The religion of the Prophet was still
   triumphant in the East, but his nation had lost its lordship,
   and Western Asia had submitted to new masters. These were the
   Turks--Turks of the House of Seljuk--first comers of their
   swarm from the great Aral basin. First they had been
   disciples, won by the early armed missionaries of the
   Crescent; then servants and mercenaries, hired to fight its
   battles and guard its princes, when the vigor of the Arab
   conquerors began to be sapped, and their character to be
   corrupted by luxury and pride; then, at last, they were
   masters. About the middle of the ninth century, the Caliph at
   Bagdad became a puppet in their hands, and the Moslem Empire
   in Asia (Africa and Spain being divided between rival Caliphs)
   soon passed under their control.

   These were the possessors of Jerusalem and its sacred shrines,
   whose grievous and insulting treatment of Christian pilgrims,
   in the last years of the eleventh century, had stirred Europe
   to wrath and provoked the great movement of the Crusades. The
   movement had important consequences, both immediate and
   remote; but its first effects were small in moment compared
   with those which lagged after. To understand either, it will
   be necessary to glance back at the later course of events in
   the Eastern or Byzantine Empire.

The Byzantine Empire.

   The fortunes of the Empire, since it gave up Syria and Egypt
   to the Saracens, had been, on the whole, less unhappy than the
   dark prospect at that time. It had checked the onrush of Arabs
   at the Taurus mountain range, and retained Asia Minor; it had
   held Constantinople against them through two terrible sieges;
   it had fought for three centuries, and finally subdued, a new
   Turanian enemy, the Bulgarians, who had established a kingdom
   south of the Danube, where their name remains to the present
   day. The history of its court, during much of the period, had
   been a black and disgusting record of conspiracies,
   treacheries, murders, mutilations, usurpations and foul vices
   of every description; with now and then a manly figure
   climbing to the throne and doing heroic things, for the most
   part uselessly; but the system of governmental administration
   seems to have been so well constructed that it worked with a
   certain independence of its vile or imbecile heads, and the
   country was probably better and better governed than its
   court.

   At Constantinople, notwithstanding frequent tumults and
   revolutions, there had been material prosperity and a great
   gathering of wealth. The Saracen conquests, by closing other
   avenues of trade between the East and the West, had
   concentrated that most profitable commerce in the Byzantine
   capital. The rising commercial cities of Italy--Amalphi,
   Venice, Genoa, Pisa--seated their enterprises there. Art and
   literature, which had decayed, began then to revive, and
   Byzantine culture, on its surface, took more of superiority to
   that of Teutonic Europe.

   The conquests of the Seljuk Turks gave a serious check to this
   improvement of the circumstances of the Empire. Momentarily,
   by dividing the Moslem power in Asia, they had opened an
   opportunity to an energetic Emperor, Nicephorus Phocas, to
   recover northern Syria and Cilicia (961-969). But when, in the
   next century, they had won a complete mastery of the dominions
   of the Caliphate of Bagdad, they speedily swept back the
   Byzantines, and overran and occupied the most of Asia Minor
   and Armenia. A decisive victory at Manzikert, in 1071, when
   the emperor of the moment was taken prisoner and his army
   annihilated, gave them well nigh the whole territory to the
   Hellespont. The Empire was nearly reduced to its European
   domain, and suffered ten years of civil war between rivals for
   the throne.

   At the end of that time it acquired a ruler, in the person of
   Alexius Comnenus, who is the generally best known of all the
   Byzantine line, because he figures notably in the stories of
   the First Crusade. He was a man of crafty abilities and
   complete unscrupulousness. He took the Empire at its lowest
   state of abasement and demoralization. In the first year of
   his reign he had to face a new enemy. Robert Guiscard, the
   Norman, who had conquered a dukedom in Southern Italy, thought
   the situation favorable for an attack on the Eastern Empire,
   and for winning the imperial crown. Twice he invaded the Greek
   peninsula (1081-1084) and defeated the forces brought against
   him by Alexius; but troubles in Italy recalled him on the
   first occasion, and his death brought the second expedition to
   naught.

   Such was the situation of the Byzantines when the waves of the
   First Crusade, rolling Asia-ward, surged up to the gates of
   Constantinople. It was a visitation that might well appall
   them,--these hosts of knights and vagabonds, fanatics and
   freebooters, who claimed and proffered help in a common
   Christian war with the infidels, and who, nevertheless, had no
   Christian communion with them--schismatics as they were,
   outside the fold of the Roman shepherd. There is not a doubt
   that they feared the crusading Franks more than they feared
   the Turks. They knew them less, and the little hearsay
   knowledge they had was of a lawless, barbarous, fighting
   feudalism in the countries of the West,--more rough and
   uncouth, at least, than their own defter methods of murdering
   and mutilating one another. They received their dangerous
   visitors with nervousness and suspicion; but Alexius Comnenus
   proved equal to the delicate position in which he found
   himself placed. He burdened his soul with lies and perfidies;
   but he managed affairs so wonderfully that the Empire plucked
   the best fruits of the first Crusades, by recovering a great
   part of Asia Minor, with all the coasts of the Euxine and the
   Ægean, from the weakened Turks. The latter were so far shaken
   and depressed by the hard blows of the Crusaders that they
   troubled the Byzantines very little in the century to come.

{1025}

   But against this immediate gain to the Eastern Empire from the
   early Crusades, there were serious later offsets. The commerce
   of Constantinople declined rapidly, as soon as the Moslem
   blockade of the Syrian coast line was broken. It lost its
   monopoly. Trade ran back again into other reopened channels.
   The Venetians and Genoese became more independent. Formerly,
   they had received privileges in the Empire as a gracious
   concession. Now they dictated the terms of their commercial
   treaties and their naval alliances. Their rivalries with one
   another involved the Empire in quarrels with both, and a state
   of things was brought about which had much to do with the
   catastrophe of 1204, when the fourth Crusade was diverted to
   the conquest of Constantinople, and a Latin Empire supplanted
   the Empire of the Roman-Greeks.

Effects of the Crusades.

   Briefly noted, these were the consequences of the early
   Crusades in the East. In western Europe they had slower, but
   deeper and more lasting effects. They weakened feudalism, by
   sending abroad so many of the feudal lords, and by
   impoverishing so many more; whereby the towns gained more
   opportunity for enfranchisement, and the crown, in France
   particularly, acquired more power. They checked smaller wars
   and private quarrels for a time, and gave in many countries
   unwonted seasons of peace, during which the thoughts and
   feelings of men were acted on by more civilizing influences.
   They brought men into fellowship who were only accustomed to
   fight one another, and thus softened their provincial and
   national antipathies. They expanded the knowledge--the
   experience--the ideas--of the whole body of those who visited
   the East and who survived the adventurous expedition; made
   them acquainted with civilizations at least more polished than
   their own; taught them many things which they could only learn in
   those days by actual sight, and sent them back to their homes
   throughout Europe, to be instructors and missionaries, who did
   much to prepare Western Christendom for the Renaissance or new
   birth of a later time. The twelfth century--the century of the
   great Crusades--saw the gray day-break in Europe after the
   long night of darkness which settled down upon it in the
   fifth. In the thirteenth it reached the brightening dawn, and
   in the fifteenth it stood in the full morning of the modern
   day. Among all the movements by which it was pushed out of
   darkness into light, that of the Crusades would appear to have
   been the most important; important in itself, as a social and
   political movement of great change, and important in the seeds
   that it scattered for a future harvest of effects.

   In both the Byzantine and Arabian civilizations of the East
   there was much for western Europe to learn. Perhaps there was
   more in the last named than in the first; for the Arabs, when
   they came out from behind their deserts, and exchanged the
   nomadic life for the life of cities, had shown an amazing
   avidity for the lingering science of old Greece, which they
   encountered in Egypt and Syria. They had preserved far more of
   it, and more of the old fineness of feeling that went with it,
   than had survived in Greece itself, or in any part of the
   Teutonized empire of Rome. The Crusaders got glimpses of its
   influence, at least, and a curiosity was wakened, which sent
   students into Moorish Spain, and opened scholarly interchanges
   which greatly advanced learning in Europe.

Rising Power of the Church.

   Not the least important effect of the Crusades was the
   atmosphere of religion which they caused to envelope the great
   affairs of the time, and which they made common in politics
   and society. The influence of the Church was increased by
   this; and its organization was powerfully strengthened by the
   great monastic revival that followed presently: the rise of
   purer and more strictly disciplined orders of the "regular"
   (that is the secluded or monastic) clergy--Cistercians,
   Benedictines, Franciscans, Dominicans, etc.; as well as the
   creation of the great military-religious orders--Knights
   Templars, Knights of the Hospital of St. John, Teutonic
   Knights, and others, which were immediately connected with the
   Crusades.

   To say that the Church gained influence is to say that the
   clergy gained it, and that the chief of the clergy, the Pope,
   concentrated the gain in himself. The whole clerical body was
   making encroachments in every field of politics upon the
   domain of the civil authority, using shrewdly the advantages
   of superior learning, and busying itself more and more in
   temporal affairs. The popes after Gregory VII. maintained his
   high pretensions and pursued his audacious course. In most
   countries they encountered resistance from the Crown; but the
   brunt of the conflict still fell upon the emperors, who, in
   some respects, were the most poorly armed for it.

Guelfs and Ghibellines.

   Henry IV., who outlived his struggle with Gregory, was beaten
   down at last--dethroned by a graceless son, excommunicated by
   a relentless Church and denied burial when he died (1106) by
   its clergy. The rebellious son, Henry V., in his turn fought
   the same battle over for ten years, and forced a compromise
   which saved about half the rights of investiture that his
   father had claimed. His death (1125) ended the Franconian
   line, and the imperial crown returned for a few years to the
   House of Saxony, by the election of the Duke Lothaire. But the
   estates of the Franconian family had passed, by his mother, to
   Frederick of Hohenstaufen, duke of Swabia; and now a bitter
   feud arose between the House of Saxony and the House of
   Hohenstaufen or Swabia,--a feud that was the most memorable
   and, the longest lasting in history, if measured by the
   duration of party strifes which began in it and which took
   their names from it. For the raging factions of Guelfs and
   Ghibellines which divided Italy for two centuries had their
   beginning in this Swabian-Saxon feud, among the Germans. The
   Guelfs were the partisans of the House of Saxony; the
   Ghibellines were the party of the Hohenstaufens. The
   Hohenstaufens triumphed when Lothaire died (1138), and made
   Conrad of their House Emperor. They held the crown, moreover,
   in their family for four generations, extending through more
   than a century; and so it happened that the German name of the
   German party of the Hohenstaufens came to be identified in
   Italy with the party or faction in that country which
   supported imperial interests and claims in the free cities and
   against the popes. Whereupon the opposed party name was
   borrowed from Germany likewise and applied to the Italian
   faction which took ground against the Emperors--although these
   Italian Guelfs had no objects in common with the partisans of
   Saxony.

{1026}

The Hohenstaufens in Italy.

   The first Hohenstaufen emperor was succeeded (1152) by his
   nephew Frederick I., called Barbarossa, because of his red
   beard. The long reign of Frederick, until 1190, was mainly
   filled with wars and contentions in Italy, where he pushed the
   old quarrel of the Empire with the Papacy, and where,
   furthermore, he resolutely undertook to check the growing
   independence of the Lombard cities. Five times during his
   reign he led a great army into the peninsula, like a hostile
   invader, and his destroying marches through the country, of
   which he claimed to be sovereign, were like those of the
   barbarians who came out of the North seven centuries before.
   The more powerful cities, like Milan, were undoubtedly
   oppressing their weaker neighbors, and Barbarossa assumed to
   be the champion of the latter. But he smote impartially the
   weak and the strong, the village and the town, which provoked
   his arrogant temper in the slightest degree. Milan escaped his
   wrath on the first visitation, but went down before it when he
   came again (1158), and was totally destroyed, the inhabitants
   being scattered in other towns. Even the enemies of Milan were
   moved to compassion by the savageness of this punishment, and
   joined, a few years later, in rebuilding the prostrate walls
   and founding Milan anew. A great "League of Lombardy" was
   formed by all the northern towns, to defend their freedom
   against the hated Emperor, and the party of the Ghibellines
   was reduced for the time to a feeble minority. Meantime
   Barbarossa had forced his way into Rome, stormed the very
   Church of St. Peter, and seated an anti-pope on the throne.
   But a sudden pestilence fell upon his army, and he fled before
   it, out of Italy, almost alone. Yet he never relaxed his
   determination to bend both the Papacy and the Lombard
   republics to his will. After seven years he returned, for the
   fifth time, and it proved to be the last. The League met him
   at Legnano (1176) and administered to him an overwhelming
   defeat. Even his obstinacy was then overcome, and after a
   truce of six years he made peace with the League and the Pope,
   on terms which conceded most of the liberties that the cities
   claimed. It was in the reign of Frederick that the name "Holy
   Roman Empire" began, it seems, to be used.

   Frederick died while on a crusade and was succeeded (1190) by
   his son, Henry VI., who had married the daughter and heiress
   of the King of Sicily and who acquired that kingdom in her
   right. His short reign was occupied mostly in subduing the
   Sicilian possession. When he died (1197) his son Frederick was
   a child. Frederick succeeded to the crown of Sicily, but his
   rights in Germany (where his father had already caused him to
   be crowned "King of the Romans"--the step preliminary to an
   imperial election) were entirely ignored. The German crown was
   disputed between a Swabian and a Saxon claimant, and the
   Saxon, Otho, was King and Emperor in name, until 1218, when he
   died. But he, too, quarreled with a pope, about the lands of
   the Countess Matilda, which she gave to the Church; and his
   quarrel was with Innocent III., a pope who realized the
   autocracy which Hildebrand had looked forward to, and who
   lifted the Papacy to the greatest height of power it ever
   attained. To cast down Otho, Innocent took up the cause of
   Frederick, who received the royal crown a second time, at
   Aix-la-Chapelle (1215) and the imperial crown at Rome (1220).
   Frederick II. (his designation) was one of the few men of
   actual genius who have ever sprung from the sovereign families
   of the world; a man so far in advance of his time that he
   appears like a modern among his mediæval contemporaries. He
   was superior to the superstitions of his age,--superior to its
   bigotries and its provincialisms. His large sympathies and
   cosmopolitan frame of mind were acted upon by all the new
   impulses of the epoch of the crusades, and made him reflect,
   in his brilliant character, as in a mirror, the civilizing
   processes that were working on his generation.

   Between such an emperor as Frederick II. and such popes as
   Innocent III. and his immediate successors, there could not
   fail to be collision and strife. The man who might, perhaps,
   under other circumstances, have given some quicker movement to
   the hands which measure human, progress on the dial of time,
   spent his life in barely proving his ability to live and reign
   under the anathemas and proscriptions of the Church. But he
   fought a losing fight, even when he seemed to be winning
   victories in northern Italy, over the Guelf cities of
   Lombardy, and when the party of the Ghibellines appeared to be
   ascendant throughout the peninsula. His death (1250) was the
   end of the Hohenstaufens as an imperial family. His son,
   Conrad, who survived him four years, was king of Sicily and
   had been crowned king of Germany; but he never wore the crown
   imperial. Conrad's illegitimate brother, Manfred, succeeded on
   the Sicilian throne; but the implacable Papacy gave his
   kingdom to Charles of Anjou, brother of King Louis IX. of
   France, and invited a crusade for the conquest of it. Manfred
   was slain in battle, Conrad's young son, Conradin, perished on
   the scaffold, and the Hohenstaufens disappeared from history.
   Their rights, or claims, in Sicily and Naples, passed to the
   Spanish House of Aragon, by the marriage of Manfred's daughter
   to the Aragonese king; whence long strife between the House of
   Anjou and the House of Aragon, and a troubled history for the
   Neapolitans and the Sicilians during some centuries. In the
   end, Anjou kept Naples, while Aragon won Sicily; the kings in
   both lines called themselves Kings of Sicily, and a subsequent
   re-union of the two crowns created a very queerly named
   "Kingdom of the Two Sicilies."

{1027}

Germany and the Empire.

   After the death of Frederick II., the German kings, while
   maintaining the imperial title, practically abandoned their
   serious attempts to enforce an actual sovereignty in Italy.
   The Holy Roman Empire, as a political factor comprehending
   more than Germany, now ceased in reality to exist. The name
   lived on, but only to represent a flattering fiction for
   magnifying the rank and importance of the German kings. In
   Italy, the conflict, as between Papacy and Empire, or between
   Lombard republican cities and Empire, was at an end. No
   further occasion existed for an imperial party, or an
   anti-imperial party. The Guelf and Ghibelline names and
   divisions had no more the little meaning that first belonged
   to them. But Guelfs and Ghibellines raged against one another,
   more furiously than before, and generations passed before
   their feud died out.

   While the long, profitless Italian conflict of the Emperors
   went on, their kingship in Germany suffered sorely. As they
   grasped at a shadowy imperial title, the substance of royal
   authority slipped from them. Their frequent prolonged absence
   in Italy gave opportunities for enlarged independence to the
   German princes and feudal lords; their difficulties beyond the
   Alps forced them to buy support from their vassals at home by
   fatal concessions and grants; their neglect of German affairs
   weakened the ties of loyalty, and provoked revolts. The result
   might have been a dissolution of Germany so complete as to
   give rise to two or three strong states, if another potent
   influence had not worked injury in a different way. This came
   from the custom of equalized inheritance which prevailed among
   the Germans. The law of primogeniture, which already governed
   hereditary transmissions of territorial sovereignty in many
   countries, even where it did not give an undivided private
   estate, as in England, to the eldest son of a family, got
   footing in Germany very late and very slowly. At the time now
   described, it was the quite common practice to divide
   principalities between all the sons surviving a deceased duke
   or margrave. It was this practice which gave rise to the
   astonishing number of petty states into which Germany came to
   be divided, and the forms of which are still intact. It was
   this, in the main, which prevented the growth of any states to
   a power that would absorb the rest. On the other hand, the
   flimsy, half fictitious general constitution which the Empire
   substituted for such an one as the Kingdom of Germany would
   naturally have grown into, made an effective centralization of
   sovereignty--easy as the conditions seemed to be prepared for
   it--quite impossible.

Free Cities in Germany and their Leagues.

   One happy consequence of this state of things was the
   enfranchisement, either wholly or nearly so, of many thriving
   cities. The growth of cities, as centers of industry and
   commerce, and the development of municipal freedom among them,
   was considerably later in Germany than in Italy, France and
   the Netherlands; but the independence gained by some among
   them was more entire than in the Low Countries or in France,
   and more lasting than in Italy.

   Most of the free cities of Germany were directly or
   immediately subject to the Emperor, and wholly independent of
   the princes whose territories surrounded them; whence they
   were called "imperial cities." This relationship bound them to
   the Empire by strong ties; they had less to fear from it than
   from the nearer small potentates of their country; and it
   probably drew a considerable part of such strength as it
   possessed, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, from their
   support. Their own power was being augmented at this period by
   the formation of extensive Leagues among them, for common
   defense, and for the protection, regulation and extension of
   their trade. In that age of lawless violence, there was so
   little force in government, everywhere, and so entire a want
   of co-operation between governments, that the operations of
   trade were exposed to piracy, robbery, and black-mail, on
   every sea and in every land. By the organization of their
   Leagues, the energetic merchants of north-western Europe did
   for themselves what their half-civilized governments failed to
   do for them. They not only created effective agencies for the
   protection of their trade, but they legislated, nationally and
   internationally, for themselves, establishing codes and
   regulations, negotiating commercial treaties, making war, and
   exercising many functions and powers that seem strange to
   modern times. The great Hansa, or Hanseatic League, which rose
   to importance in the thirteenth century among the cities in
   the north of Germany, was the most extensive, the longest
   lasting and the most formidable of these confederations. It
   controlled the trade between Germany, England, Russia, the
   Scandinavian countries, and the Netherlands, and through the
   latter it made exchanges with southern Europe and the East. It
   waged successful war with Denmark, Sweden and Norway combined,
   in defiance of the opposition of the Emperor and the Pope. But
   the growth of its power engendered an arrogance which provoked
   enmity in all countries, while the slow crystalizing of
   nationalities in Europe, with national sentiments and
   ambitions, worked in all directions against the commercial
   monopoly of the Hansa towns. By the end of the fifteenth
   century their league had begun to break up and its power to
   decline. The lesser associations of similar character--such as
   the Rhenish and the Swabian--had been shorter-lived.

The Great Interregnum.

   These city-confederations represented in their time the only
   movement of concentration that appeared in Germany. Every
   other activity seemed tending toward dissolution. Headship
   there was none for a quarter of a century after Frederick II.
   died. The election of the Kings, who took rank and title as
   Emperors when crowned by the Pope, had now become the
   exclusive privilege of three prince-bishops and four temporal
   princes, who acquired the title of Electors. Jealous of one
   another, and of all the greater lords outside their electoral
   college, it was against their policy to confer the scepter on
   any man who seemed likely to wield it with a strong hand. For
   twenty years--a period in German history known as the Great
   Interregnum--they kept the throne practically vacant. Part of
   the Electors were bribed to choose Richard, Earl of Cornwall,
   brother of the English King Henry III., and the other part
   gave their votes to Alfonso, King of Castile. Alfonso never
   came to be crowned, either as King or Emperor; Richard was
   crowned King, but exercised no power and lived mostly in his
   own country. The Empire was virtually extinct; the Kingdom
   hardly less so. Burgundy fell away from the imperial
   jurisdiction even more than Italy did. Considerable parts of
   it passed to France.

{1028}

Rise of the House of Austria.

   At last, in 1273, the interregnum was ended by the election of
   a German noble to be King of Germany. This was Rodolph, Count
   of Hapsburg,--lord of a small domain and of little importance
   from his own possessions, which explains, without doubt, his
   selection. But Rodolph proved to be a vigorous king, and he
   founded a family of such lasting stamina and such self-seeking
   capability that it secured in time permanent possession of the
   German crown, and acquired, outside of Germany, a great
   dominion of its own. He began the aggrandizement of his House
   by taking the fine duchy of Austria from the kingdom of
   Bohemia and bestowing it upon his sons. He was energetic in
   improving opportunities like this, and energetic, too, in
   destroying the castles of robber-knights and hanging the
   robbers on their own battlements; but of substantial authority
   or power he had little enough. He never went to Rome for the
   imperial crown; nor troubled himself much with Italian
   affairs.

   On Rodolph's death (1291), his son Albert of Austria was a
   candidate for the crown. The Electors rejected him and ejected
   another poor noble, Adolphus of Nassau; but Adolphus
   displeased them after a few years, and they decreed his
   deposition, electing Albert in his place. War followed and
   Adolphus was killed. Albert's reign was one of vigor, but he
   accomplished little of permanent effect. He planted one of his
   sons on the throne of Bohemia, where the reigning family had
   become extinct; but the new king died in a few months, much
   hated, and the Bohemians resisted an Austrian successor. In
   1308, Albert was assassinated, and the electors raised Count
   Henry of Luxemburg to the throne, as Henry VII. Henry VII. was
   the first king of Germany since the Hohenstaufens who went to
   Italy (1310) for the crown of Lombardy and the crown of the
   Cæsars, both of which he received. The Ghibelline party was
   still strong among the Italians. In the distracted state of
   that country there were many patriots--the poet Dante
   prominent among them--who hoped great things from the
   reappearance of an emperor; but the enthusiastic welcome he
   received was mainly from those furious partisans who looked
   for a party triumph to be won under the new emperor's lead.
   When they found that he would not let himself be made an
   instrument of faction in the unhappy country, they turned
   against him. His undertakings in Italy promised nothing but
   failure, when he died suddenly (1313), from poison, as the
   Germans believed. His successor in Germany, chosen by the
   majority of the electors, was Lewis of Bavaria; but Frederick
   the Fair of Austria, supported by a minority, disputed the
   election, and there was civil war for twelve years, until
   Frederick, a prisoner, so won the heart of Lewis that the
   latter divided the throne with him and the two reigned
   together.

France under the Capetians.

   While Germany and the fictitious Empire linked with it were
   thus dropping from the foremost place in western Europe into
   the background, several kingdoms were slowly emerging out of
   the anarchy of feudalism, and acquiring the organization of
   authority and law which creates stable and substantial power.
   France for two centuries, under the first three Capetian
   kings, had made little progress to that end. At the accession
   (1103) of the fourth of those kings, namely, Louis VI., it is
   estimated that the actual possessions of the Crown, over which
   it exercised sovereignty direct, equalled no more than about
   five of the modern departments of France; while twenty-nine
   were in the great fiefs of Flanders, Burgundy, Champagne,
   Normandy, Brittany, Anjou, Vermandois, and Boulogne, where the
   royal authority was but nominal; thirty-three, south of the
   Loire, were hardly connected with the Crown, and twenty-one
   were then dependent on the Empire. The actual "France," as a
   kingdom, at that time, was very small. "The real domain of
   Louis VI. was almost confined to the five towns of Paris,
   Orleans, Estampes, Melun, and Compiegne, and to estates in
   their neighbourhood." But the strengthening of the Crown was
   slightly begun in the reign of this king, by his wise policy
   of encouraging the enfranchisement of the communes, as noted
   before, which introduced a helpful alliance between the
   monarchy and the burgher-class, or third estate, as it came to
   be called, of the cities, against the feudal aristocracy.

   But progress in that direction was slight at first and slowly
   made. Louis VII., who came to the throne in 1137, acquired
   momentarily the great duchy of Aquitaine, or Guienne, by his
   marriage with Eleanor, who inherited it; but he divorced her,
   and she married Henry Plantagenet, who became Henry II., King
   of England, being at the same time Duke of Normandy, by
   inheritance from his mother, and succeeding his father in
   Anjou, Maine and Touraine. Eleanor having carried to him the
   great Aquitanian domain of her family, he was sovereign of a
   larger part of modern France than owned allegiance to the
   French king.

French recovery of Normandy and Anjou,

   But the next king in France, Philip, called Augustus (1180),
   who was the son of Louis VII., wrought a change of these
   circumstances. He was a prince of remarkable vigor, and he
   rallied with rare ability all the forces that the Crown could
   command. He wrested Vermandois from the Count of Flanders, and
   extorted submission from the rebellious Duke of Burgundy.
   Suspending his projects at home for a time, to go crusading to
   the Holy Land in company with King Richard of England, he
   resumed them with fresh energy after Richard's death. The
   latter was succeeded by his mean brother John, who seems to
   have been hated with unanimity. John was accused of the murder
   of his young nephew, Arthur of Brittany, who disputed the
   inheritance from Richard. As Duke of Normandy and Anjou, John,
   though King of England, was nevertheless a vassal of the King
   of France. Philip summoned him, on charges, to be tried by his
   peers. John failed to answer the summons, and the forfeiture
   of his fiefs was promptly declared. The French king stood well
   prepared to make the confiscation effective, while John, in
   serious trouble with his English subjects, could offer little
   resistance. Thus the Norman realm of the English kings--their
   original dominion--was lost beyond recovery, and with it Anjou
   and Maine. They held Guienne and Poitou for some years; but
   the bases of the French monarchy were broadened immensely from
   the day when the great Norman and Angevin fiefs became royal
   domain.

{1029}

The Albigenses.

   Events in the south of France, during Philip's reign, prepared
   the way for a further aggrandisement of the Crown. Ancient
   Latin civilization had lingered longer there, in spirit, at
   least, than in the central and northern districts of the
   kingdom, and the state of society intellectually was both
   livelier and more refined. It was the region of Europe where
   thought first showed signs of independence, and where the
   spiritual despotism of Rome was disputed first. A sect arose
   in Languedoc which took its name from the district of Albi,
   and which offended the Church perhaps more by the freedom of
   opinion that it claimed than by the heresy of the opinions
   themselves. These Albigeois, or Albigenses, had been at issue
   with the clergy of their country and with the Papacy for some
   years before Innocent III., the pontifical autocrat of his
   age, proclaimed a crusade against them (1208), and launched
   his sentence of excommunication against Raymond, Count of
   Toulouse, who gave them countenance if not sympathy. The
   fanatical Simon de Montfort, father of the great noble of like
   name who figures more grandly in English history, took the
   lead of the Crusade, to which bigots and brutal adventurers
   flocked together. Languedoc was wasted with fire and sword,
   and after twenty years of intermittent war, in which Peter of
   Aragon took part, assisting the Albigeois, the Count of
   Toulouse purchased peace for his ruined land by ceding part of
   it to the king of France, and giving his daughter in marriage
   to the king's brother Alphonso,--by which marriage the
   remainder of the country was transferred, a few years later,
   to the French crown.

The Battle of Bouvines.

   Philip Augustus, in whose reign this brutal crushing of
   Provençal France began, took little part in it, but he saw
   with no unwillingness another too powerful vassal brought low.
   The next blow of like kind he struck with his own hand. John
   of England had quarreled with the mighty Pope Innocent III.;
   his kingdom had been placed under interdict and his subjects
   absolved from their allegiance. Philip of France eagerly
   offered to become the executor of the papal decree, and
   gathered an army for the invasion of England, to oust John
   from his throne. But John hastened now to make peace with the
   Church, submitting himself, surrendering his kingdom to the
   Pope, and receiving it back as a papal fief. This
   accomplished, the all-powerful pontiff persuaded the French
   king to turn his army against the Count of Flanders, who had
   never been reduced to a proper degree of submission to his
   feudal sovereign. He seems to have become the recognized head
   of a body of nobles who showed alarm and resentment at the
   growing power of the Crown, and the war which ensued was quite
   extraordinary in its political importance. King John of