Charles Eugene of Wirtemberg (1737-1793), during his early
   years, rivaled Louis XV. in extravagance and immorality, but
   in after-days was greatly changed. He founded the Charles
   School, at which Schiller was educated. Baden enjoyed a high
   degree of prosperity under Charles Frederick (1746-1811). Even
   the spiritual lords, on the whole, threw their influence in
   favor of enlightenment and progress. ... The prelates of
   Cologne, Trèves, Mayence, and Salzburg, strange to say, agreed
   at Ems in 1786 to renounce the supremacy of Rome, and to found
   an independent German Catholic Church; but the plan was broken
   down by the resistance of the inferior clergy and of the
   Emperor Joseph II. Some of the German states were slow to take
   part in the general progress. Bavaria was constantly retarded
   by the influence of the Jesuits. ... The Palatinate, too, was
   under luxurious and idle rulers, mostly in the pay of France.
   In some territories the boundless extravagance of the princes
   was a terrible burden upon their subjects. ... Men who
   professed enlightenment and humanity were often shamefully
   tyrannical. The courts of Cassel and Wirtemberg sold their
   people by regiments to England, to fight against the
   independence of the North American Colonies. ...

      See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1776 (JANUARY-JUNE).

   Austria shared in the general intellectual awakening of
   Germany. Maria Theresa was a firm, strong character, with a
   clear mind and sincere desire for the people's welfare. She
   found Austria in decay, and was able to introduce many
   reforms. She alleviated the condition of the peasants, who
   were still mostly serfs. The nobles had before lived mainly
   for show, but she provided institutions for their education.
   ... It was a condition of the Peace of Hubertsburg that
   Frederick II. should give his electoral vote for the eldest
   son of Francis I. None of the other electors objected to the
   choice, and on March 27, 1764, they performed the ceremony of
   choosing Joseph 'King of the Romans,' but without power to
   interfere with the government during his father's life.
   Francis I. died August 18, 1765, and his son Joseph II.
   (1765-1790) was then crowned emperor in the traditional
   fashion. He was also associated with his mother in the
   government of' Austria; but she retained the royal power
   mainly in her own hands, assigning to her son the executive
   control of military affairs. Joseph II. was an impetuous and
   intellectual character, all aglow with the new ideas of
   enlightenment and progress, and was perhaps more deeply
   impressed by the example of Frederick II. than any other
   prince of the age. ... At the same time, Joseph II. was eager
   to aggrandize Austria, and at least to obtain an equivalent
   for Silesia.
{1503}
   For a long time Austria had been longing to acquire Bavaria,
   and there now seemed to be some reason to hope for success,
   The ancient line of electors of the house of Wittelsbach died
   out in 1777 with Maximilian Joseph (December 30). The next
   heir was the Elector Palatine, Charles Theodore, also Duke of
   Jülich and Berg, who was not eager to obtain Bavaria, since,
   by the Peace of Westphalia, he must then forfeit the
   electorate of the Palatinate. ... Under these circumstances
   Joseph II. made an unfounded claim to Lower Bavaria, under a
   pretended grant of the Emperor Sigismund in 1426. A secret
   treaty was made by him with Charles Theodore, by which he was
   to pay that prince a large sum of money for Lower Bavaria; and
   soon after Maximilian Joseph's death, Joseph II. occupied the
   land with troops. Frederick II., who was ever jealous of the
   growth of Austria, resolved to prevent this acquisition. ...

      See BAVARIA: A. D. 1777-1779.

   Thus the war of the Bavarian Succession broke out (1778-79).
   ... By the death of Maria Theresa, November 29, 1780, her son
   Joseph II. became sole monarch of Austria. ... Joseph II. was
   a man of large mind and noble aims. Like Frederick, he was
   unwearying in labor, accessible to everyone, and eager to
   assume his share of work or responsibility. The books and the
   people's memory are full of anecdotes of him, though he was
   far from popular during his life. But he lacked the strong
   practical sense and calculating foresight of the veteran
   Prussian king. In his zeal for reforms he hastened to heap one
   upon another in confusion. Torture was abolished, and for a
   time even the death penalty. Rigid equality before the law was
   introduced, and slavery done away.

      See SLAVERY, MEDIÆVAL: GERMANY.

   His reforms in the Church were still more sweeping. He closed
   more than half of the monasteries, and devoted their estates
   to public instruction; he introduced German hymns of praise
   and the German Bible. By his Edict of Toleration, June 22,
   1781, he secured to all Protestants throughout the Austrian
   states their civil rights and freedom of worship, 'in houses
   of prayer without bells or towers.' ... He zealously followed
   up Maria Theresa's policy of consolidating Austria into one
   state; and it was this course which made him enemies. He
   offended the powerful nobility of Hungary by abolishing
   serfdom (November 1, 1781), and the whole people by the
   measures he took to promote the use of the German language. In
   the Netherlands, he alienated from him the powerful clergy by
   his innovations; and they stirred up against him the people,
   already aggrieved by the loss of some of their ancient
   liberties. A revolution broke out among them in 1788, and was
   threatening to extend to Hungary and Bohemia, when the emperor
   suddenly died, still in the full vigor of manhood, at the age
   of forty-nine, February 20, 1790. ... After his death, the
   progress of reform was checked in Austria; but he had awakened
   new and strong forces there, and a complete return to the
   ancient system was impossible. ... Leopold II. (1790-1792),
   who succeeded his brother Joseph II., both in Austria and as
   emperor, was a self-indulgent but prudent ruler."

      C. T. Lewis,
      History of Germany,
      book 5, chapter 24, sections 8-18.

GERMANY: A. D. 1772-1773.
   The first Partition of Poland.

      See POLAND: A. D. 1763-1773.

GERMANY: A. D. 1787.
   Prussian intervention in Holland.
   Restoration of the expelled stadtholder.

      See NETHERLANDS (HOLLAND): A. D. 1746-1787.

GERMANY: A. D. 1791.
   The forming of the Coalition against French democracy.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1790-1791;
      and 1791 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

GERMANY: A. D. 1791-1792.
   The question of war with France, and the question of the
   Partition of Poland.
   Motives and action of Prussia and Austria.

   "After the acceptance of the Constitution by Louis XVI.
   [September--see FRANCE: A. D. 1791 (JULY-SEPTEMBER)], the
   Emperor indulged for a time a confident hope, that the French
   question was solved, and that he was relieved from all fear of
   trouble from that quarter. He had cares enough upon him to
   make him heartily congratulate himself on this result. ... In
   foreign affairs, the Polish question--the next in importance
   to the French--was still unsettled, and daily presented fresh
   difficulties. ... The fact that Russia began to show the
   greatest favour to the Emigrés, and to preach at Berlin and
   Vienna a crusade against the wicked Jacobins, only served to
   confirm the Emperor in his peaceful sentiments. He rightly
   concluded that Catharine wished to entangle the German Powers
   in a struggle with France, that she might have her own way in
   Poland; and he was not at all inclined to be the dupe of so
   shallow an artifice. ... At the same time he set about
   bringing his alliance with Prussia to a definite conclusion,
   in order to secure to himself a firm support for every
   emergency. On the 17th of November--a week after the
   enactment of the first edict against the Emigrés--Prince Reuss
   made a communication on this subject to the Prussian Ministry,
   and on this occasion declared himself empowered to commence at
   any moment the formal draft of an alliance. ... 'We are now
   convinced,' wrote the Ministers to their ambassador at Vienna,
   'that Austria will undertake nothing against France.' This
   persuasion was soon afterwards fully confirmed by Kaunitz, who
   descanted in the severest terms on the intrigues of the
   Emigrés on the Rhine, which it was not in the interest of any
   Power to support. It was ridiculous, he said, in the French
   Princes, and in Russia and Spain, to declare the acceptance of
   the constitution by the King compulsory, and therefore void;
   and still more so to dispute the right of Louis XVI. to alter
   the constitution at all. He said that they would vainly
   endeavour to goad Austria into a war, which could only have
   the very worst consequences for Louis and the present
   predominance of the moderate party in France. ... Here, again,
   we see that without the machinations of the Girondists, the
   revolutionary war would never have been commenced. It is true,
   indeed, that at this time a very perceptible change took place
   in the opinions of the second German potentate--the King of
   Prussia. Immediately after the Congress of Pillnitz, great
   numbers of French Emigrés, who had been driven from Vienna by
   the coldness of Leopold, had betaken themselves to Berlin. At
   the Prussian Court they met with a hospitable reception, and
   aroused in the King, by their graphic descriptions, a warm
   interest for the victims of the Revolution. ... He loaded the
   Emigrés with marks of favour of every kind, and thereby
   excited in them the most exaggerated hopes.
{1504}
   Yet the King was far from intending to risk any important
   interest of the State for the sake of his protégés; he had no
   idea of pursuing an aggressive policy towards France; and the
   only point in which he differed from Leopold was in the
   feeling with which he regarded the development of the warlike
   tendencies of the French. His Ministers, moreover, were,
   without exception, possessed by the same idea as Prince
   Kaunitz; that a French war would be a misfortune to all
   Europe." As the year 1791 drew towards its close,
   "unfavourable news arrived from Paris. The attempts of the
   Feuillants had failed; Lafayette had separated himself from
   them and from the Court; and the zeal and confidence of
   victory among the Democrats were greater than ever. The
   Emigrés in Berlin were jubilant; they had always declared that
   no impression was to be made upon the Jacobins except by the
   edge of the sword, and that all hopes founded on the stability
   of a moderate middle party were futile. The King of Prussia
   agreed with them, and determined to begin the unavoidable
   struggle as quickly as possible. He told his Ministers that
   war was certain, and that Bischoffswerder ought to go once
   more to the Emperor. ... Bischoffswerder, having received
   instructions from the King himself, left Berlin, and arrived
   in Vienna, after a speedy journey, on the 28th of February.
   But he was not destined again to discuss the fate of Europe
   with his Imperial patron; for on the 29th the smallpox showed
   itself, of which Leopold died after three days sickness. The
   greatest consternation and confusion reigned in Vienna. ... No
   one knew to whom the young King Francis--he was as yet only
   king of Hungary and Bohemia--would give his confidence, or
   what course he would take; nay, his weakly and nervous
   constitution rendered it doubtful whether he could bear--even
   for a short period--the burdens of his office. For the present
   he confirmed the Ministers in their places, and expressed to them
   his wish to adhere to the political system of his father. ...
   He ... ordered one of his most experienced Generals, Prince
   Hohenlohe-Kirchberg, to be summoned to Vienna, that he might
   take council with Bischoffswerder respecting the warlike
   measures to be adopted by both Powers, in case of a French
   attack. At the same time, however, the Polish question was, if
   possible, to be brought to a decision, and Leopold's plan in
   all its details was to be categorically recommended for
   adoption, both in Berlin and Petersburg. ... The Austrian
   Minister, Spielmann, had prepared the memorial on Poland,
   which Prince Reuss presented at Berlin, on the 10th of March.
   It represented that Austria and Prussia had the same interest
   in stopping a source of eternal embarrassment and discussion,
   by strengthening the cause of peace and order in Poland. That
   herein lay an especially powerful motive to make the crown of
   that country hereditary; that for both Powers the Elector of
   Saxony would be the most acceptable wearer of that crown. ...
   The important point, the memorial went on to say, was this,
   that Poland should no longer be dependent on the predominant
   influence of any one neighbouring Power. ... When the King had
   read this memorial, in which the Saxon-Polish union was
   brought forward, not as an idea of the feeble Elector, but as
   a proposal of powerful Austria; he cried out, 'We must never
   give our consent to this.' He agreed with his Ministers in the
   conclusion that nothing would be more dangerous to Prussia,
   than the formation of such a Power as would result from the
   proposed lasting union of Poland and Saxony--a Power, which,
   in alliance with Austria, could immediately overrun Silesia,
   and in alliance with Russia, might be fatal to East Prussia.
   ... In the midst of this angry and anxious excitement, which
   for a moment alienated his heart from Austria, the King
   received a fresh and no less important despatch from
   Petersburg. Count Golz announced the first direct
   communication of Russia respecting Poland. 'Should Poland'
   [wrote the Russian Vice Chancellor] 'be firmly and lastingly
   united to Saxony, a Power of the first rank will arise, and
   one which will be able to exercise the most sensible pressure
   upon each of its neighbours. We are greatly concerned in this,
   in consequence of the extension of our Polish frontier; and
   Prussia is no less so, from the inevitable increase which
   would ensue of Saxon influence in the German Empire. We
   therefore suggest, that Prussia, Austria, and Russia, should
   come to an intimate understanding with one another on this
   most important subject.' ... This communication sounded
   differently in the ears of the King from that which he had
   received from Austria. The fears which agitated his own mind
   and those of the Russian chancellor were identical. While
   Austria called upon him to commit a political suicide, Russia
   offered her aid in averting the most harassing danger, and
   even opened a prospect of a considerable territorial increase.
   The King had no doubt to which of the two Powers he ought to
   incline. He would have come to terms with Russia on the spot,
   had not an insurmountable obstacle existed in the new path
   which was opened to the aggrandizement of Prussia,--viz., the
   Polish treaty of 1790; in which Prussia had expressly bound
   herself to protect the independence and integrity of Poland.
   ... He decided that there was no middle course between the
   Russian and Austrian plans. On the one side was his Polish
   treaty of 1790, the immediate consequence of which would be a
   new breach, and perhaps a war, with Russia, and the final
   result such a strengthening of Poland, as would throw back the
   Prussian State into that subordinate position, both in Germany
   and Europe, which it had occupied in the seventeenth century.
   On the other side there was, indeed, a manifest breach of
   faith, but also the salvation of Prussia from a perilous
   dilemma, and perhaps the extension of her boundaries by a
   goodly Polish Province. If he wavered at all in this conflict
   of feeling, the Parisian complications soon put an end to his
   doubts. In quick succession came the announcements that
   Delessart's peaceful Ministry had fallen; that King Louis had
   suffered the deepest humiliation; and that the helm of the
   State had passed into the hands of the Girondist war party. A
   declaration of war on the part of France against Francis· II.
   might be daily expected, and the Russian-Polish contest would
   then only form the less important moiety of the European
   catastrophe. Austria would now be occupied for a long time in
   the West; there could be no more question of the formation of
   a Polish-Saxon State; and Austria could no longer be reckoned
   upon to protect the constitution of 1791, or even to repel a
   Russian invasion of Poland. Prussia was bound to aid the
   Austrians against France, and for many months the King had
   cherished no more ardent wish than to fulfil this obligation
   with all his power.
{1505}
   Simultaneously to oppose the Empress Catharine, was out of the
   question. ... The King wrote on the 12th of March to his
   Ministers as follows: ... 'Russia is not far removed from
   thoughts of a new partition; and this would indeed be the most
   effectual means of limiting the power of a Polish King,
   whether hereditary or elective. I doubt, however, whether in
   this case a suitable compensation could be found for Austria;
   and whether, after such a curtailment of the power of Poland,
   the Elector of Saxony would accept the crown. Yet if Austria
   could be compensated, the Russian plan would be the most
   advantageous for Prussia,--always provided that Prussia
   received the whole left bank of the Vistula, by the
   acquisition of which that distant frontier--so hard to be
   defended--would be well rounded off. This is my judgment
   respecting Polish affairs.' This was Poland's sentence of
   death. It was not, as we have seen, the result of a
   long-existing greed, but a suddenly seized expedient, which
   seemed to be accompanied with the least evil, in the midst of
   an unexampled European crisis. ... On the 20th of April the
   French National Assembly proclaimed war against the King of
   Hungary and Bohemia. A fortnight later the Prince of
   Hohenlohe-Kirchberg appeared in Berlin to settle some common
   plan for the campaign; and at the same time Kaunitz directed
   Prince Reuss to enter into negociations on the political
   question of expenditure and compensation. Count Schulenburg
   ... immediately sent a reply to the Prince, to the effect that
   Prussia--as it had uniformly declared since the previous
   summer--could only engage in the war on condition of receiving
   an adequate compensation. ... Both statesmen well knew with
   what secret mistrust each of these Powers contemplated the
   aggrandizement of the other; their deliberations were
   therefore conducted with slow and anxious caution, and months
   passed by before their respective demands were reduced to any
   definite shape."

      H. von Sybel,
      History of the French Revolution,
      book 4, chapter 1 (volume 2).

GERMANY: A. D. 1792.
   Accession of the Emperor Francis II.

GERMANY: A. D. 1792-1793.
   War with Revolutionary France.
   The Coalition.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1791-1792; 1792 (APRIL-.JULY),
      and (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER);
      1792-1793 (DECEMBER-FEBRUARY);
      1793 (FEBRUARY-APRIL), (MARCH-SEPTEMBER),
      and (JULY-DECEMBER).

GERMANY: A. D. 1192-1796.
   The second and third Partitions of Poland.

      See POLAND: A. D. 1791-1792; and 1793-1796.

GERMANY: A. D. 1794.
   Withdrawal of Prussia from the Coalition.
   French conquest of the Austrian Netherlands and successes on
   the Rhine.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1794 (MARCH-JULY).

GERMANY: A. D. 1795.
   Treaty of Basle between Prussia and France.
   Crumbling of the Coalition.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1794-1795 (OCTOBER-MAY).

GERMANY: A. D. 1796-1797.
   Expulsion of Austria from Italy.
   Bonaparte's first campaigns.
   Advance of Moreau and Jourdan beyond the Rhine.
   Their retreat.
   Peace preliminaries of Leoben.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1796 (APRIL-OCTOBER);
      and 1796-1797 (OCTOBER-APRIL).

GERMANY: A. D. 1797 (October).
   The Treaty of Campo Formio between Austria and France.
   Austrian cession of the Netherlands and Lombardy and
   acquisition of Venice.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1797 (MAY-OCTOBER).

GERMANY: A. D. 1798.
   The second Coalition against Revolutionary France.
   Prussia and the Empire withheld from it.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1798-1799 (AUGUST-APRIL).

GERMANY: A. D. 1799.
   The Congress at Rastadt.
   Murder of French envoys.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1799 (APRIL-SEPTEMBER).

GERMANY: A. D. 1800 (May-December).
    The disastrous campaigns of Marengo and Hohenlinden.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1800-1801 (MAY-FEBRUARY).

GERMANY: A. D. 1801-1803.
   The Peace of Luneville.
   Territorial cessions and changes.
   The settlement of indemnities in the Empire.
   Confiscation and secularization of the ecclesiastical
   principalities.
   Absorption of Free Cities.
   Re-constitution of the Electoral College.

   "By the treaty of Luneville, which the Emperor Francis was
   obliged to subscribe, 'not only as Emperor of Austria, but in
   the name of the German empire,' Belgium and all the left bank
   of the Rhine were again formally ceded to France; Lombardy was
   erected into an independent state, and the Adige declared the
   boundary betwixt it and the dominions of Austria; Venice, with
   all its territorial possessions as far as the Adige, was
   guaranteed to Austria; the Duke of Modena received the Brisgau
   in exchange for his duchy, which was annexed to the Cisalpine
   republic; the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the Emperor's brother,
   gave up his dominions to the infant Duke of Parma, a branch of
   the Spanish family [who was thereupon raised to royal rank by the
   fiat of Bonaparte, who transformed the grand-duchy of Tuscany
   into the kingdom of Etruria], on the promise of an indemnity
   in Germany; France abandoned Kehl, Cassel, and
   Ehrenbreitstein, on condition that these forts should remain
   in the situation in which they were when given up; the princes
   dispossessed by the cession of the left bank of the Rhine were
   promised an indemnity in the bosom of the Empire; the
   independence of the Batavian, Helvetic, Cisalpine and Ligurian
   republics was guaranteed, and their inhabitants declared 'to
   have the power of choosing whatever form of government they
   preferred.' These conditions did not differ materially from
   those contained in the treaty of Campo Formio, or from those
   offered by Napoleon previous to the renewal of the war. ...
   The article which compelled the Emperor to subscribe this
   treaty as head of the empire, as well as Emperor of Austria,
   gave rise in the sequel ... to the most painful internal
   divisions in Germany. By a fundamental law of the empire, the
   Emperor could not bind the electors and states of which he was
   the head, without either their concurrence or express powers
   to that effect previously conferred. ... The emperor hesitated
   long before he subscribed such a condition, which left the
   seeds of interminable discord in the Germanic body; but the
   conqueror was inexorable, and no means of evasion could be
   found. He vindicated himself to the electors in a dignified
   letter, dated 8th February 1801, the day before that when the
   treaty was signed. ... The electors and princes of the empire
   felt the force of this touching appeal; they commiserated the
   situation of the first monarch in Christendom, compelled to
   throw himself on his subjects for forgiveness of a step which
   he could not avoid; and one of the first steps of the Diet of
   the empire, assembled after the treaty of Luneville was
   signed, was to give it their solemn ratification, grounded on
   the extraordinary situation in which the Emperor was then
   placed.
{1506}
   But the question of indemnities to the dispossessed princes
   was long and warmly agitated. It continued for above two years
   to distract the Germanic body; the intervention both of France
   and Russia was required to prevent the sword being drawn in
   these internal disputes; and by the magnitude of the changes
   which were ultimately made, and the habit of looking to
   foreign protection which was acquired, the foundation was laid
   of that league to support separate interests which afterwards,
   under the name of the Confederation of the Rhine, so well
   served the purposes of French ambition, and broke up the
   venerable fabric of the German empire."

      Sir A. Alison,
      History of Europe, 1789-1815,
      chapter 32 (volume 7).

   "Germany: lost by this treaty about 24,000 square miles of its
   best territory and 3,500,000 of its people; while the princes
   were indemnified by the plunder of their peers. But the
   hardest task, the satisfactory distribution of this plunder,
   remained. While the Diet at Regensburg, after much complaint
   and management, assigned the arrangement of these affairs to a
   committee, the princely bargainers were in Paris, employing
   the most disgraceful means to obtain the favor of Talleyrand
   and other influential diplomatists. On the 25th of February,
   1803, the final decision of the delegation or committee of the
   empire was adopted by the Diet, and promulgated with the approval
   of the emperor, Francis II., and of Prussia and Bavaria. It
   confiscated all the spiritual principalities in Germany,
   except that the Elector of Mayence, Charles Theodore of
   Dalberg, received Regensburg, Aschaffenburg, and Wetzlar, as
   an indemnity, and retained a seat and a voice in the imperial
   Diet. Of the 48 free cities of the empire, six only
   remained--Hamburg, Bremen, Lubeck, Frankfort, Nuremburg, and
   Augsburg. Austria obtained the bishoprics of Trent and Brixen;
   Prussia, as a compensation for the loss of 1,018 square miles
   with 122,000 inhabitants west of the Rhine, received 4,875
   square miles, with 580,000 inhabitants, including the
   endowments of the religious houses of Hildesheim and
   Paderborn, and most of Münster; also Erfurt and Eichsfeld, and
   the free cities of Nordhausen, Mülhausen, and Goslar; Hanover
   obtained Osnabruck; to Bavaria, in exchange for the
   Palatinate, were assigned Würzburg, Bamberg, Freisingen,
   Augsburg, and Passau, besides a number of cities of the
   empire, in all about 6,150 square miles, to compensate for
   4,240, vastly increasing its political importance. Wirtemberg,
   too, was richly compensated for the loss of the Mömpelgard by
   the confiscation of monastery endowments and free cities in
   Suabia. But Baden made the best bargain of all, receiving
   about 1,270 square miles of land, formerly belonging to
   bishops or to the Palatinate, in exchange for 170. After this
   acquisition, Baden extended, though in patches, from the
   Neckar to the Swiss border. By building up these three South
   German states, Napoleon sought to erect a barrier for himself
   against Austria and Prussia. With the same design,
   Hesse-Darmstadt and Nassau were much enlarged. There were
   multitudes of smaller changes, under the name of
   'compensations and indemnities.' Four new lay electorates were
   established in the place of the three secularized prelacies,
   and were given to Baden, Wirtemberg, Hesse-Cassel, and
   Salzburg. But they never had occasion to take part in the
   election of an emperor."

      C. T. Lewis,
      History of Germany,
      chapter 25, sections 26-27.

      ALSO IN:
      A. Thiers,
      History of the Consulate and the Empire,
      books 7 and 15 (volume 1).

      J. R. Seeley,
      Life and Times of Stein,
      part 1, chapter 4 (volume 1).

GERMANY: A. D. 1803.
   Bonaparte's seizure of Hanover in his war with England.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1802-1803.

GERMANY: A. D. 1805 (January-April).
   The third Coalition against France.
   Prussian Neutrality.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1805 (JANUARY-APRIL).

GERMANY: A. D. 1805 (September-December).
   Napoleon's overwhelming campaign.
   The catastrophes at Ulm and Austerlitz.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1805 (MARCH-DECEMBER).

GERMANY: A. D. 1805-1806.
   The Peace of Presburg.
   Territorial losses of Austria.
   Aggrandizement of Bavaria and Würtemberg, which become
   kingdoms, and Baden a grand duchy.
   The Confederation of the Rhine.
   End of the Holy Roman Empire.

   "On the 6th of December, hostilities ceased, and the Russians
   retired by way of Galicia, but in accordance with the terms of
   the armistice, the French troops continued to occupy all the
   lands they had invaded, Austria, Tyrol, Venetia, Carniola,
   Carinthia, and Styria; within Bohemia they were to have the
   circle of Tabor, together with Brno and Znoymo in Moravia and
   Pozsony (Pressburg) in Hungary. The Morava (March) and the
   Hungarian frontier formed the line of demarcation between the
   two armies. A definitive peace was signed at Pressburg on the
   26th of December, 1805. Austria recognized the conquests of
   France in Holland and Switzerland and the annexation of Genoa,
   and ceded to the kingdom of Italy Friuli, Istria, Dalmatia with
   its islands, and the Bocche di Cattaro. A little later, by the
   explanatory Act of Fontainebleau, she lost the last of her
   possessions to the west of the Isonzo, when she exchanged
   those portions of the counties of Gorico and Gradisca which
   are situated on the right bank of that river for the county of
   Montefalcone in Istria. The new kingdoms of Bavaria and
   Würtemberg [brought into existence by this treaty, through the
   recognition of them by the Emperor Francis] were aggrandized
   at the expense of Austria. Bavaria obtained Vorarlberg, the
   county of Hohenembs, the town of Lindau, and the whole of
   Tyrol, with Brixen and Trent. Austrian Suabia was given to
   Würtemberg, while Breisgau and the Ortenau were bestowed on
   the new grand duke of Baden. One compensation alone, the duchy
   of Salzburg, fell to Austria for all her sacrifices, and this
   has remained in her possession ever since. The old bishopric
   of Würzburg was created an electorate and granted to Ferdinand
   III. of Tuscany and Salzburg. Altogether the monarchy lost
   about 25,400 square miles and nearly 3,000,000 of inhabitants.
   She lost Tyrol with its brave and loyal inhabitants and the
   Vörlande which had assured Austrian influence in Germany;
   every possession on the Rhine, in the Black Forest, and on the
   Lower Danube; she no longer touched either Switzerland or
   Italy, and she ceased to be a maritime power. Besides all
   this, she had to pay forty millions for the expenses of the
   war, while she was exhausted by contributions and
   requisitions. Vienna had suffered much, and the French army
   had carried off the 2,000 cannons and the 100,000 guns which
   had been contained in her arsenals. On the 16th of January,
   1806, the emperor Francis returned to his capital.
{1507}
   He was enthusiastically received, and the Viennese returned to
   the luxurious and easy way of life which has always
   characterized them. ... Austria seemed no longer to have any
   part to play in German politics. Bavaria, Würtemberg and Baden
   had been formed into a separate league--the Confederation of
   the Rhine--under French protection. On the 1st of August,
   1806, these states announced to the Reichstag at Ratisbon that
   they looked upon the empire as at an end, and on the 6th,
   Francis II. formally resigned the empire altogether, and
   released all the Imperial officials from their engagements to
   him. Thus the sceptre of Charlemagne fell from the hands of
   the dynasty which had held it without interruption from 1438."

       L. Leger,
       History of Austro-Hungary,
       chapter 25.

   "Every bond of union was dissolved with the diet of the empire
   and with the imperial chamber. The barons and counts of the
   empire and the petty princes were mediatised; the princes of
   Hohenlohe, Oettingen, Schwarzenberg, Thurn, and Taxis, the
   Truchsess von Waldburg, Fürstenberg, Fugger, Leiningen,
   Löwenstein, Solms, Hesse-Homburg, Wied-Runkel, and
   Orange-Fulda, became subject to the neighbouring Rhenish
   confederated princes. Of the remaining six imperial free
   cities, Augsburg and Nuremberg fell to Bavaria; Frankfurt,
   under the title of grand-duchy, to the ancient elector of
   Mayence, who was again transferred thither from Ratisbon. The
   ancient Hanse-towns, Hamburg, Lübeck, and Bremen, alone
   retained their freedom."

      W. Menzel,
      History of Germany,
      chapter 253 (volume 3).

   "A swift succession of triumphs had left only one thing still
   preventing the full recognition of the Corsican warrior as
   sovereign of Western Europe, and that one was the existence of
   the old Romano-Germanic Empire. Napoleon had not long assumed
   his new title when he began to mark a distinction between 'la
   France' and 'l'Empire Française.' France had, since A. D.
   1792, advanced to the Rhine, and, by the annexation of
   Piedmont, had overstepped the Alps; the French Empire
   included, besides the kingdom of Italy, a mass of dependent
   states, Naples, Holland, Switzerland, and many German
   principalities, the allies of France in the same sense in
   which the 'socii populi Romani' were allies of Rome. When the
   last of Pitt's coalitions had been destroyed at Austerlitz,
   and Austria had made her submission by the peace of Presburg,
   the conqueror felt that his hour was come. He had now overcome
   two Emperors, those of Austria and Russia, claiming to
   represent the old and new Rome respectively, and had in
   eighteen months created more kings than the occupants of the
   Germanic throne in as many centuries. It was time, he thought,
   to sweep away obsolete pretensions, and claim the sole
   inheritance of that Western Empire, of which the titles and
   ceremonies of his court presented a grotesque imitation. The
   task was an easy one after what had been already accomplished.
   Previous wars and treaties had so redistributed the
   territories and changed the constitution of the Germanic
   Empire that it could hardly be said to exist in anything but
   name. ... The Emperor Francis, partly foreboding the events
   that were at hand, partly in order to meet Napoleon's
   assumption of the imperial name by depriving that name of its
   peculiar meaning, began in A. D. 1805 to style himself
   'Hereditary Emperor of Austria,' while retaining at the same
   time his former title. The next act of the drama was one in
   which we may more readily pardon the ambition of a foreign
   conqueror than the traitorous selfishness of the German
   princes, who broke every tie of ancient friendship and duty to
   grovel at his throne. By the Act of the Confederation of the
   Rhine, signed at Paris, July 12th, 1806, Bavaria, Würtemberg,
   Baden, and several other states, sixteen in all, withdrew from
   the body and repudiated the laws of the Empire, while on
   August 1st the French envoy at Regensburg announced to the
   Diet that his master, who had consented to become Protector of
   the Confederate princes, no longer recognized the existence of
   the Empire. Francis II. resolved at once to anticipate this
   new Odoacer, and by a declaration, dated August 6th, 1806,
   resigned the imperial dignity. His deed states that finding it
   impossible, in the altered state of things, to fulfil the
   obligations imposed by his capitulation, he considers as
   dissolved the bonds which attached him to the Germanic body,
   releases from their allegiance the states who formed it, and
   retires to the government of his hereditary dominions under
   the title of 'Emperor of Austria.' Throughout, the term
   'German Empire' (Deutsches Reich) is employed. But it was the
   crown of Augustus, of Constantine, of Charles, of Maximilian,
   that Francis of Hapsburg laid down, and a new era in the
   world's history was marked by the fall of its most venerable
   institution. One thousand and six years after Leo the Pope had
   crowned the Frankish king, eighteen hundred and fifty-eight
   years after Cæsar had conquered at Pharsalia, the Holy Roman
   Empire came to its end."

      J. Bryce,
      The Holy Roman Empire,
      chapter 20.

GERMANY: A. D. 1806 (January-August).
   The Confederation of the Rhine.
   Cession of Hanover to Prussia.
   Double dealing and weakness of the latter.
   Her submission to Napoleon's insults and wrongs.
   Final goading of the nation to war.

   "The object at which all French politicians had aimed since
   the outbreak of the Revolutionary War, the exclusion of both
   Austria and Prussia from influence in Western Germany, was now
   completely attained. The triumph of French statesmanship, the
   consummation of two centuries of German discord, was seen in
   the Act of Federation subscribed by the Western German
   Sovereigns in the summer of 1806. By this Act the Kings of
   Bavaria and Würtemberg, the Elector of Baden, and 13 minor
   princes, united themselves, in the League known as the Rhenish
   Confederacy, under the protection of the French Emperor, and
   undertook to furnish contingents, amounting to 63,000 men, in
   all wars in which the French Empire should engage. Their
   connection with the ancient Germanic Body was completely
   severed; the very town in which the Diet of the Empire had
   held its meetings was annexed by one of the members of the
   Confederacy. The Confederacy itself, with a population of
   8,000,000, became for all purposes of war and foreign policy a
   part of France. Its armies were organised by French officers;
   its frontiers were fortified by French engineers; its treaties
   were made for it at Paris. In the domestic changes which took
   place within these States the work of consolidation begun in
   1801 was carried forward with increased vigour. Scores of tiny
   principalities which had escaped dissolution in the earlier
   movement were now absorbed by their stronger neighbours. ...
{1508}
   With the establishment of the Rhenish Confederacy and the
   conquest of Naples, Napoleon's empire reached, but did not
   overpass, the limits within which the sovereignty of France
   might probably have been long maintained. ... If we may judge
   from the feeling with which Napoleon was regarded in Germany
   down to the middle of the year 1806, and in Italy down to a
   much later date, the Empire then founded might have been
   permanently upheld, if Napoleon had abstained from attacking
   other States." During the winter of 1806, Count Haugwitz, the
   Prussian minister, had visited Paris "for the purpose of
   obtaining some modification in the treaty which he had signed
   [at the palace of Schönbrunn, near Vienna] on behalf of
   Prussia after the battle of Austerlitz. The principal feature
   in that treaty had been the grant of Hanover to Prussia by the
   French Emperor in return for its alliance. This was the point
   which above all others excited King Frederick William's fears
   and scruples; He desired to acquire Hanover, but he also
   desired to derive his title rather from its English owner
   [King George III., who was also Elector of Hanover] than from
   its French invader. It was the object of Haugwitz' visit to
   Paris to obtain an alteration in the terms of the treaty which
   should make the Prussian occupation of Hanover appear to be
   merely provisional, and reserve to the King of England at
   least a nominal voice in its ultimate transfer. In full
   confidence that Napoleon would agree to such a change, the
   King of Prussia, on taking possession of Hanover in January,
   1806, concealed the fact of its cession to himself by
   Napoleon, and published an untruthful proclamation. ... The
   bitter truth that the treaty between France and Prussia
   contained no single word reserving the rights of the Elector,
   and that the very idea of qualifying the absolute cession of
   Hanover was an afterthought, lay hidden in the conscience of
   the Prussian Government. Never had a Government more
   completely placed itself at the mercy of a pitiless enemy.
   Count Haugwitz, on reaching Paris, was received by Napoleon
   with a storm of indignation and contempt. Napoleon declared
   that the ill-faith of Prussia had made an end even of that
   miserable pact which had been extorted after Austerlitz, and
   insisted that Prussia should openly defy Great Britain by
   closing the ports of Northern Germany to British vessels, and
   by declaring itself endowed by Napoleon with Hanover in virtue
   of Napoleon's own right of conquest. Haugwitz signed a second
   and more humiliating treaty [February 15] embodying these
   conditions; and the Prussian Government, now brought into the
   depths of contempt, but unready for immediate war, executed
   the orders of its master. ... A decree was published excluding
   the ships of England from the ports of Prussia and from those
   of Hanover itself (March 28, 1806). It was promptly followed
   by the seizure of 400 Prussian vessels in British harbours,
   and by the total extinction of Prussian maritime commerce by
   British privateers. Scarcely was Prussia committed to this
   ruinous conflict with Great Britain when Napoleon opened
   negotiations for peace with Mr. Fox's Government. The first
   condition required by Great Britain was the restitution of
   Hanover to King George III. It was unhesitatingly granted by
   Napoleon. Thus was Prussia to be mocked of its prey, after it
   had been robbed of all its honour. ... There was scarcely a
   courtier in Berlin who did not feel that the yoke of the
   French had become past endurance; even Haugwitz himself now
   considered war as a question of time. The patriotic party in
   the capital and the younger officers of the army bitterly
   denounced the dishonoured Government, and urged the King to
   strike for the credit of his country. ... Brunswick was
   summoned to the King's council to form plans of a campaign;
   and appeals for help were sent to Vienna, to St. Petersburg,
   and even to the hostile Court of London. The condition of
   Prussia at this critical moment was one which filled with the
   deepest alarm those few patriotic statesmen who were not
   blinded by national vanity or by a slavery to routine. ...
   Early in the year 1806 a paper was drawn up by Stein,
   exposing, in language seldom used by a statesman, the
   character of the men by whom Frederick William was surrounded,
   and declaring that nothing but a speedy change of system could
   save the Prussian State from utter downfall and ruin. Two
   measures of immediate necessity were specified by Stein, the
   establishment of a responsible council of Ministers, and the
   removal of Haugwitz and all his friends from power. ... The
   army of Prussia ... was nothing but the army of Frederick the
   Great grown twenty years older. ... All Southern Germany was
   still in Napoleon's hands. The appearance of a Russian force
   in Dalmatia, after that country had been ceded by Austria to
   the French Emperor, had given Napoleon an excuse for
   maintaining his troops in their positions beyond the Rhine. As
   the probability of a war with Prussia became greater and greater,
   Napoleon tightened his grasp upon the Confederate States.
   Publications originating among the patriotic circles of
   Austria were beginning to appeal to the German people to unite
   against a foreign oppressor. An anonymous pamphlet, entitled
   'Germany in its Deep Humiliation,' was sold by various
   booksellers in Bavaria, among others by Palm, a citizen of
   Nuremberg. There is no evidence that Palm was even acquainted
   with the contents of the pamphlet; but ... Napoleon ...
   required a victim to terrify those who, among the German
   people, might be inclined to listen to the call of patriotism.
   Palm was not too obscure for the new Charlemagne. The innocent
   and unoffending man, innocent even of the honourable crime of
   attempting to save his country, was dragged before a tribunal
   of French soldiers, and executed within twenty-four hours of
   his trial, in pursuance of the imperative orders of Napoleon
   (August 26). ... Several years later, ... the story of Palm's
   death was one of those that kindled the bitterest sense of
   wrong; at the time, it exercised no influence upon the course
   of political events. Prussia had already resolved upon war."

      C. A. Fyffe,
      History of Modern Europe,
      volume 1, chapters 6-7.

      ALSO IN:
      Sir W. Scott,
      Life of Napoleon,
      chapters 51-52.

      J. R. Seeley,
      Life and Times of Stein,
      part 2, chapters 4-5 (volume 1).

      P. Lanfrey,
      History of Napoleon,
      volume 2, chapter 15.

{1509}

GERMANY: A. D. 1806 (October).
   Napoleon's sudden invasion of Prussia.
   The decisive battle of Jena.
   Prostration of the Prussian Kingdom.

   "The Emperor of Russia ... visited Berlin, when the feelings
   of Prussia, and indeed of all the neighbouring states, were in
   this fever of excitement. He again urged Frederick William to
   take up arms in the common cause, and offered to back him with
   all the forces of his own great empire. The English
   government, taking advantage of the same crisis, sent Lord
   Morpeth to Berlin, with offers of pecuniary supplies--about
   the acceptance of which, however, the anxiety of Prussia on
   the subject of Hanover created some difficulty. Lastly,
   Buonaparte, well informed of what was passing in Berlin, and
   desirous, since war must be, to hurry Frederick into the field
   ere the armies of the Czar could be joined with his, now
   poured out in the 'Moniteur' such abuse on the persons and
   characters of the Queen, Prince Louis, and every illustrious
   patriot throughout Prussia, that the general wrath could no
   longer be held in check. War-like preparations of every kind
   filled the kingdom during August and September. On the 1st of
   October the Prussian minister at Paris presented a note to
   Talleyrand, demanding, among other things, that the formation
   of a confederacy in the north of Germany should no longer be
   thwarted by French interference, and that the French troops
   within the territories of the Rhenish League should recross
   the Rhine into France, by the 8th of the same month of
   October. But Napoleon was already in person on the German side
   of the Rhine; and his answer to the Prussian note was a
   general order to his own troops, in which he called on them to
   observe in what manner a German sovereign still dared to
   insult the soldiers of Austerlitz. The conduct of Prussia, in
   thus rushing into hostilities without waiting for the advance
   of the Russians, was as rash as her holding back from Austria
   during the campaign of Austerlitz had been cowardly. As if
   determined to profit by no lesson, the Prussian council also
   directed their army to advance towards the French, instead of
   lying on their own frontier--a repetition of the great leading
   blunder of the Austrians in the preceding year. The Prussian
   army accordingly invaded the Saxon provinces, and the Elector
   ... was compelled to accept the alliance which the cabinet of
   Berlin urged on him, and to join his troops with those of the
   power by which he had been thus insulted and wronged. No
   sooner did Napoleon know that the Prussians had advanced into
   the heart of Saxony, than he formed the plan of his campaign;
   and they, persisting in their advance, and taking up their
   position finally on the Saale, afforded him, as if studiously,
   the means of repeating, at their expense, the very manœvres which
   had ruined the Austrians in the preceding campaign." The flank
   of the Prussian position was turned,--the bridge across the
   Saale, at Saalfield, having been secured, after a hot
   engagement with the corps of Prince Louis of Prussia who fell
   in the fight,--"the French army passed entirely round them;
   Napoleon seized Naumburg and blew up the magazines
   there,--announcing, for the first time, by this explosion, to
   the King of Prussia and his generalissimo the Duke of
   Brunswick, that he was in their rear. From this moment the
   Prussians were isolated, and cut off from all their resources,
   as completely as the army of Mack was at Ulm, when the French
   had passed the Danube and overrun Suabia. The Duke of
   Brunswick hastily endeavoured to concentrate his forces for
   the purpose of cutting his way back again to the frontier
   which he had so rashly abandoned. Napoleon, meantime, had
   posted his divisions so as to watch the chief passages of the
   Saale, and expected, in confidence, the assault of his
   outwitted opponent. It was now that he found leisure to answer
   the manifesto of Frederick William. ... His letter, dated at
   Gera, is written in the most elaborate style of insult. ...
   The Prussian King understood well, on learning the fall of
   Naumburg, the imminent danger of his position; and his army
   was forthwith set in motion, in two great masses; the former,
   where he was in person present, advancing towards Naumburg;
   the latter attempting, in like manner, to force their passage
   through the French line in the neighbourhood of Jena. The
   King's march was arrested at Auerstadt by Davoust, who, after
   a severely contested action, at length repelled the assailant.
   Napoleon himself, meanwhile, was engaged with the other great
   body of the Prussians. Arriving on the evening of the 13th
   October at Jena, he perceived that the enemy were ready to
   attempt the advance next morning, while his own heavy train
   was still six-and-thirty hours' march in his rear. Not
   discouraged with this adverse circumstance, the Emperor
   laboured all night in directing and encouraging his soldiery
   to cut a road through the rocks, and draw up by that means
   such light guns as he had at command to a position on a lofty
   plateau in front of Jena, where no man could have expected
   beforehand that any artillery whatever should be planted. ...
   Lannes commanded the centre, Augereau the right, Soult the
   left, and Murat the reserve and cavalry. Soult had to sustain
   the first assault of the Prussians, which was violent--and
   sudden; for the mist lay so thick on the field that the armies
   were within half-gunshot of each other ere the sun and wind
   rose and discovered them, and on that instant Mollendorf
   charged. The battle was contested well for some time on this
   point; but at length Ney appeared in the rear of the Emperor
   with a fresh division; and then the French centre advanced to
   a general charge, before which the Prussians were forced to
   retire. They moved for some space in good order; but Murat now
   poured his masses of cavalry on them, storm after storm, with
   such rapidity and vehemence that their rout became inevitable.
   It ended in the complete breaking up of the army--horse and
   foot all flying together, in the confusion of panic, upon the
   road to Weimar. At that point the fugitives met and mingled
   with their brethren flying, as confusedly as themselves, from
   Auerstadt. In the course of this disastrous day 20,000
   Prussians were killed or taken, 300 guns, 20 generals, and 60
   standards. The Commander-in-Chief, the Duke of Brunswick,
   being wounded in the face with a grape-shot, was carried early
   off the field, never to recover. ... The various routed
   divisions roamed about the country, seeking separately the
   means of escape: they were in consequence destined to fall an
   easy prey. ... The Prince of Hohenlohe at length drew together
   not less than 50,000 of these wandering soldiers," and retreated
   towards the Oder; but was forced, in the end, to lay down his
   arms at Prentzlow. "His rear, consisting of about 10,000,
   under the command of the celebrated General Blucher, was so
   far behind as to render it possible for them to attempt
   escape. Their heroic leader traversed the country with them
   for some time unbroken, and sustained a variety of assaults,
   from far superior numbers, with the most obstinate resolution.
{1510}
   By degrees, however, the French, under Soult, hemmed him in on
   one side, Murat on the other, and Bernadotte appeared close
   behind him. He was thus forced to throw himself into Lubeck,
   where a severe action was fought in the streets of the town,
   on the 6th of November. The Prussian, in this battle, lost
   4,000 prisoners, besides the slain and wounded: he retreated
   to Schwerta, and there, it being impossible for him to go
   farther without violating the neutrality of Denmark, on the
   morning of the 7th, Blucher at length laid down his arms. ...
   The strong fortresses of the Prussian monarchy made as
   ineffectual resistance as the armies in the field. ...
   Buonaparte, in person, entered Berlin on the 25th of October;
   and before the end of November, except Konigsberg--where the
   King himself had found refuge, and gathered round, him a few
   thousand troops ... --and a few less important fortresses, the
   whole of the German possessions of the house of Brandenburg
   were in the hands of the conqueror. Louis Buonaparte, King of
   Holland, meanwhile had advanced into Westphalia and occupied
   that territory also, with great part of Hanover, East
   Friesland, Embden, and the dominions of Hesse-Cassel."

      J. G. Lockhart,
      Life of Napoleon,
      chapter 20.

      ALSO IN:
      C. Adams,
      Great Campaigns in Europe from 1796 to 1870,
      chapter. 4.

      Baron Jomini,
      Life of Napoleon,
      chapter 9 (volume 2),

      Memoirs of Napoleon dictated at St. Helena,
      volume 6, pages 60-72.

      Sir A. Alison,
      History of Europe, 1789-1815,
      chapter 43 (volume 10).

      Duke of Rovigo,
      Memoirs,
      volume 1, part 2, chapters 21-23.

GERMANY: A. D. 1806 (October-December).
   Napoleon's ungenerous use of his victory.
   His insults to the Queen of Prussia.
   The kingdom governed as conquered territory.
   The French advance into Poland, to meet the Russians.
   Saxony made a kingdom.

   "Napoleon made a severe and ungenerous use of his victory. The
   old Duke of Brunswick, respectable from his age, his
   achievements under the Great Frederick, and the honourable
   wounds he had recently received on the field of battle, and
   who had written a letter to Napoleon, after the battle of
   Jena, recommending his subjects to his generosity, was in an
   especial manner the object of invective. His states were
   overrun, and the official bulletins disgraced by a puerile
   tirade against a general who had done nothing but discharge
   his duty to his sovereign. For this he was punished by the
   total confiscation of his dominions. So virulent was the
   language employed, and such the apprehensions in consequence
   inspired, that the wounded general was compelled, with great
   personal suffering, to take refuge in Altona, where he soon
   after died. The Queen, whose spirit in prosperous and
   constancy in adverse fortune had justly endeared her to her
   subjects, and rendered her the admiration of all Europe, was
   pursued in successive bulletins with unmanly sarcasms; and a
   heroic princess, whose only fault, if fault it was, had been
   an excess of patriotic ardour, was compared to Helen, whose
   faithless vices had involved her country in the calamities
   consequent on the siege of Troy. The whole dominions of the
   Elector of Hesse Cassel were next seized; and that prince, who
   had not even combated at Jena, but merely permitted, when he
   could not prevent, the entry of the Prussians into his
   dominions, was dethroned and deprived of all his possessions.
   ... The Prince of Orange, brother-in-law to the King of
   Prussia, ... shared the same fate: while to the nobles of
   Berlin he used publicly the cruel expression, more withering
   to his own reputation than theirs,--'I will render that
   noblesse so poor that they shall be obliged to beg their