65. For the effecting of this it was thought necessary to
reduce Scotland to such Popish superstitions and innovations
as might make them apt to join with England in that great
change which was intended.
66. Whereupon new canons and a new liturgy were pressed upon
them, and when they refused to admit of them, an army was
raised to force them to it, towards which the Clergy and the
Papists were very forward in their contribution.
67. The Scots likewise raised an army for their defence.
68. And when both armies were come together, and ready for a
bloody encounter, His Majesty's own gracious disposition, and
the counsel of the English nobility and dutiful submission of
the Scots, did so far prevail against the evil counsel of
others, that a pacification was made, and His Majesty returned
with peace and much honour to London.
69. The unexpected reconciliation was most acceptable to all
the kingdom, except to the malignant party; whereof the
Archbishop and the Earl of Strafford being heads, they and
their faction begun to inveigh against the peace, and to
aggravate the proceedings of the states, which so increased
[incensed?] His Majesty, that he forthwith prepared again for
war.
70. And such was their confidence, that having corrupted and
distempered the whole frame and government of the kingdom,
they did now hope to corrupt that which was the only means to
restore all to a right frame and temper again.
71. To which end they persuaded His Majesty to call a
Parliament, not to seek counsel and advice of them, but to
draw countenance and supply from them, and to engage the whole
kingdom in their quarrel.
72. And in the meantime continued all their unjust levies of
money, resolving either to make the Parliament pliant to their
will, and to establish mischief by a law, or else to break it,
and with more colour to go on by violence to take what they
could not obtain by consent. The ground alleged for the
justification of this war was this,
73. That the undutiful demands of the Parliaments in Scotland
was a sufficient reason for His Majesty to take arms against
them, without hearing the reason of those demands, and
thereupon a new army was prepared against them, their ships
were seized in all ports both of England and Ireland, and at
sea, their petitions rejected, their commissioners refused
audience.
74. The whole kingdom most miserably distempered with levies
of men and money, and imprisonments of those who denied to
submit to those levies.
75. The Earl of Strafford passed into Ireland, caused the
Parliament there to declare against the Scots, to give four
subsidies towards that war, and to engage themselves, their
lives and fortunes, for the prosecution of it, and gave
directions for an army of eight thousand foot and one thousand
horse to be levied there, which were for the most part
Papists.
76. The Parliament met upon the 13th of April, 1640. The Earl
of Strafford and Archbishop of Canterbury, with their party,
so prevailed with His Majesty, that the House of Commons was
pressed to yield a supply for maintenance of the war with
Scotland, before they had provided any relief for the great
and pressing grievances of the people, which being against the
fundamental privilege and proceeding of Parliament, was yet in
humble respect to His Majesty, so far admitted as that they
agreed to take the matter of supply into consideration, and
two several days it was debated.
77. Twelve subsidies were demanded for the release of
ship-money alone, a third day was appointed for conclusion,
when the heads of that party begun to fear the people might
close with the King, in falsifying his desires of money; but
that withal they were like to blast their malicious designs
against Scotland, finding them very much indisposed to give
any countenance to that war.
78. Thereupon they wickedly advised the King to break off the
Parliament and to return to the ways of confusion, in which
their own evil intentions were most likely to prosper and
succeed.
79. After the Parliament ended the 5th of May, 1640, this
party grew so bold as to counsel the King to supply himself
out of his subjects' estates by his own power, at his own
will, without their consent.
80. The very next day some members of both Houses had their
studies and cabinets, yea, their pockets searched: another of
them not long after was committed close prisoner for not
delivering some petitions which he received by authority of
that House.
81. And if harsher courses were intended (as was reported) it
is very probable that the sickness of the Earl of Strafford,
and the tumultuous rising in Southwark and about Lambeth were
the causes that such violent intentions were not brought to
execution.
82. A false and scandalous Declaration against the House of
Commons was published in His Majesty's name, which yet wrought
little effect with the people, but only to manifest the
impudence of those who were authors of it.
83. A forced loan of money was attempted in the City of
London.
84. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen in their several wards,
enjoined to bring in a list of the names of such persons as
they judged fit to lend, and of the sums they should lend. And
such Aldermen as refused to do so were committed to prison.
85. The Archbishop and the other Bishops and Clergy continued
the Convocation, and by a new commission turned it into a
provincial Synod, in which, by an unheard-of presumption, they
made canons that contain in them many matters contrary to the
King's prerogative, to the fundamental laws and statutes of
the realm, to the right of Parliaments, to the property and
liberty of the subject, and matters tending to sedition and of
dangerous consequence, thereby establishing their own
usurpations, justifying their altar-worship, and those other
superstitious innovations which they formerly introduced
without warrant of law.
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86. They imposed a new oath upon divers of His Majesty's
subjects, both ecclesiastical and lay, for maintenance of
their own tyranny, and laid a great tax on the Clergy, for
supply of His Majesty, and generally they showed themselves
very affectionate to the war with Scotland, which was by some
of them styled 'Bellum Episeopale,' and a prayer composed and
enjoined to be read in all churches, calling the Scots rebels,
to put the two nations in blood and make them irreconcilable.
87. All those pretended canons and constitutions were armed
with the several censures of suspension, excommunication,
deprivation, by which they would have thrust out all the good
ministers, and most of the well-affected people of the
kingdom, and left an easy passage to their own design of
reconciliation with Rome.
88. The Popish party enjoyed such exemptions from penal laws
as amounted to a toleration, besides many other encouragements
and Court favours.
89. They had a Secretary of State, Sir Francis Windebanck, a
powerful agent for speeding all their desires.
90. A Pope's Nuncio residing here, to act and govern them
according to such influences as he received from Rome, and to
intercede for them with the most powerful concurrence of the
foreign princes of that religion.
91. By his authority the Papists of all sorts, nobility,
gentry, and clergy were convocated after the manner of a
Parliament.
92. New jurisdictions were erected of Romish Archbishops,
taxes levied, another state moulded within this state
independent in government, contrary in interest and affection,
secretly corrupting the ignorant or negligent professors of
our religion, and closely uniting and combining themselves
against such as were found in this posture, waiting for an
opportunity by force to destroy those whom they could not hope
to seduce.
93. For the effecting whereof they were strengthened with arms
and munitions, encouraged by superstitious prayers, enjoined
by the Nuncio to be weekly made for the prosperity of some
great design.
94. And such power had they at Court, that secretly a
commission was issued out, or intended to be issued to some
great men of that profession, for the levying of soldiers, and
to command and employ them according to private instructions,
which we doubt were framed for the advantage of those who were
the contrivers of them.
95. His Majesty's treasure was consumed, his revenue
anticipated.
96. His servants and officers compelled to lend great sums of
money.
97. Multitudes were called to the Council Table, who were
tired with long attendances there for refusing illegal
payments.
98. The prisons were filled with their commitments; many of
the Sheriffs summoned into the Star Chamber, and some
imprisoned for not being quick enough in levying the
ship-money; the people languished under grief and fear, no
visible hope being left but in desperation.
99. The nobility began to weary of their silence and patience,
and sensible of the duty and trust which belongs to them: and
thereupon some of the most ancient of them did petition His
Majesty at such a time, when evil counsels were so strong,
that they had occasion to expect more hazard to themselves,
than redress of those public evils for which they interceded.
100. Whilst the kingdom was in this agitation and distemper,
the Scots, restrained in their trades, impoverished by the
loss of many of their ships, bereaved of all possibility of
satisfying His Majesty by any naked supplication, entered with
a powerful army into the kingdom, and without any hostile act
or spoil in the country they passed, more than forcing a
passage over the Tyne at Newburn, near Newcastle, possessed
themselves of Newcastle, and had a fair opportunity to press
on further upon the King's army.
101. But duty and reverence to His Majesty, and brotherly love
to the English nation, made them stay there, whereby the King
had leisure to entertain better counsels.
102. Wherein God so blessed and directed him that he summoned
the Great Council of Peers to meet at York upon the 24th of
September, and there declared a Parliament to begin the 3d of
November then following.
103. The Scots, the first day of the Great Council, presented
an humble Petition to His Majesty, whereupon the Treaty was
appointed at Ripon.
104. A present cessation of arms agreed upon, and the full
conclusion of all differences referred to the wisdom and care
of the Parliament.
105. At our first meeting, all oppositions seemed to vanish,
the mischiefs were so evident which those evil counsellors
produced, that no man durst stand up to defend them: yet the
work itself afforded difficulty enough.
106. The multiplied evils and corruption of fifteen years,
strengthened by custom and authority, and the concurrent
interest of many powerful delinquents, were now to be brought
to judgment and reformation.
107. The King's household was to be provided for:--they had
brought him to that want, that he could not supply his
ordinary and necessary expenses without the assistance of his
people.
108. Two armies were to be paid, which amounted very near to
eighty thousand pounds a month.
109. The people were to be tenderly charged, having been
formerly exhausted with many burdensome projects.
110. The difficulties seemed to be insuperable, which by the
Divine Providence we have overcome. The contrarieties
incompatible, which yet in a great measure we have reconciled.
111. Six subsidies have been granted and a Bill of poll-money,
which if it be duly levied, may equal six subsidies more, in
all £600,000.
112. Besides we have contracted a debt to the Scots of
£220,000, yet God hath so blessed the endeavours of this
Parliament, that the kingdom is a great gainer by all these
charges.
113. The ship-money is abolished, which cost the kingdom about
£200,000 a year.
114. The coat and conduct-money, and other military charges
are taken away, which in many countries amounted to little
less than the ship-money.
115. The monopolies are all suppressed, whereof some few did
prejudice the subject, above £1,000,000 yearly.
116. The soap £100,000.
117. The wine £300,000.
118. The leather must needs exceed both, and salt could be no
less than that.
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119. Besides the inferior monopolies, which, if they could be
exactly computed, would make up a great sum.
120. That which is more beneficial than all this is, that the
root of these evils is taken away, which was the arbitrary
power pretended to be in His Majesty of taxing the subject, or
charging their estates without consent in Parliament, which is
now declared to be against law by the judgment of both Houses,
and likewise by an Act of Parliament.
121. Another step of great advantage is this, the living
grievances, the evil counsellors and actors of these mischiefs
have been so quelled.
122. By the justice done upon the Earl of Strafford, the
flight of the Lord Finch and Secretary Windebank.
123. The accusation and imprisonment of the Archbishop of
Canterbury, of Judge Berkeley; and
124. The impeachment of divers other Bishops and Judges, that
it is like not only to be an ease to the present times, but a
preservation to the future.
125. The discontinuance of Parliaments is prevented by the
Bill for a triennial Parliament, and the abrupt dissolution of
this Parliament by another Bill, by which it is provided it
shall not be dissolved or adjourned without the consent of
both Houses.
126. Which two laws well considered may be thought more
advantageous than all the former, because they secure a full
operation of the present remedy, and afford a perpetual spring
of remedies for the future.
127. The Star Chamber.
128. The High Commission.
129. The Courts of the President and Council in the North were
so many forges of misery, oppression and violence, and are all
taken away, whereby men are more secured in their persons,
liberties and estates, than they could be by any law or
example for the regulation of those Courts or terror of the
Judges.
130. The immoderate power of the Council Table, and the
excessive abuse of that power is so ordered and restrained,
that we may well hope that no such things as were frequently
done by them, to the prejudice of the public liberty, will
appear in future times but only in stories, to give us and our
posterity more occasion to praise God for His Majesty's
goodness, and the faithful endeavours of this Parliament.
131. The canons and power of canon-making are blasted by the
votes of both Houses.
132. The exorbitant power of Bishops and their courts are much
abated, by some provisions in the Bill against the High
Commission Court, the authors of the many innovations in
doctrine and ceremonies.
133. The ministers that have been scandalous in their lives,
have been so terrified in just complaints and accusations,
that we may well hope they will be more modest for the time to
come; either inwardly convicted by the sight of their own
folly, or outwardly restrained by the fear of punishment.
134. The forests are by a good law reduced to their right
bounds.
135. The encroachments and oppressions of the Stannary Courts,
the extortions of the clerk of the market.
136. And the compulsion of the subject to receive the Order of
Knighthood against his will, paying of fines for not receiving
it, and the vexatious proceedings thereupon for levying of
those fines, are by other beneficial laws reformed and
prevented.
137. Many excellent laws and provisions are in preparation for
removing the inordinate power, vexation and usurpation of
Bishops, for reforming the pride and idleness of many of the
clergy, for easing the people of unnecessary ceremonies in
religion, for censuring and removing unworthy and unprofitable
ministers, and for maintaining godly and diligent preachers
through the kingdom.
138. Other things of main importance for the good of this
kingdom are in proposition, though little could hitherto be
done in regard of the many other more pressing businesses,
which yet before the end of this Session we hope may receive
some progress and perfection.
139. The establishing and ordering the King's revenue, that so
the abuse of officers and superfluity of expenses may be cut
off, and the necessary disbursements for His Majesty's honour,
the defence and government of the kingdom, may be more
certainly provided for.
140. The regulating of courts of justice, and abridging both
the delays and charges of lawsuits.
141. The settling of some good courses for preventing the
exportation of gold and silver, and the inequality of
exchanges between us and other nations, for the advancing of
native commodities, increase of our manufactures, and well
balancing of trade, whereby the stock of the kingdom may be
increased, or at least kept from impairing, as through neglect
hereof it hath done for many years last past.
142. Improving the herring-fishing upon our coasts, which will
be of mighty use in the employment of the poor, and a
plentiful nursery of mariners for enabling the kingdom in any
great action.
143. The oppositions, obstructions and other difficulties
wherewith we have been encountered, and which still lie in our
way with some strength and much obstinacy, are these: the
malignant party whom we have formerly described to be the
actors and promoters of all our misery, they have taken heart
again.
144. They have been able to prefer some of their own factors
and agents to degrees of honour, to places of trust and
employment, even during the Parliament.
145. They have endeavoured to work in His Majesty ill
impressions and opinions of our proceedings, as if we had
altogether done our own work, and not his; and had obtained
from him many things very prejudicial to the Crown, both in
respect of prerogative and profit.
146. To wipe out this slander we think good only to say thus
much: that all that we have done is for His Majesty, his
greatness, honour and support, when we yield to give £25,000 a
month for the relief of the Northern Counties; this was given
to the King, for he was bound to protect his subjects.
147. They were His Majesty's evil counsellors, and their ill
instruments that were actors in those grievances which brought
in the Scots.
148. And if His Majesty please to force those who were the
authors of this war to make satisfaction, as he might justly
and easily do, it seems very reasonable that the people might
well be excused from taking upon them this burden, being
altogether innocent and free from being any cause of it.
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149. When we undertook the charge of the army, which cost
above £50,000 a month, was not this given to the King? Was it
not His Majesty's army? Were not all the commanders under
contract with His Majesty, at higher rates and greater wages
than ordinary?
150. And have not we taken upon us to discharge all the
brotherly assistance of £300,000, which we gave the Scots? Was
it not toward repair of those damages and losses which they
received from the King's ships and from his ministers?
151. These three particulars amount to above £1,100,000.
152. Besides, His Majesty hath received by impositions upon
merchandise at least £400,000.
153. So that His Majesty hath had out of the subjects' purse
since the Parliament began, £1,500,000 and yet these men can
be so impudent as to tell His Majesty that we have done
nothing for him.
154. As to the second branch of this slander, we acknowledge
with much thankfulness that His Majesty hath passed more good
Bills to the advantage of the subjects than have been in many
ages.
155. But withal we cannot forget that these venomous councils
did manifest themselves in some endeavours to hinder these
good acts.
156. And for both Houses of Parliament we may with truth and
modesty say thus much: that we have ever been careful not to
desire anything that should weaken the Crown either in just
profit or useful power.
157. The triennial Parliament for the matter of it, doth not
extend to so much as by law we ought to have required (there
being two statutes still in force for a Parliament to be once
a year), and for the manner of it, it is in the King's power
that it shall never take effect, if he by a timely summons
shall prevent any other way of assembling.
158. In the Bill for continuance of this present Parliament,
there seems to be some restraint of the royal power in
dissolving of Parliaments, not to take it out of the Crown,
but to suspend the execution of it for this time and occasion
only: which was so necessary for the King's own security and
the public peace, that without it we could not have undertaken
any of these great charges, but must have left both the armies
to disorder and confusion, and the whole kingdom to blood and
rapine.
159. The Star Chamber was much more fruitful in oppression
than in profit, the great fines being for the most part given
away, and the rest stalled at long times.
160. The fines of the High Commission were in themselves
unjust, and seldom or never came into the King's purse. These
four Bills are particularly and more specially instanced.
161. In the rest there will not be found so much as a shadow
of prejudice to the Crown.
162. They have sought to diminish our reputation with the
people, and to bring them out of love with Parliaments.
163. The aspersions which they have attempted this way have
been such as these:
164. That we have spent much time and done little, especially
in those grievances which concern religion.
165. That the Parliament is a burden to the kingdom by the
abundance of protections which hinder justice and trade; and
by many subsidies granted much more heavy than any formerly
endured.
166. To which there is a ready answer; if the time spent in
this Parliament be considered in relation backward to the long
growth and deep root of those grievances, which we have
removed, to the powerful supports of those delinquents, which
we have pursued, to the great necessities and other charges of
the commonwealth for which we have provided.
167. Or if it be considered in relation forward to many
advantages, which not only the present but future ages are
like to reap by the good laws and other proceedings in this
Parliament, we doubt not but it will be thought by all
indifferent judgments, that our time hath been much better
employed than in a far greater proportion of time in many
former Parliaments put together; and the charges which have
been laid upon the subject, and the other inconveniences which
they have borne, will seem very light in respect of the
benefit they have and may receive.
168. And for the matter of protections, the Parliament is so
sensible of it that therein they intended to give them
whatsoever ease may stand with honour and justice, and are in
a way of passing a Bill to give them satisfaction.
169. They have sought by many subtle practices to cause
jealousies and divisions betwixt us and our brethren of
Scotland, by slandering their proceedings and intentions
towards us, and by secret endeavours to instigate and incense
them and us one against another.
170. They have had such a party of Bishops and Popish lords in
the House of Peers, as hath caused much opposition and delay
in the prosecution of delinquents, hindered the proceedings of
divers good Bills passed in the Commons' House, concerning the
reformation of sundry great abuses and corruptions both in
Church and State.
171. They have laboured to seduce and corrupt some of the
Commons' House to draw them into conspiracies and combinations
against the liberty of the Parliament.
172. And by their instruments and agents they have attempted
to disaffect and discontent His Majesty's army, and to engage
it for the maintenance of their wicked and traitorous designs;
the keeping up of Bishops in votes and functions, and by force
to compel the Parliament to order, limit and dispose their
proceedings in such manner as might best concur with the
intentions of this dangerous and potent faction.
173. And when one mischievous design and attempt of theirs to
bring on the army against the Parliament and the City of
London, hath been discovered and prevented;
174. They presently undertook another of the same damnable
nature, with this addition to it, to endeavour to make the
Scottish army neutral, whilst the English army, which they had
laboured to corrupt and envenom against us by their false and
slanderous suggestions, should execute their malice to the
subversion of our religion and the dissolution of our
government.
175. Thus they have been continually practising to disturb the
peace, and plotting the destruction even of all the King's
dominions; and have employed their emissaries and agents in
them, all for the promoting their devilish designs, which the
vigilancy of those who were well affected hath still
discovered and defeated before they were ripe for execution in
England and Scotland.
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176. Only in Ireland, which was farther off, they have had
time and opportunity to mould and prepare their work, and had
brought it to that perfection that they had possessed
themselves of that whole kingdom, totally subverted the
government of it, routed out religion, and destroyed all the
Protestants whom the conscience of their duty to God, their
King and country, would not have permitted to join with them,
if by God's wonderful providence their main enterprise upon
the city and castle of Dublin, had not been detected and
prevented upon the very eve before it should have been
executed.
177. Notwithstanding they have in other parts of that kingdom
broken out into open rebellion, surprising towns and castles,
committed murders, rapes and other villainies, and shaken off
all bonds of obedience to His Majesty and the laws of the
realm.
178. And in general have kindled such a fire, as nothing but
God's infinite blessing upon the wisdom and endeavours of this
State will be able to quench it.
179. And certainly had not God in His great mercy unto this
land discovered and confounded their former designs, we had
been the prologue to this tragedy in Ireland, and had by this
been made the lamentable spectacle of misery and confusion.
180. And now what hope have we but in God, when as the only
means of our subsistence and power of reformation is under Him
in the Parliament?
181. But what can we the Commons, without the conjunction of
the House of Lords, and what conjunction can we expect there,
when the Bishops and recusant lords are so numerous and
prevalent that they are able to cross and interrupt our best
endeavours for reformation, and by that means give advantage
to this malignant party to traduce our proceedings?
182. They infuse into the people that we mean to abolish all
Church government, and leave every man to his own fancy for
the service and worship of God, absolving him of that
obedience which he owes under God unto His Majesty, whom we
know to be entrusted with the ecclesiastical law as well as
with the temporal, to regulate all the members of the Church
of England, by such rules of order and discipline as are
established by Parliament, which is his great council in all
affairs both in Church and State.
183. We confess our intention is, and our endeavours have
been, to reduce within bounds that exorbitant power which the
prelates have assumed unto themselves, so contrary both to the
Word of God and to the laws of the land, to which end we
passed the Bill for the removing them from their temporal
power and employments, that so the better they might with
meekness apply themselves to the discharge of their functions,
which Bill themselves opposed, and were the principal
instruments of crossing it.
184. And we do here declare that it is far from our purpose or
desire to let loose the golden reins of discipline and
government in the Church, to leave private persons or
particular congregations to take up what form of Divine
Service they please, for we hold it requisite that there
should be throughout the whole realm a conformity to that
order which the laws enjoin according to the Word of God. And
we desire to unburden the consciences of men of needless and
superstitious ceremonies, suppress innovations, and take away
the monuments of idolatry.
185. And the better to effect the intended reformation, we
desire there may be a general synod of the most grave, pious,
learned and judicious divines of this island; assisted with
some from foreign parts, professing the same religion with us,
who may consider of all things necessary for the peace and
good government of the Church, and represent the results of
their consultations unto the Parliament, to be there allowed
of and confirmed, and receive the stamp of authority, thereby
to find passage and obedience throughout the kingdom.
186. They have maliciously charged us that we intend to
destroy and discourage learning, whereas it is our chiefest
care and desire to advance it, and to provide a competent
maintenance for conscionable and preaching ministers
throughout the kingdom, which will be a great encouragement to
scholars, and a certain means whereby the want, meanness and
ignorance, to which a great part of the clergy is now subject,
will be prevented.
187. And we intended likewise to reform and purge the
fountains of learning, the two Universities, that the streams
flowing from thence may be clear and pure, and an honour and
comfort to the whole land.
188. They have strained to blast our proceedings in
Parliament, by wresting the interpretations of our orders from
their genuine intention.
189. They tell the people that our meddling with the power of
episcopacy hath caused sectaries and conventicles, when
idolatrous and Popish ceremonies, introduced into the Church
by the command of the Bishops have not only debarred the
people from thence, but expelled them from the kingdom.
190. Thus with Elijah, we are called by this malignant party
the troublers of the State, and still, while we endeavour to
reform their abuses, they make us the authors of those
mischiefs we study to prevent.
191. For the perfecting of the work begun, and removing all
future impediments, we conceive these courses will be very
effectual, seeing the religion of the Papists hath such
principles as do certainly tend to the destruction and
extirpation of all Protestants, when they shall have
opportunity to effect it.
192. It is necessary in the first place to keep them in such
condition as that they may not be able to do us any hurt, and
for avoiding of such connivance and favour as hath heretofore
been shown unto them.
193. That His Majesty be pleased to grant a standing
Commission to some choice men named in Parliament, who may
take notice of their increase, their counsels and proceedings,
and use all due means by execution of the laws to prevent all
mischievous designs against the peace and safety of this
kingdom.
194. Thus some good course be taken to discover the
counterfeit and false conformity of Papists to the Church, by
colour whereof persons very much disaffected to the true
religion have been admitted into place of greatest authority
and trust in the kingdom.
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195. For the better preservation of the laws and liberties of
the kingdom, that all illegal grievances and exactions be
presented and punished at the sessions and assizes.
196. And that Judges and Justices be very careful to give this
in charge to the grand jury, and both the Sheriff and Justices
to be sworn to the due execution of the Petition of Right and
other laws.
197. That His Majesty be humbly petitioned by both Houses to
employ such counsellors, ambassadors and other ministers, in
managing his business at home and abroad as the Parliament may
have cause to confide in, without which we cannot give His
Majesty such supplies for support of his own estate, nor such
assistance to the Protestant party beyond the sea, as is
desired.
198. It may often fall out that the Commons may have just
cause to take exceptions at some men for being councillors,
and yet not charge those men with crimes, for there be grounds
of diffidence which lie not in proof.
199. There are others, which though they may be proved, yet
are not legally criminal.
200. To be a known favourer of Papists, or to have been very
forward in defending or countenancing some great offenders
questioned in Parliament; or to speak contemptuously of either
Houses of Parliament or Parliamentary proceedings.
201. Or such as are factors or agents for any foreign prince
of another religion; such are justly suspected to get
councillors' places, or any other of trust concerning public
employment for money; for all these and divers others we may
have great reason to be earnest with His Majesty, not to put
his great affairs into such hands, though we may be unwilling
to proceed against them in any legal way of charge or
impeachment.
202. That all Councillors of State may be sworn to observe
those laws which concern the subject in his liberty, that they
may likewise take an oath not to receive or give reward or
pension from any foreign prince, but such as they shall within
some reasonable time discover to the Lords of His Majesty's
Council.
203. And although they should wickedly forswear themselves,
yet it may herein do good to make them known to be false and
perjured to those who employ them, and thereby bring them into
as little credit with them as with us.
204. That His Majesty may have cause to be in love with good
counsel and good men, by shewing him in an humble and dutiful
manner how full of advantage it would be to himself, to see
his own estate settled in a plentiful condition to support his
honour; to see his people united in ways of duty to him, and
endeavours of the public good; to see happiness, wealth, peace
and safety derived to his own kingdom, and procured to his
allies by the influence of his own power and government."
ENGLAND: A. D. 1642 (JANUARY).
The King's attempt against the Five Members.
On the 3d of January, "the king was betrayed into ... an
indiscretion to which all the ensuing disorders and civil wars
ought immediately and directly to be ascribed. This was the
impeachment of Lord Kimbolton and the five members. ...
Herbert, attorney-general, appeared in the House of Peers,
and, in his majesty's name, entered an accusation of high
treason against Lord Kimbolton and five commoners, Hollis, Sir
Arthur Hazlerig, Hambden, Pym, and Strode. The articles were,
That they had traitorously endeavoured to subvert the
fundamental laws and government of the kingdom, to deprive the
king of his regal power, and to impose on his subjects an
arbitrary and tyrannical authority; that they had endeavoured,
by many foul aspersions on his majesty and his government, to
alienate the affections of his people, and make him odious to
them; that they had attempted to draw his late army to
disobedience of his royal commands, and to side with them in
their traitorous designs; that they had invited and encouraged
a foreign power to invade the kingdom; that they had aimed at
subverting the rights and very being of Parliament; that, in
order to complete their traitorous designs, they had
endeavoured, as far as in them lay, by force and terror, to
compel the Parliament to join with them, and to that end had
actually raised and countenanced tumults against the king and
Parliament; and that they had traitorously conspired to levy,
and actually had levied, war against the king. The whole world
stood amazed at this important accusation, so suddenly entered
upon, without concert, deliberation or reflection. ... But men
had not leisure to wonder at the indiscretion of this measure:
their astonishment was excited by new attempts, still more
precipitate and imprudent. A sergeant at arms, in the king's
name, demanded of the House the five members, and was sent
back without any positive answer. Messengers were employed to
search for them and arrest them. Their trunks, chambers, and
studies, were sealed and locked. The House voted all these
acts of violence to be breaches of privilege, and commanded
everyone to defend the liberty of the members. The king,
irritated by all this opposition, resolved next day to come in
person to the House, with an intention to demand, perhaps
seize, in their presence, the persons whom he had accused.
This resolution was discovered to the Countess of Carlisle,
sister to Northumberland, a lady of spirit, wit, and intrigue.
She privately sent intelligence to the five members; and they
had time to withdraw, a moment before the king entered. He was
accompanied by his ordinary retinue, to the number of above
two hundred, armed as usual, some with halberts, some with
walking swords. The king left them at the door, and he himself
advanced alone through the hall, while all the members rose to
receive him. The speaker withdrew from his chair, and the king
took possession of it. The speech which he made was as
follows: 'Gentlemen, I am sorry for this occasion of coming to
you. Yesterday, I sent a sergeant at arms, to demand some,
who, by my order, were accused of high treason. Instead of
obedience, I received a message. ... Therefore am I come to
tell you, that I must have these men wheresoever I can find
them. Well, since I see all the birds are flown, I do expect
that you will send them to me as soon as they return. But I
assure you, on the word of a king, I never did intend any
force, but shall proceed against them in a fair and legal way,
for I never meant any other.' ... When the king was looking
around for the accused members, he asked the speaker, who
stood below, whether any of these persons were in the House?
The speaker, falling on his knee, prudently replied: 'I have,
sir, neither eyes to see, nor tongue to speak, in this place,
but as the House is pleased to direct me, whose servant I am.
{867}
And I humbly ask pardon, that I cannot give any other answer
to what your majesty is pleased to demand of me.' The Commons
were in the utmost disorder; and when the king was departing,
some members cried aloud so as he might hear them, Privilege!
Privilege! and the House immediately adjourned till next day.
That evening, the accused members, to show the greater
apprehension, removed into the city, which was their fortress.
The citizens were the whole night in arms. ... When the House
of Commons met, they affected the greatest dismay; and
adjourning themselves for some days, ordered a committee to
sit in Merchant-Tailors' hall in the city. ... The House again
met, and after confirming the votes of their committee, instantly
adjourned, as if exposed to the most imminent perils from the
violence of their enemies. This practice they continued for
some time. When the people, by these affected panics, were
wrought up to a sufficient degree of rage and terror, it was
thought proper, that the accused members should, with a
triumphant and military procession, take their seats in the
House. The river was covered with boats, and other vessels,
laden with small pieces of ordnance, and prepared for fight.
Skippon, whom the Parliament had appointed, by their own
authority, major-general of the city militia, conducted the
members, at the head of this tumultuary army, to
Westminster-hall. And when the populace, by land and by water,
passed Whitehall, they still asked, with insulting shouts,
What has become of the king and his cavaliers? And whither are
they fled? The king, apprehensive of danger from the enraged
multitude, had retired to Hampton-court, deserted by all the
world, and overwhelmed with grief, shame, and remorse for the
fatal measures into which he had been hurried."
D. Hume,
History of England,
volume 5, chapter 55, pages 85-91.
ALSO IN:
S. R. Gardiner,
The First Two Stuarts and the Puritan Revolution,
chapter 6, section 5.
S. R. Gardiner,
History of England, 1603-1642,
chapter 103 (volume 10).
J. Forster,
Statesmen of the Commonwealth: Pym; Hampden.
L. von Ranke,
History of England, 17th Cent.,
book 8, chapter 10 (volume 2).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1642 (JANUARY-AUGUST).
Preparations for war.
The marshalling of forces.
The raising of the King's standard.
"January 10th. The King with his Court quits Whitehall; the
Five Members and Parliament proposing to return tomorrow, with
the whole City in arms round them. He left Whitehall; never
saw it again till he came to lay down his head there.
March 9th. The King has sent away his Queen from Dover, 'to be
in a place of safety,'--and also to pawn the Crown-jewels in
Holland, and get him arms. He returns Northward again,
avoiding London. Many messages between the Houses of
Parliament and him: 'Will your Majesty grant us Power of the
Militia; accept this list of Lord-Lieutenants?' On the 9th of
March, still advancing Northward without affirmative response,
he has got to Newmarket; where another Message overtakes him,
earnestly urges itself upon him: 'Could not your Majesty
please to grant us Power of the Militia for a limited time?'
'No, by God!' answers his Majesty, 'not for an hour.'
On the 19th of March he is at York; where his Hull Magazine,
gathered for service against the Scots, is lying near; where a
great Earl of Newcastle, and other Northern potentates, will
help him; where at least London and its Puritanism, now grown
so fierce, is far off. There we will leave him; attempting
Hull Magazine, in vain; exchanging messages with his
Parliament; messages, missives, printed and written Papers
without limit: Law-pleadings of both parties before the great
tribunal of the English Nation, each party striving to prove
itself right and within the verge of Law: preserved still in
acres of typography, once thrillingly alive in every fibre of
them; now a mere torpor, readable by few creatures, not
rememberable by any."
T. Carlyle,
Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches,
part 2, preliminary.
"As early as June 2 a ship had arrived on the North English
coast, bringing the King arms and ammunition from Holland,
purchased by the sale of the crown-jewels which the Queen had
taken abroad. On the 22d of the same month more than forty of
the nobles and others in attendance on the King at York had
put down their names for the numbers of armed horse they would
furnish respectively for his service. Requisitions in the
King's name were also out for supplies of money; and the two
Universities, and the Colleges in each, were invited to send
in their plate. On the other hand, the Parliament had not been
more negligent. There had been contributions or promises from
all the chief Parliamentarian nobles and others; there was a
large loan from the city; and hundreds of thousands, on a
smaller scale, were willing to subscribe. And already, through
all the shires, the two opposed powers were grappling and
jostling with each other in raising levies. On the King's side
there were what were called Commissions of Array, or powers
granted to certain nobles and others by name to raise troops
for the King. On the side of Parliament, in addition to the
Volunteering which had been going on in many places (as, for
example, in Cambridgeshire, where Oliver Cromwell was forming
a troop of Volunteer horse ... ), there was the Militia
Ordinance available wherever the persons named in that
ordinance were really zealous for Parliament, and able to act
personally in the districts assigned them. And so on the 12th
of July the Parliament had passed the necessary vote for
supplying an army, and had appointed the Earl of Essex to be
its commander-in-chief, and the Earl of Bedford to be its
second in command as general of horse. It was known, on the
other side, that the Earl of Lindsey, in consideration of his
past experience of service both on sea and land, was to have
the command of the King's army, and that his master of horse
was to be the King's nephew, young Prince Rupert, who was
expected from the Continent on purpose. Despite all these
preparations, however, it was probably not till August had
begun that the certainty of Civil War was universally
acknowledged. It was on the 9th of that month that the King
issued his proclamation 'for suppressing the present Rebellion
under the command of Robert, Earl of Essex,' offering pardon
to him and others if within six days they made their
submission. The Parliamentary answer to this was on the 11th;
on which day the Commons resolved, each man separately rising
in his place and giving his word, that they would stand by the
Earl of Essex with their lives and fortunes to the end. Still,
even after that, there were trembling souls here and there who
hoped for a reconciliation.
{868}
Monday the 22d of August put an end to all such fluttering:
--On that day, the King, who had meanwhile left York, and come
about a hundred miles farther south, into the very heart of
England, ... made a backward movement as far as the town of
Nottingham, where preparations had been made for the great
scene that was to follow. ... This consisted in bringing out
the royal standard and setting it up in due form. It was about
six o'clock in the evening when it was done. ... A herald read
a proclamation, declaring the cause why the standard had been
set up, and summoning all the lieges to assist his Majesty.
Those who were present cheered and threw up their hats, and,
with a beating of drums and a sounding of trumpets, the
ceremony ended. ... From that evening of the 22d of August,
1642, the Civil War had begun."
D. Masson,
Life of John Milton,
book 2, chapter 8 (volume 2).
ALSO IN:
John Forster,
Statesmen of the Commonwealth: Pym; Hampden.
S. R. Gardiner,
History of England, 1603-1642,
chapters 104-105 (volume 10).
ENGLAND: A. D. 1642 (AUGUST-SEPTEMBER).
The nation choosing sides.
"In wealth, in numbers, and in cohesion the Parliament was
stronger than the king. To him there had rallied most of the
greater nobles, many of the lesser gentry, some proportion of
the richer citizens, the townsmen of the west, and the rural
population generally of the west and north of England. For the
Parliament stood a strong section of the peers and greater
gentry, the great bulk of the lesser gentry, the townsmen of
the richer parts of England, the whole eastern and home
counties, and lastly, the city of London. But as the Civil War
did not sharply divide classes, so neither did it
geographically bisect England. Roughly speaking, aristocracy
and peasantry, the Church, universities, the world of culture,
fashion, and pleasure were loyal: the gentry, the yeomanry,
trade, commerce, morality, and law inclined to the Parliament.
Broadly divided, the north and west went for the king; the
south and east for the Houses; but the lines of demarcation
were never exact: cities, castles, and manor-houses long held
out in an enemy's county. There is only one permanent
limitation. Draw a line from the Wash to the Solent. East of
that line the country never yielded to the king; from first to
last it never failed the Parliament. Within it are enclosed
Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Cambridge, Huntingdon, Bedford,
Bucks, Herts, Middlesex, Surrey, Kent, Sussex. This was the
wealthiest, the most populous, and the most advanced portion
of England. With Gloucester, Reading, Bristol, Leicester, and
Northampton, it formed the natural home of Puritanism."
F. Harrison,
Oliver Cromwell,
chapter 4.
ENGLAND: A. D. 1642 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).
Edgehill--the opening battle of the war.
The Eastern Association.
Immediately after the raising of his standard at Nottingham,
the King, "aware at last that he could not rely on the
inhabitants of Yorkshire, moved to Shrewsbury, at once to
collect the Catholic gentry of Lancashire and Cheshire, to
receive the Royalist levies of Wales, and to secure the valley
of the Severn. The movement was successful. In a few days his
little army was increased fourfold, and he felt himself strong
enough to make a direct march towards the capital. Essex had
garrisoned Northampton, Coventry and Warwick, and lay himself
at Worcester; but the King, waiting for no sieges, left the
garrisoned towns unmolested and passed on towards London, and
Essex received peremptory orders to pursue and interpose if
possible between the King and London. On the 22nd of October
he was close upon the King's rear at Keynton, between
Stratford and Banbury. But his army was by no means at its
full strength; some regiments had been left to garrison the
West, others, under Hampden had not yet joined him. But delay
was impossible, and the first battle of the war was fought on
the plain at the foot of the north-west slope of Edgehill,
over which the royal army descended, turning back on its
course to meet Essex. Both parties claimed the victory. In
fact it was with the King. The Parliamentary cavalry found
themselves wholly unable to withstand the charge of Rupert's
cavaliers. Whole regiments turned and fled without striking a
blow; but, as usual, want of discipline ruined the royal
cause. Rupert's men fell to plundering the Parliamentary
baggage, and returned to the field only in time to find that
the infantry, under the personal leading of Essex, had
reestablished the fight. Night closed the battle [which is
sometimes named from Edgehill and sometimes from Keynton]. The
King's army withdrew to the vantage-ground of the hills, and
Essex, reinforced by Hampden, passed the night upon the field.
But the Royalist army was neither beaten nor checked in its
advance, while the rottenness of the Parliamentary troops had
been disclosed." Some attempts at peace-making followed this
doubtful first collision; but their only effect was to
embitter the passions on both sides. The King advanced,
threatening London, but the citizens of the capital turned out
valiantly to oppose him, and he "fell back upon Oxford, which
henceforward became the centre of their operations. ... War
was again the only resource, and speedily became universal.
... There was local fighting over the whole of England. ...
The headquarters of the King were constantly at Oxford, from
which, as from a centre, Rupert would suddenly make rapid
raids, now in one direction, now in another. Between him and
London, about Reading, Aylesbury, and Thame, lay what may be
spoken of as the main army of Parliament, under the command of
Lord-General Essex. ... The other two chief scenes of the war
were Yorkshire and the West. In Yorkshire the Fairfaxes,
Ferdinando Lord Fairfax and his son Sir Thomas, made what head
they could against what was known as the Popish army under the
command of the Earl, subsequently Marquis of Newcastle, which
consisted mainly of the troops of the Northern counties, which
had become associated under Newcastle in favour of Charles.
Newark, in Nottinghamshire, was early made a royal garrison,
and formed the link of connection between the operations in
Yorkshire and at Oxford. In the extreme South-west, Lord
Stamford, the Parliamentary General, was making a somewhat
unsuccessful resistance against Sir Ralph, afterwards Lord
Hopton. Wales was wholly Royalist, and one of the chief
objects of Charles's generals was to secure the Severn valley,
and thus connect the war in Devonshire with the central
operations at Oxford. In the Eastern counties matters assumed
rather a different form. The principle of forming several
counties into an association ... was adopted by the