World. The war arose out of a question of trade, in this as in
   so many other cases the English being prepared to fight in
   order to force an entrance for their trade, which the
   Spaniards wished to shut out from Spanish America. This
   question found a place amongst the other matters arranged by
   the treaty of Utrecht, when the English obtained almost as
   their sole return for their victories what was known as the
   Assiento. This is a Spanish word meaning contract, but its use
   had been for some time confined to the disgraceful privilege
   of providing Spanish America with negroes kidnapped from their
   homes in Africa. The Flemings, the Genoese, the Portuguese,
   and the French Guinea Company received in turn from Spanish
   kings the monopoly in this shameful traffic, which at the
   treaty of Utrecht was passed on for a period of thirty years
   to England, now becoming mistress of the seas, and with her
   numerous merchant ships better able than others to carry on
   the business. The English Government committed the contract to
   the South Sea Company, and the number of negroes to be
   supplied annually was no less than 4,800 'sound, healthy,
   merchantable negroes, two-thirds to be male, none under ten or
   over forty years old.' In the Assiento Treaty there was also a
   provision for the trading of one English ship each year with
   Spanish America; but in order to prevent too great advantage
   therefrom it was carefully stipulated that the ship should not
   exceed 600 tons burden. There is no doubt that this
   stipulation was regularly violated by the English sending a
   ship of the required number of tons, but with it numerous
   tenders and smaller craft. Moreover smuggling, being very
   profitable, became common; it was of this smuggling that
   Captain Jenkins was accused. ... Walpole, always anxious for
   peace, by argument, by negotiation, by delays, resisted the
   growing desire for war; at length he could resist no longer.
   For the sake of his reputation he should have resigned office,
   but he had enjoyed power too long to be ready to yield it, and
   most unwisely he allowed himself to be forced into a
   declaration of war October 19, 1739. The news was received
   throughout England with a perfect frenzy of delight. ... A
   year and a day after this declaration of war an event
   occurred--the death of the Emperor--which helped to swell the
   volume of this war until it was merged into the European war,
   called the War of the Austrian Succession, which includes
   within itself the First and Second Silesian Wars, between
   Austria and Frederick the Great of Prussia. The European war
   went on until the general pacification in the treaty of
   Aix-la-Chapelle, 1748. Within another ten years war broke out
   again on somewhat similar grounds, but on a much wider scale
   and with the combatants differently arranged, under the title
   'Seven Years' War.' The events of this year, whilst the war
   was only between Spain and England, were the attacks on
   Spanish settlements in America, the capture of Porto Bello,
   and the failure before Cartagena, which led to Anson's famous
   voyage."

      E. E. Morris,
      The Early Hanoverians,
      book 2, chapter 3.

   "Admiral Vernon, setting sail with the English fleet from
   Jamaica, captured Porto Bello, on the Isthmus of Darien,
   December 1st--an exploit for which he received the thanks of
   both Houses of Parliament. His attempt on Carthagena, in the
   spring of 1741, proved, however, a complete failure through
   his dissensions, it is said, with General Wentworth, the
   commander of the land forces. A squadron, under Commodore
   Anson, despatched to the South Sea for the purpose of annoying
   the Spanish colonies of Peru and Chili, destroyed the Peruvian
   town of Paita, and made several prizes; the most important of
   which was one of the great Spanish galleons trading between
   Acapulco and Manilla, having a large treasure on board. It was
   on this occasion that Anson circumnavigated the globe, having
   sailed from England in 1740 and returned to Spithead in 1744."

      T. H. Dyer,
      History of Modern Europe,
      book 6, chapter 3.

{923}

      ALSO IN:
      R. Walter,
      Voyage around the World of George Anson.

      Sir J. Barrow,
      Life of Lord George Anson,
      chapter 1-2.

      W. Coxe,
      Memoirs of the Bourbon Kings of Spain,
      chapter 43 (volume 3).

      See, also,
      FRANCE, A. D. 1733,
      and GEORGIA: A. D. 1738-1743.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1740-1741.
   Beginning of the War of the Austrian Succession.

      See AUSTRIA: A. D. 1740-1741.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1742.
   Naval operations in the Mediterranean.

      See ITALY: A. D. 1741-1743.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1742-1745.
   Ministries of Carteret and the Pelhams,
   Pitt's admission to the Cabinet.

   "Walpole resigned in the beginning of February, 1742; but his
   retirement did not bring Pitt into office. The King had
   conceived a violent prejudice against him, not only on account
   of the prominent and effective part he had taken in the
   general assault upon the late administration, but more
   especially in consequence of the strong opinions he had
   expressed on the subject of Hanover, and respecting the public
   mischiefs arising from George the Second's partiality to the
   interests of the Electorate. Lord Wilmington was the nominal
   head of the new administration, which was looked on as little
   more than a weak continuation of Walpole's. The same character
   was generally given to Pelham's ministry, (Pelham succeeded
   Wilmington as Premier, on the death of the latter in 1743,)
   and Pitt soon appeared in renewed opposition to the Court. It
   was about this time that he received a creditable and
   convenient addition to his private fortune, which also
   attested his celebrity. In 1744, the celebrated Duchess of
   Marlborough died, leaving him a legacy' of 10,000 l. on
   account of his merit in the noble defence he has made of the
   laws of England, to prevent the ruin of his country.' Pitt was
   now at the head of a small but determined band of Opposition
   statesmen, with whom he was also connected by intermarriages
   between members of their respective families and his own.
   These were Lord Cobham, the Grenvilles, and his schoolfellow
   Lord Lyttelton. The genius of Pitt had made the opposition of
   this party so embarrassing to the minister, that Mr. Pelham,
   the leader of the House of Commons, and his brother, the Duke
   of Newcastle, found it necessary to get rid of Lord Carteret,
   who was personally most obnoxious to the attacks of Pitt, on
   account of his supposed zeal in favour of the King's
   Hanoverian policy. Pitt's friends, Lyttelton and Grenville,
   were taken into the ministry [called the Broad-bottomed
   Administration], and the undoubted wish of the Pelhams was to
   enlist Pitt also among their colleagues. But 'The great Mr.
   Pitt,' says old Horace Walpole--using in derision an epithet
   soon confirmed by the serious voice of the country--'the great
   Mr. Pitt insisted on being Secretary at War';--but it was
   found that the King's aversion to him was insurmountable; and
   after much reluctance and difficulty, his friends were
   persuaded to accept office without him, under an assurance
   from the Duke of Newcastle that 'he should at no distant day
   be able to remove this prejudice from his Majesty's mind.'
   Pitt concurred in the new arrangement, and promised to give
   his support to the remodelled administration. ... On the
   breaking out of the rebellion of 1745, Pitt energetically
   supported the ministry in their measures to protect the
   established government. George the Second's prejudices
   against him, were, however, as strong as ever. At last a sort
   of compromise was effected. Pitt waived for a time his demand
   of the War Secretaryship, and on the 22nd of February, 1746,
   he was appointed one of the joint Vice-treasurers for Ireland;
   and on the 6th of May following he was promoted to the more
   lucrative office of Paymaster-General of the Forces. ... In
   his office of Paymaster of the Forces Pitt set an example then
   rare among statesmen, of personal disinterestedness. He held
   what had hitherto been an exceedingly lucrative situation: for
   the Paymaster seldom had less than 100,000 l. in his hands,
   and was allowed to appropriate the interest of what funds he
   held to his own use. In addition to this it had been customary
   for foreign princes in the pay of England to allow the
   Paymaster of the Forces a per-centage on their subsidies. Pitt
   nobly declined to avail himself of these advantages, and would
   accept of nothing beyond his legal salary."

      Sir E. Creasy,
      Memoirs of Eminent Etonians,
      chapter 4.

   "From Walpole's death in 1745, when the star of the Stuarts
   set for ever among the clouds of Culloden, to 1754, when Henry
   Pelham followed his old chief, public life in England was
   singularly calm and languid. The temperate and peaceful
   disposition of the Minister seemed to pervade Parliament. At
   his death the King exclaimed: 'Now I shall have no more
   peace'; and the words proved to be prophetic. Both in
   Parliament and in the country, as well as beyond its shores,
   the elements of discord were swiftly at war. Out of
   conflicting ambitions and widely divergent interests a new
   type of statesman, very different from Walpole, or from
   Bolingbroke, or from Pelham, or from the 'hubble-bubble
   Newcastle,' was destined to arise. And along with the new
   statesman a new force, of which he was in part the
   representative, in part the creator, was to be introduced into
   political life. This new force was the unrepresented voice of
   the people. The new statesman was an ex-cornet of horse,
   William Pitt, better known as Lord Chatham. The
   characteristics of William Pitt which mainly influenced his
   career were his ambition and his ill-health. Power, and that
   conspicuous form of egotism called personal glory, were the
   objects of his life. He pursued them with all the ardour of a
   strong-willed purpose; but the flesh was in his case painfully
   weak. Gout had declared itself his foe while he was still an
   Eton boy. His failures, and prolonged withdrawal at intervals
   from public affairs, were due to the inroads of this fatal
   enemy, from whom he was destined to receive his death-blow.
   Walpole had not been slow to recognise the quality of this
   'terrible cornet of horse,' as he called him."

      R. B. Brett,
      Footprints of Statesmen,
      chapter 7.

      ALSO IN:
      Lord Mahon (Earl Stanhope),
      History of England, 1713-1783,
      chapters 24-28 (volume 3).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1743.
   The British Pragmatic Army.
   Battle of Dettingen.

      See AUSTRIA: A. D. 1743.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1743 (OCTOBER).
   The second Bourbon Family Compact.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1743 (OCTOBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1743-1752.
   Struggle of French and English for supremacy in India.
   The founding of British empire by Clive.

      See INDIA: A. D. 1743-1752.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1744-1745.
   War of the Austrian Succession:
   Hostilities in America.

      See NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1744: and 1745.

{924}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1745 (MAY).
   War of the Austrian Succession in the Netherlands.
   Fontenoy.

      See NETHERLANDS (THE AUSTRIAN PROVINCES): A. D. 1745.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1745-1746.
   The Young Pretender's invasion.
   Last rising of the Jacobites.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1745-1746.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1745-1747.
   War of the Austrian Succession
   British incapacity.
   Final successes at Sea.

   "The extraordinary incapacity of English commanders, both by
   land and sea, is one of the most striking facts in the war we
   are considering. ... Mismanagement and languor were general.
   The battle of Dettingen was truly described as a happy escape
   rather than a great victory; the army in Flanders can hardly
   be said to have exhibited any military quality except courage,
   and the British navy, though it gained some successes, added
   little to its reputation. The one brilliant exception was the
   expedition of Anson round Cape Horn, for the purpose of
   plundering the Spanish merchandise and settlements in the
   Pacific. It lasted for nearly four years. ... The overwhelming
   superiority of England upon the sea began, however, gradually
   to influence the war. The island of Cape Breton, which
   commanded the mouth of Gulf St. Lawrence, and protected the
   Newfoundland fisheries, was captured in the June of 1745. In
   1747 a French squadron was destroyed by a very superior
   English fleet off Cape Finisterre. Another was defeated near
   Belleisle, and in the same year as many as 644 prizes were
   taken. The war on the part of the English, however, was most
   efficiently conducted by means of subsidies, which were
   enormously multiplied."

      W. E. H. Lecky,
      History of England, 18th Century,
      chapter 3 (volume 1).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1746-1747.
   War of the Austrian Succession in Italy.
   Siege of Genoa.

      See ITALY: A. D. 1746-1747.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1748 (OCTOBER).
   End and results of the War of the Austrian Succession.

      See AIX-LA-CHAPELLE: A. D. 1748;
      and NEW ENGLAND: A. D. 1745-1748.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1748-1754.
   First movements to dispute possession of the Ohio Valley with
   the French.

      See OHIO (VALLEY): A. D. 1748-1754.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1749-1755.
   Unsettled boundary disputes with France in America.
   Preludes of the final contest.

      See NOVA SCOTIA: A. D. 1749-1755;
      CANADA: A. D. 1750-1753;
      and OHIO (VALLEY): A. D. 1754.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1751.
   Reformation of the Calendar.

      See CALENDAR, GREGORIAN.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1753.
   The Jewish Naturalization  Bill.

      See JEWS: A. D. 1662-1753.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1754.
   Collision with the French in the Ohio Valley.

      See OHIO (VALLEY): A. D. 1754.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1754-1755.
   The Seven Years War.
   Its causes and provocations.

   "The seven years that succeeded the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle
   are described by Voltaire as among the happiest that Europe
   ever enjoyed. Commerce revived, the fine arts flourished, and
   the European nations resembled, it is said, one large family
   that had been reunited after its dissensions. Unfortunately,
   however, the peace had not exterminated all the elements of
   discord. Scarcely had Europe begun to breathe again when new
   disputes arose, and the seven years of peace and prosperity
   were succeeded by another seven of misery and war. The ancient
   rivalry between France and England, which had formerly vented
   itself in continental struggles, had, by the progress of
   maritime discovery and colonisation, been extended to all the
   quarters of the globe. The interests of the two nations came
   into collision in India, Africa and America, and a dispute
   about boundaries in this last quarter again plunged them into
   a war. By the 9th article of the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle,
   France and England were mutually to restore their conquests in
   such state as they were before the war. This clause became a
   copious source of quarrel. The principal dispute regarded the
   limits of Acadia, or Nova Scotia, which province had, by the
   12th article of the Treaty of Utrecht, been ceded to England
   'conformably to its ancient boundaries'; but what these were
   had never been accurately determined, and each Power fixed
   them according to its convenience. Thus, while the French
   pretended that Nova Scotia embraced only the peninsula
   extending from Cape St. Mary to Cape Canseau, the English
   further included in it that part of the American continent
   which extends to Pentagoet on the west, and to the river St.
   Lawrence on the north, comprising all the province of New
   Brunswick. Another dispute regarded the western limits of the
   British North American settlements. The English claimed the
   banks of the Ohio as belonging to Virginia, the French as
   forming part of Louisiana; and they attempted to confine the
   British colonies by a chain of forts stretching from Louisiana
   to Canada. Commissaries were appointed to settle these
   questions, who held their conferences at Paris between the
   years 1750 and 1755. Disputes also arose respecting the
   occupation by the French of the islands of St. Lucia,
   Dominica, St. Vincent, and Tobago, which had been declared
   neutral by former treaties. Before the Commissaries could
   terminate their labours, mutual aggressions had rendered a war
   inevitable. As is usual in such cases, it is difficult to say
   who was the first aggressor. Each nation laid the blame on the
   other. Some French writers assert that the English resorted to
   hostilities out of jealousy at the increase of the French
   navy. According to the plans of Rouillé, the French Minister
   of Marine, 111 ships of the line, 54 frigates, and smaller
   vessels in proportion, were to be built in the course of ten
   years. The question of boundaries was, however, undoubtedly
   the occasion, if not also the true cause, of the war. A series
   of desultory conflicts had taken place along the Ohio, and on
   the frontiers of Nova Scotia, in 1754, without being avowed by
   the mother countries. A French writer, who flourished about
   this time, the Abbé Raynal, ascribes "this clandestine warfare
   to the policy of the Court of Versailles, which was seeking
   gradually to recover what it had lost by treaties. Orders were
   now issued to the English fleet to attack French vessels
   wherever found. ... It being known that a considerable French
   fleet was preparing to sail from Brest and Rochefort for
   America, Admiral Boscawen was despatched thither, and captured
   two French men-of-war off Cape Race in Newfoundland, June 1755.
   Hostilities were also transferred to the shores of Europe. ...
   A naval war between England and France was now unavoidable;
   but, as in the case of the Austrian Succession, this was also
   to be mixed up with a European war.
{925}
   The complicated relations of the European system again caused
   these two wars to run into one, though their origin had
   nothing in common. France and England, whose quarrel lay in
   the New World, appeared as the leading Powers in a European
   contest in which they had only a secondary interest, and
   decided the fate of Canada on the plains of Germany. The war
   in Europe, commonly called the Seven Years' War, was chiefly
   caused by the pride of one Empress [Maria Theresa], the vanity
   of another [Elizabeth of Russia], and the subserviency of a
   royal courtezan [Madame Pompadour], who became the tool of
   these passions."

      T. H. Dyer,
      History of Modern Europe,
      book 6, chapter 5 (volume 3).

   "The Seven Years' War was in its origin not an European war at
   all; it was a war between England and France on Colonial
   questions with which the rest of Europe had nothing to do; but
   the alliances and enmities of England and France in Europe,
   joined with the fact that the King of England was also Elector
   of Hanover, made it almost certain that a war between England
   and France must spread to the Continent. I am far from
   charging on the English Government of the time--for it was
   they, and not the French, who forced on the war--as Macaulay
   might do, the blood of the Austrians who perished at Leuthen,
   of the Russians sabred at Zorndorf, and the Prussians mown
   down at Kunersdorf. The States of the Continent had many old
   enmities not either appeased or fought out to a result; and
   these would probably have given rise to a war some day, even
   if no black men, to adapt Macaulay again, had been previously
   fighting on the coast of Coromandel, nor red men scalping each
   other by the great lakes of North America. Still, it is to be
   remembered that it was the work of England that the war took
   place then and on those lines; and in view of the enormous
   suffering and slaughter of that war, and of the violent and
   arbitrary proceedings by which it was forced on, we may well
   question whether English writers have any right to reprobate
   Frederick's seizure of Silesia as something specially immoral
   in itself and disastrous to the world. If the Prussians were
   highway robbers, the English were pirates. ... The origin of
   the war between England and France, if a struggle which had
   hardly been interrupted since the nominal peace could be said
   to have an origin, was the struggle for America."

      A. R. Ropes,
      The Causes of the Seven Years' War
      (Royal Historical Society, Transactions,
      new series, volume 4).

      ALSO IN:
      Lord Mahon (Earl Stanhope),
      History of England, 1713-1783,
      chapters 31-32 (volume 4).

      F. Parkman,
      Montcalm and Wolfe,
      chapters 1-7.

      See, also, GERMANY: A. D. 1755-1756;
      CANADA: A. D. 1750-1753;
      and OHIO (VALLEY): A. D. 1748-1754.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1755 (APRIL).
   Demand of the royal governors in America for taxation of the
   colonies by act of Parliament.

      See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1755.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1755 (JUNE).
   Boscawen's naval victory over the French.

      See CANADA: A. D. 1755 (JUNE).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1755 (JULY).
   Braddock's defeat in America.

      See OHIO (VALLEY): A. D. 1755.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1755 (SEPTEMBER).
   Victory at Lake George.

      See CANADA: A. D. 1755 (SEPTEMBER).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1756.
   Loss of Minorca and reverses in America.

      See MINORCA: A. D. 1756;
      and CANADA: A. D. 1756-1757.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1757-1759.
   Campaigns on the Continent.
   Defence of Hanover.

      See GERMANY: A D. 1757 (JULY-DECEMBER),
      to 1759 (APRIL-AUGUST).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1757-1760.
   The great administration of the elder Pitt.

   "In 1754 Henry Pelham died. The important consequence of his
   death was the fact that it gave Pitt at last an opportunity of
   coming to the front. The Duke of Newcastle, Henry Pelham's
   brother, became leader of the administration, with Henry Fox
   for Secretary at War, Pitt for Paymaster-general of the
   Forces, and Murray, afterwards to be famous as Lord Mansfield,
   for Attorney-general. There was some difficulty about the
   leadership of the House of Commons. Pitt was still too much
   disliked by the King, to be available for the position. Fox
   for a while refused to accept it, and Murray was unwilling to
   do anything which might be likely to withdraw him from the
   professional path along which he was to move to such
   distinction. An attempt was made to get on with a Sir Thomas
   Robinson, a man of no capacity for such a position, and the
   attempt was soon an evident failure. Then Fox consented to
   take the position on Newcastle's own terms, which were those
   of absolute submission to the dictates of Newcastle. Later
   still he was content to descend to a subordinate office which
   did not even give him a place in the Cabinet. Fox never
   recovered the damage which his reputation and his influence
   suffered by this amazing act. ... The Duke of Newcastle's
   Ministry soon fell. Newcastle was not a man who had the
   slightest capacity for controlling or directing a policy of
   war; and the great struggle known as the Seven Years' War had
   now broken out. One lamentable event in the war has to be
   recorded, although it was but of minor importance. This was
   the capture of Minorca by the French under the romantic,
   gallant, and profligate Duc de Richelieu. The event is
   memorable chiefly, or only, because it was followed by the
   trial and execution [March 14, 1757] of the unfortunate
   Admiral Byng.

      See MINORCA: A. D. 1756.

   The Duke of Newcastle resigned office, and for a short time
   the Duke of Devonshire was at the head of a coalition Ministry
   which included Pitt. The King, however, did not stand this
   long, and one day suddenly turned them all out of office. Then
   a coalition of another kind was formed, which included
   Newcastle and Pitt, with Henry Fox in the subordinate position
   of paymaster. Pitt now for the first time had it all his own
   way. He ruled everything in the House of Commons. He flung
   himself with passionate and patriotic energy into the alliance
   with that great Frederick whose genius and daring were like
   his own."

      Justin McCarthy,
      History of the Four Georges,
      volume 2, chapter 41.

   "Newcastle took the Treasury. Pitt was Secretary of State,
   with the lead in the House of Commons, and with the supreme
   direction of the war and of foreign affairs. Fox, the only man
   who could have given much annoyance to the new Government, was
   silenced with the office of Paymaster, which, during the
   continuance of that war, was probably the most lucrative place
   in the whole Government. He was poor, and the situation was
   tempting. ... The first acts of the new administration were
   characterized rather by vigour than by judgment. Expeditions
   were sent against different parts of the French coast with
   little success. ... But soon conquests of a very different
   kind filled the kingdom with pride and rejoicing. A succession
   of victories undoubtedly brilliant, and, as it was thought,
   not barren, raised to the highest point the fame of the
   minister to whom the conduct of the war had been intrusted.
{926}
   In July, 1758, Louisburg fell. The whole island of Cape Breton
   was reduced. The fleet to which the Court of Versailles had
   confided the defence of French America was destroyed. The
   captured standards were borne in triumph from Kensington
   Palace to the city, and were suspended in St. Paul's Church,
   amidst the roar of guns and kettle-drums, and the shouts of an
   immense multitude. Addresses of congratulation came in from all
   the great towns of England. Parliament met only to decree
   thanks and monuments, and to bestow, without one murmur,
   supplies more than double of those which had been given during
   the war of the Grand Alliance. The year 1759 opened with the
   conquest of Goree. Next fell Guadaloupe; then Ticonderoga;
   then Niagara. The Toulon squadron was completely defeated by
   Boscawen off Cape Lagos. But the greatest exploit of the year
   was the achievement of Wolfe on the heights of Abraham. The
   news of his glorious death and of the fall of Quebec reached
   London in the very week in which the Houses met. All was joy
   and triumph. Envy and faction were forced to join in the
   general applause. Whigs and Tories vied with each other in
   extolling the genius and energy of Pitt. His colleagues were
   never talked of or thought of. The House of Commons, the
   nation, the colonies, our allies, our enemies, had their eyes
   fixed on him alone. Scarcely had Parliament voted a monument
   to Wolfe when another great event called for fresh rejoicings.
   The Brest fleet, under the command of Conflans, had put out to
   sea. It was overtaken by an English squadron under Hawke.
   Conflans attempted to take shelter close under the French
   coast. The shore was rocky: the night was black: the wind was
   furious: the waves of the Bay of Biscay ran high. But Pitt had
   infused into every branch of the service a spirit which had
   long been unknown. No British seaman was disposed to err on
   the same side with Byng. The pilot told Hawke that the attack
   could not be made without the greatest danger. 'You have done
   your duty in remonstrating,' answered Hawke; 'I will answer
   for everything. I command you to lay me alongside the French
   admiral.' Two French ships of the line struck. Four were
   destroyed. The rest hid themselves in the rivers of Brittany.
   The year 1760 came; and still triumph followed triumph.
   Montreal was taken; the whole Province of Canada was
   subjugated; the French fleets underwent a succession of
   disasters in the seas of Europe and America. In the meantime
   conquests equalling in rapidity, and far surpassing in
   magnitude, those of Cortes and Pizarro, had been achieved in
   the East. In the space of three years the English had founded
   a mighty empire. The French had been defeated in every part of
   India. Chandernagore had surrendered to Clive, Pondicherry to
   Coote. Throughout Bengal, Bahar, Orissa and the Carnatic, the
   authority of the East India Company was more absolute than
   that of Acbar or Aurungzebe had ever been. On the continent of
   Europe the odds were against England. We had but one important
   ally, the King of Prussia; and he was attacked, not only by
   France, but also by Russia and Austria. Yet even on the
   Continent, the energy of Pitt triumphed over all difficulties.
   Vehemently as he had condemned the practice of subsidising
   foreign princes, he now carried that practice farther than
   Carteret himself would have ventured to do. The active and
   able Sovereign of Prussia received such pecuniary assistance
   as enabled him to maintain the conflict on equal terms against
   his powerful enemies. On no subject had Pitt ever spoken with
   so much eloquence and ardour as on the mischiefs of the
   Hanoverian connection. He now declared, not without much show
   of reason, that it would be unworthy of the English people to
   suffer their King to be deprived of his electoral dominions in
   an English quarrel. He assured his countrymen that they should
   be no losers, and that he would conquer America for them in
   Germany. By taking this line he conciliated the King, and lost
   no part of his influence with the nation. In Parliament, such
   was the ascendeney which his eloquence, his success, his high
   situation, his pride, and his intrepidity had obtained for
   him, that he took liberties with the House of which there had
   been no example, and which have never since been imitated. ...
   The face of affairs was speedily changed. The invaders [of
   Hanover] were driven out. ... In the meantime, the nation
   exhibited all the signs of wealth and prosperity. ... The
   success of our arms was perhaps owing less to the skill of his
   [Pitt's] dispositions than to the national resources and the
   national spirit. But that the national spirit rose to the
   emergency, that the national resources were contributed with
   unexampled cheerfulness, this was undoubtedly his work. The
   ardour of his soul had set the whole kingdom on fire. ... The
   situation which Pitt occupied at the close of the reign of
   George the Second was the most enviable ever occupied by any
   public man in English history. He had conciliated the King; he
   domineered over the House of Commons; he was adored by the
   people; he was admired by all Europe. He was the first
   Englishman of his time; and he had made England the first
   country in the world. The Great Commoner, the name by which he
   was often designated, might look down with scorn on coronets
   and garters. The nation was drunk with joy and pride."

      Lord Macaulay,
      First Essay on William Pitt, Earl of Chatham
      (Essays, volume 3).

      ALSO IN:
      Lord Mahon (Earl Stanhope),
      History of England, 1713-1783,
      chapters 33-36 (volume 4).

      Sir E. Creasy,
      Memoirs of Eminent Etonians,
      chapter 4.

England: A. D. 1758 (JUNE-AUGUST).
   The Seven Years War.
   Abortive expeditions against the coast of France.

   Early in 1758 there was sent out "one of those joint military
   and naval expeditions which Pitt seems at first to have
   thought the proper means by which England should assist in a
   continental war. Like all such isolated expeditions, it was of
   little value. St. Malo, against which it was directed, was
   found too strong to be taken, but a large quantity of shipping
   and naval stores was destroyed. The fleet also approached
   Cherbourg, but although the troops were actually in their
   boats ready to land, they were ordered to re-embark, and the
   fleet came home. Another somewhat similar expedition was sent
   out later in the year. In July General Bligh and Commodore
   Howe took and destroyed Cherbourg, but on attempting a similar
   assault on St. Malo they found it too strong for them. The
   army had been landed in the Bay of St. Cast, and, while
   engaged in re-embarkation, it was attacked by some French
   troops which had been hastily collected, and severely
   handled."

      J. F. Bright,
      History of England,
      period 3, page 1027.

{927}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1758 (JULY-NOVEMBER).
   The Seven Years War in America: Final capture of Louisbourg
   and recovery of Fort Duquesne.
   Bloody defeat at Ticonderoga.

      See CANADA: A. D. 1758;
      and CAPE BRETON ISLAND: A. D. 1758-1760.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1758-1761.
   Breaking of French power in India.

      See INDIA: A. D. 1758-1761.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1759.
   Great victories in America.
   Niagara, Ticonderoga, Crown Point, Quebec.

      See CANADA: A. D. 1759.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1759 (AUGUST-NOVEMBER).
   British naval supremacy established.
   Victories off Lagos and in Quiberon Bay.

   "Early in the year [1759] the French had begun to make
   preparations for an invasion of the British Isles on a large
   scale. Flat-bottomed boats were built at Havre and other
   places along the coasts of Normandy and Brittany, and large
   fleets were collected at Brest and Toulon, besides a small
   squadron at Dunkirk. A considerable force was assembled at
   Vannes in the south of Brittany, under the command of the Duc
   d'Aiguillon, which was to be convoyed to the Irish coasts by
   the combined fleets of Brest and Toulon, while the
   flat-bottomed boats transported a second army across the
   channel under cover of a dark night. The Dunkirk squadron,
   under Admiral Thurot, a celebrated privateer, was to create a
   diversion by attacking some part of the Scotch coast. The
   design was bold and well contrived, and would not improbably
   have succeeded three or even two years before, but the
   opportunity was gone. England was no longer in 'that enervate
   state in which 20,000 men from France could shake her.' Had a
   landing been effected, the regular troops in the country, with
   the support of the newly created militia, would probably have
   been equal to the emergency; but a more effectual bulwark was
   found in the fleet, which watched the whole French coast,
   ready to engage the enemy as soon as he ventured out of his
   ports. The first attempt to break through the cordon was made
   by M. de la Clue from Toulon. The English Mediterranean fleet,
   under Admiral Boscawen, cruising before that port, was
   compelled early in July to retire to Gibraltar to take in
   water and provisions and to refit some of' the ships. Hereupon
   M. de la Clue put to sea, and hugging the African coast,
   passed the straits without molestation. Boscawen, however,
   though his ships were not yet refitted, at once gave chase,
   and came up with the enemy off [Lagos, on] the coast of
   Portugal, where an engagement took place [August 18], in which
   three French ships were taken and two driven on shore and burnt.
   The remainder took refuge in Cadiz, where they were blockaded
   till the winter, when, the English fleet being driven off the
   coast by a storm, they managed to get back to Toulon. The
   discomfiture of the Brest fleet, under M. de Conflans, was
   even more complete. On November 9 Admiral Sir Edward Hawke,
   who had blockaded Brest all the summer and autumn, was driven
   from his post by a violent gale, and on the 14th, Conflans put
   to sea with 21 sail of the line and 4 frigates. On the same
   day, Hawke, with 22 sail of the line, stood out from Torbay,
   where he had taken shelter, and made sail for Quiberon Bay,
   judging that Conflans would steer thither to liberate a fleet
   of transports which were blocked up in the river Morbihan, by
   a small squadron of frigates under Commodore Duff. On the
   morning of the 20th, he sighted the French fleet chasing Duff
   in Quiberon Bay. Conflans, when he discerned the English,
   recalled his chasing ships and prepared for action; but on
   their nearer approach changed his mind, and ran for shelter
   among the shoals and rocks of the coast. The sea was running
   mountains high and the coast was very dangerous and little
   known to the English, who had no pilots; but Hawke, whom no
   peril could daunt, never hesitated a moment, but crowded all
   sail after them. Without regard to lines of battle, every ship
   was directed to make the best of her way towards the enemy,
   the admiral telling his officers he was for the old way of
   fighting, to make downright work with them. In consequence
   many of the English ships never got into action at all; but
   the short winter day was wearing away, and all haste was
   needed if the enemy were not to escape. ... As long as
   daylight lasted the battle raged with great fury, so near the
   coast that '10,000 persons on the shore were the sad
   spectators of the white flag's disgrace.' ... By nightfall two
   French ships, the Thésée 74, and Superb 70, were sunk, and two,
   the Formidable 80, and the Héros 74, had struck. The Soleil
   Royal afterwards went aground, but her crew escaped, as did
   that of the Héros, whose captain dishonourably ran her ashore
   in the night. Of the remainder, seven ships of the line and
   four frigates threw their guns overboard, and escaped up the
   river Vilaine, where most of them bumped their bottoms out in
   the shallow water; the rest got away and took shelter in the
   Charente, all but one, which was wrecked, but very few ever
   got out again. With two hours more of daylight Hawke thought
   he could have taken or destroyed all, as he was almost up with
   the French van when night overtook him. Two English ships, the
   Essex 64, and the Resolution 74, went ashore in the night and
   could not be got off, but the crews were saved, and the
   victory was won with the loss of 40 killed and 200 wounded.
   The great invasion scheme was completely wrecked. Thurot had
   succeeded in getting out from Dunkirk, and for some months was
   a terror to the northern coast-towns, but early in the
   following year an end was put to his career. For the rest of
   the war the French never ventured to meet the English in
   battle on the high seas, and could only look on helplessly
   while their colonies and commerce fell into the hands of their
   rivals. From the day of the fight in Quiberon Bay, the naval
   and commercial supremacy of England was assured."

      F. W. Longman,
      Frederick the Great and the Seven Years War,
      chapter 12, section 3.

      ALSO IN:
      C. D. Yonge,
      History of the British Navy,
      volume 1, chapter 12.

      J. Entick,
      History of the late War,
      volume 4, pages 241-290.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1760.
   Completed conquest of Canada.
   Successes of the Prussians and their allies.

      See CANADA: A. D. 1760;
      and GERMANY: A. D. 1760.

{928}

ENGLAND: A. D. 1760-1763.
   Accession of George III.
   His ignorance and his despotic notions of kingship.
   Retirement of the elder Pitt.
   Rise and fall of Bute.
   The Grenville Ministry.

   "When George III. came to the throne, in 1760, England had
   been governed for more than half a century by the great Whig
   families which had been brought into the foreground by the
   revolution of 1688. ... Under Walpole's wise and powerful
   sway, the first two Georges had possessed scarcely more than
   the shadow of sovereignty. It was the third George's ambition
   to become a real king, like the king of France or the king of
   Spain. From earliest babyhood, his mother had forever been
   impressing upon him the precept, 'George be king!' and this
   simple lesson had constituted pretty much the whole of his
   education. Popular tradition regards him as the most ignorant
   king that ever sat upon the English throne; and so far as
   general culture is concerned, this opinion is undoubtedly
   correct. ... Nevertheless ... George III. was not destitute of
   a certain kind of ability, which often gets highly rated in
   this not too clear-sighted world. He could see an immediate
   end very distinctly, and acquired considerable power from the
   dogged industry with which he pursued it. In an age where some
   of the noblest English statesmen drank their gallon of strong
   wine daily, or sat late at the gambling-table, or lived in
   scarcely hidden concubinage, George III. was decorous in
   personal habits and pure in domestic relations, and no
   banker's clerk in London applied himself to the details of
   business more industriously than he. He had a genuine talent
   for administration, and he devoted this talent most
   assiduously to selfish ends. Scantily endowed with human
   sympathy, and almost boorishly stiff in his ordinary unstudied
   manner, he could be smooth as oil whenever he liked. He was an
   adept in gaining men's confidence by a show of interest, and
   securing their aid by dint of fair promises; and when he found
   them of no further use, he could turn them adrift with wanton
   insult. Anyone who dared to disagree with him upon even the
   slightest point of policy he straightway regarded as a natural
   enemy, and pursued him ever afterward with vindictive hatred.
   As a natural consequence, he surrounded himself with weak and
   short-sighted advisers, and toward all statesmen of broad
   views and independent character he nursed the bitterest
   rancour. ... Such was the man who, on coming to the throne in
   1760, had it for his first and chiefest thought to break down
   the growing system of cabinet government in England."

      J. Fiske,
      The American Revolution,
      chapter 1 (volume 1).

   "The dissolution of Parliament, shortly after his accession,
   afforded an opportunity of strengthening the parliamentary
   connection of the king's friends. Parliament was kept sitting
   while the king and Lord Bute were making out lists of the
   court candidates, and using every exertion to secure their
   return. The king not only wrested government boroughs from the
   ministers, in order to nominate his own friends, but even
   encouraged opposition to such ministers as he conceived not to
   be in his interest. ... Lord Bute, the originator of the new
   policy, was not personally well qualified for its successful
   promotion. He was not connected with the great families who
   had acquired a preponderance of political influence; he was no
   parliamentary debater: his manners were unpopular: he was a
   courtier rather than a politician: his intimate relations with
   the Princess of Wales were an object of scandal; and, above
   all, he was a Scotchman. ... Immediately after the king's
   accession he had been made a privy councillor, and admitted
   into the cabinet. An arrangement was soon afterwards
   concerted, by which Lord Holdernesse retired from office with
   a pension, and Lord Bute succeeded him as Secretary of State.
   It was now the object of the court to break up the existing
   ministry, and to replace it with another, formed from among
   the king's friends. Had the ministry been united, and had the
   chiefs reposed confidence in one another, it would have been
   difficult to overthrow them. But there were already jealousies
   amongst them, which the court lost no opportunity of
   fomenting. A breach soon arose between Mr. Pitt, the most
   powerful and popular of the ministers, and his colleagues. He
   desired to strike a sudden blow against Spain, which had
   concluded a secret treaty of alliance with France, then at war
   with this country.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1761 (AUGUST).

   Though war minister he was opposed by all his colleagues
   except Lord Temple. He bore himself haughtily at the council,
   --declared that he had been called to the ministry by the
   voice of the people, and that he could not be responsible for
   measures which he was no longer allowed to guide. Being met
   with equal loftiness in the cabinet, he was forced to tender
   his resignation. The king overpowered the retiring minister
   with kindness and condescension. He offered the barony of
   Chatham to his wife, and to himself an annuity of £3,000 a
   year for three lives. The minister had deserved these royal
   favours, and he accepted them, but at the cost of his
   popularity. ... The same Gazette which announced his
   resignation, also trumpeted forth the peerage and the pension,
   and was the signal for clamors against the public favourite.
   On the retirement of Mr. Pitt, Lord Bute became the most
   influential of the ministers. He undertook the chief
   management of public affairs in the cabinet, and the sole
   direction of the House of Lords. ... His ascendency provoked
   the jealousy and resentment of the king's veteran minister,
   the Duke of Newcastle: who had hitherto distributed all the
   patronage of the Crown, but now was never consulted. ... At
   length, in May 1762, his grace, after frequent disagreements
   in the cabinet and numerous affronts, was obliged to resign.
   And now, the object of the court being at length attained,
   Lord Bute was immediately placed at the head of affairs, as
   First Lord of the Treasury. ... The king and his minister were
   resolved to carry matters with a high hand, and their
   arbitrary attempts to coerce and intimidate opponents
   disclosed their imperious views of the prerogative.
   Preliminaries of a treaty of peace with France having been
   agreed upon, against which a strong popular feeling was
   aroused, the king's vengeance was directed against all who
   ventured to disapprove them. The Duke of Devonshire having
   declined to attend the council summoned to decide upon the
   peace, was insulted by the king, and forced to resign his
   office of Lord Chamberlain. A few days afterwards the king,
   with his own hand, struck his grace's name from the list of
   privy councillors. ... No sooner had Lord Rockingham heard of
   the treatment of the Duke of Devonshire than he ... resigned
   his place in the household. A more general proscription of the
   Whig nobles soon followed. The Dukes of Newcastle and Grafton,
   and the Marquess of Rockingham, having presumed, as peers of
   Parliament, to express their disapprobation of the peace, were
   dismissed from the lord-lieutenancies of their counties. ...
   Nor was the vengeance of the court confined to the heads of
   the Whig party.
{929}
   All placemen, who had voted against the preliminaries of
   peace, were dismissed. ... The preliminaries of peace were
   approved by Parliament; and the Princess of Wales, exulting in
   the success of the court, exclaimed, 'Now my son is king of
   England.' But her exultation was premature. ... These
   stretches of prerogative served to unite the Whigs into an
   organised opposition. ... The fall of the king's favoured
   minister was even more sudden than his rise. ... Afraid, as he
   confessed, 'not only of falling himself, but of involving his
   royal master in his ruin,' he resigned suddenly [April 7,
   1763],--to the surprise of all parties, and even of the king
   himself,--before he had held office for eleven months. ... He
   retreated to the interior cabinet, whence he could direct more
   securely the measures of the court; having previously negotiated
   the appointment of Mr. George Grenville as his successor, and
   arranged with him the nomination of the cabinet. The ministry
   of Mr. Grenville was constituted in a manner favourable to the
   king's personal views, and was expected to be under the
   control of himself and his favorite."

      T. E. May,
      Constitutional History of England, 1760-1860,
      chapter 1.

      ALSO IN:
      J. H. Jesse,
      Memoirs of the Life and Reign of George III.,
      chapter 1-10 (volume 1).

      The Grenville Papers,
      volumes 1-2.

      W. Massey,
      History of England: Reign of George III.,
      chapters 2-3 (volume 1).

      G. O. Trevelyan,
      Early History of Charles James Fox,
      chapter 4.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1760-1775.
   Crown, Parliament and Colonies.
   The conflicting theories of their relations.

      See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1760-1775.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1761-1762.
   The third Family Compact of the Bourbon kings.
   War with Spain.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1761 (AUGUST).

ENGLAND: A. D. 1761-1762.
   The Seven Years War: Last Campaigns in Germany.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1761-1762.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1 762.
   Capture of Havana.

      See CUBA: A. D. 1514-1851.

ENGLAND: A. D. 1762-1764.
   "The North Briton," No. 45, and the prosecution of Wilkes.

   "The popular dislike to the new system of Government by
   courtiers had found vent in a scurrilous press, the annoyance
   of which continued unabated by the sham retirement of the
   minister whose ascendancy had provoked this grievous kind of
   opposition. The leader of the host of libellers was John
   Wilkes, a man of that audacity and self-possession which are
   indispensable to success in the most disreputable line of
   political adventure. But Wilkes had qualities which placed him
   far above the level of a vulgar demagogue. Great sense and
   shrewdness, brilliant wit, extensive knowledge of the world,
   with the manners of a gentleman, were among the
   accomplishments which he brought to a vocation, but rarely
   illustrated by the talents of a Catiline. Long before he
   engaged in public life, Wilkes had become infamous for his
   debaucheries, and, with a few other men of fashion, had tested
   the toleration of public opinion by a series of outrages upon
   religion and decency. Profligacy of morals, however, has not
   in any age or country proved a bar to the character of a
   patriot. ... Wilkes' journal, which originated with the
   administration of Lord Bute [first issued June 5, 1762], was
   happily entitled 'The North Briton,' and from its boldness and
   personality soon obtained a large circulation. It is surpassed
   in ability though not often equalled in virulence by the
   political press of the present day; but at a time when the
   characters of public men deservedly stood lowest in public
   estimation, they were protected, not unadvisedly perhaps, from
   the assaults of the press by a stringent law of libel. ... It
   had been the practice since the Revolution, and it is now
   acknowledged as an important constitutional right, to treat
   the Speech from the Throne, on the opening of Parliament, as
   the manifesto of the minister; and in that point of view, it
   had from time to time been censured by Pitt, and other leaders
   of party, with the ordinary license of debate. But when Wilkes
   presumed to use this freedom in his paper, though in a degree
   which would have seemed temperate and even tame had he spoken
   to the same purport in his place in Parliament, it was thought
   necessary to repress such insolence with the whole weight of
   the law. A warrant was issued from the office of the Secretary
   of State to seize--not any person named--but 'the authors,
   printers, and publishers of the seditious libel, entitled the
   North Briton, No. 45.' Under this warrant, forty-nine persons
   were arrested and detained in custody for several days; but as
   it was found that none of them could be brought within the
   description in the warrant, they were discharged. Several of
   the individuals who had been so seized, brought actions for
   false imprisonment against the messengers; and in one of these
   actions, in which a verdict was entered for the plaintiff
   under the direction of the Lord Chief Justice of the Common
   Pleas, the two important questions as to the claim of a
   Secretary of State to the protection given by statute to
   justices of the peace acting in that capacity, and as to the
   legality of a warrant which did not specify any individual by
   name, were raised by a Bill of Exceptions to the ruling of the
   presiding judge, and thus came upon appeal before the Court of
   King's Bench. ... The Court of King's Bench ... intimated a
   strong opinion against the Crown upon the important
   constitutional questions which had been raised, and directed
   the case to stand over for further argument; but when the case
   came on again, the Attorney-General Yorke prudently declined
   any further agitation of the questions. ... These proceedings
   were not brought to a close until the end of the year 1765,
   long after the administration under which they were instituted
   had ceased to exist. ... The prosecution of Wilkes himself was
   pressed with the like indiscreet vigour. The privilege of
   Parliament, which extends to every case except treason,
   felony, and breach of the peace, presented an obstacle to the
   vengeance of the Court. But the Crown lawyers, with a
   servility which belonged to the worst times of prerogative,
   advised that a libel came within the purview of the exception,
   as having a tendency to a breach of the peace; and upon this
   perversion of plain law, Wilkes was arrested, and brought
   before Lord Halifax for examination. The cool and wary
   demagogue, however, was more than a match for the Secretary of
   State; but his authorship of the alleged libel having been
   proved by the printer, he was committed close prisoner to the
   Tower. In a few days, having sued out writs of habeas, he was
   brought up before the Court of Common Pleas. ... The argument
   which would confound the commission of a crime with conduct
   which had no more than a tendency to provoke it, was at once
   rejected by an independent court of justice; and the result
   was the liberation of Wilkes from custody.
{930}
   But the vengeance of the Court was not turned aside by this
   disappointment. An ex-officio prosecution for libel was
   immediately instituted against the member for Aylesbury; he
   was deprived of his commission as colonel of the
   Buckinghamshire militia; his patron, Earl Temple, who provided
   the funds for his defence, was at the same time dismissed from
   the lord-lieutenancy of the same county, and from the Privy
   Council. When Parliament assembled in the autumn, the first
   business brought forward by the Government was this
   contemptible affair--a proceeding not merely foolish and
   undignified, but a flagrant violation of common justice and
   decency. Having elected to prosecute Wilkes for this alleged