This Council is supposed to have been held in a Grotto, or
Cave, where there was no room but for 50 at a time; and yet they
are all said to have been present when Marcellinus owned his Crime,
and divested himself of his Dignity. And what a despicable Figure
does he make on that Occasion! At first he denies the Charge; but,
being convicted by 72 Eye-witnesses, he owns it at last, but in Terms
more becoming a School-boy, trembling at the Sight of a Rod, than
a penitent Bishop, before so grave an Assembly. But the most remarkable
Passage in that Piece is the Dispute between Urbanus High Pontiff
of Jupiter, and Marcellinus High Pontiff of the Christians. Urbanus,
to convince his Fellow-Pontiff that he ought not to scruple
offering Incense to Jupiter, alleges the Example of the Mages offering
Incense to Christ. Marcellinus answers, That the offering of Incense
on that Occasion was mysterious; and unravels the Mystery.
Hereupon Urbanus, unacquainted with Mysteries, appeals to the Judgment
of the Emperors Dioclesian and Maximian; to this Appeal
Marcellinus agrees; and the Controversy is referred by both Pontiffs
to be decided by the Two Emperors. They, no doubt, gave Sentence
in favour of Jupiter and Urbanus; and then Dioclesian, taking
Marcellinus with him into the Temple of Vesta, persuaded him there
to offer Incense to Jupiter, Hercules, and Saturn. How these Three
Deities came to have a Place in the Temple of Vesta, the Compiler
of these Acts alone knows. Such are the Absurdities and Contradictions,
of which that Piece is wholly made up. But it flatters the
Ambition of the Successors of Marcellinus; on occasion of his Fall
it exalts the See of Rome above all other Sees: its Authority therefore
must not be called in question: all the Absurdities and Contradictions
it contains, must be blindly believed; the Memory of
Marcellinus most unjustly slandered; the Testimonies of Theodoret,
and St. Austin, clearing him from all Guilt, disregarded and rejected.
And may not this be interpreted as a tacit Declaration, that they had
rather he had been guilty than innocent, provided his Guilt could
any-ways contribute to the Aggrandizing of their See? What can we
think their Ambition will spare, since they have thus sacrificed to it
the Character of one of their Predecessors, whose Memory is revered
by all Antiquity? The Church of Rome honours Marcellinus as a
Saint; and, not withstanding his pretended Apostasy, allows him a
Place amongst her Martyrs; probably by way of Reparation for the
Injustice done him. |Marcellinus falsly
supposed to have died
a Martyr.| But his Martyrdom may be justly questioned; at
least it seems to have been utterly unknown to St. Austin, who flourished
not long after his Time, since he never mentions it, tho’ it
would have afforded him the strongest Argument he could possibly use
to silence the Donatists. His Martyrdom, 'tis true, is vouched by
Bede, who tells us, that he was beheaded at Rome, by Dioclesian’s
Order; but that Historian is often led into gross Mistakes by a Pontifical,
supposed to have been written in the Sixth Century, which he
frequently copies, with all its Anachronisms, and other Faults.
That, upon the Death of Marcellinus, there happened a Vacancy of some Years, seems undeniable, since it is marked in the Pontificals, even in that of Bucherius[499], and mentioned by all those who, till Baronius’s Time, have written the History of the Popes: but what at this time should occasion a Vacancy at least of Three Years, is what I will not take upon me to account for: the Persecution lasted but Two Years in Italy, according to Eusebius[500], which expired soon after the Death of Marcellinus: some pretend that it raged there so long as Galerius was Master of that Country. Be that as it will, it is certain, that Maxentius usurped the Empire in 306. and that he not only favoured the Christians, but pretended to be of the same Religion himself; and yet the See remained vacant, according to the Pontifical of Bucherius[501], till the Tenth Consulate of Maximian Hercules, and the Seventh of Maximian Galerius, that is, till the Year 308. Baronius indeed admits of no Vacancy; but, in Opposition to all those who have written before him, places the Election of Marcellus immediately after the Decease of his Predecessor Marcellinus[502]. This I should readily agree to, but for the Authority of the above-mentioned Pontifical, which had not yet appeared in Baronius’s Time, and is thought to have been written about the Year 354. As for the Chronicle of Eusebius, it can be here of no Weight on the one Side or the other, since Marcellus is there quite left out; and his Successor Melchiades is said to have died before Constantine made himself Master of Rome; whereas it is certain, that, under Melchiades, a Council was held at Rome, by that Prince’s Order, as we shall see hereafter.
| Maximian, Constantius, |
MARCELLUS, Twenty-ninth Bishop of Rome. |
Galerius, Constantine. |
Upon the Death of Marcellinus, the See remained vacant somewhat
above Three Years and an half; that is, from the 24th
of October 304. to the 19th of May 308. when Marcellus was chosen
in his room. Thus says the Pontifical of Bucherius, where, instead
of Seven Years, which is a Mistake of the Transcribers, as is manifest
from the Consulships mark’d there, we must read Three[503]. |Marcellinus and
Marcellus confounded
by some Writers;| The
Similitude of the Two Names has misled some Writers to confound
Marcellinus with Marcellus; for Eusebius, as well as St. Jerom,
only mention the former; and Theodoret, omitting both Marcellus
and Eusebius, who succeeded him, names Melchiades as the
immediate Successor of Marcellinus[504]; which has made Dr. Pearson
doubt, whether Marcellus was ever Bishop of Rome[505]. |but distinguished
by others.| But Marcellinus
and Marcellus are evidently distinguished in the Pontifical of Bucherius,
by the different Times, in which they governed, and the different
Consuls, under whom their Government began and ended[506]. They
are, besides, distinguished both by Optatus Milevitanus[507], and St.
Austin[508], who speaks of Marcellus, not only as a Presbyter of the
Church of Rome, but as Bishop of that See. To these Testimonies
I may add the Epitaph of Marcellus by Pope Damasus, supposing
him to have been Bishop of Rome[509]. Damasus flourished about the
Year 366. Many things are said of Marcellus; but they are all
founded either on his Acts, or the modern Pontificals, and consequently
have no Foundation at all. Pope Damasus, in his Epitaph,
tells us, that his Steadiness in keeping up the Discipline of the Church,
and obliging such as had fallen, during the Persecution, to give due
Satisfaction, stirred up against him a general Hatred, which, not confined
to private Disputes and Invectives, ended in Tumults, Bloodshed,
and Murders[510]. |Marcellus is banished.| Damasus adds, that the Crime of one, who
had renounced the Faith, while the Church enjoyed a profound Peace,
induced the Tyrant Maxentius to send Marcellus into Banishment. But
of these Transactions the Antients either have not thought fit to give
us a more particular Account, or, if they did, their Writings have
not reached our Times. Marcellus died on the 16th of January 310.
having held the Pontificate One Year, Seven Months, and Twenty
Days[511]; but whether he died in Banishment, or was recalled to Rome,
is uncertain. |His Acts are fabulous.| The Church of Rome, upon the Authority of his fabulous
Acts, has added him, with many others, to the Number of her
Martyrs: but Maxentius, who reigned at Rome during his Pontificate,
and under whom he is said to have suffered, had no sooner
made himself Master of that City, than he put an End to the Persecution,
as we are told, in express Terms, by Eusebius[512]. |His Reliques.| He is said
to have been buried in the Cœmetery of Priscilla, on the Salarian
Way[513]: but his Body, like the Bodies of most other Saints, is now
worshiped in several Places; viz. in a Church, bearing his Name,
at Rome; in the Abbey of Omont in Hainault, not far from Maubeuge;
at Cluni, in a Parish-Church of the Diocese of Elne in Roussillon[514],
&c.
| Constantine, | EUSEBIUS, Thirtieth Bishop of Rome. |
Licinius. |
Marcellus was succeeded by Eusebius, who governed Seven
Months, according to Eusebius[515], but only Four Months and
Sixteen Days according to the Pontifical of Bucherius[516]. |Stands up in De-
fence of the Discip-
line of the Church,
and is banished.| From an
antient Epitaph on this Pope we learn, that he opposed, with great
Vigour and Zeal, one Heraclius, pretending that those who had
fallen during the Persecution, ought to be readmitted to the Communion
of the Church, without giving such Satisfaction as was then
required; and that hereupon great Divisions happening among the
People, Maxentius, to put an End to those Disturbances, banished Eusebius
into Sicily[517]. Many other things are said of him by Anastasius,
Platina, Ciacconius, and such-like Writers; but what we read
in them has no better Foundation than what is advanced by Baronius;
viz. that he instructed Eusebius the celebrated Bishop of Vercelli,
and gave him his own Name[518]; which is founded on the Acts
of that Bishop, now universally rejected as supposititious.
| Constantine, | MELCHIADES, Thirty-first Bishop of Rome. |
Licinius. |
Melchiades, or Miltiades, as he is called in the antient
Manuscripts, was chosen to succeed Eusebius, on the 2d of July
311. after a Vacancy of Nine Months, and upwards
[519]; which Historians
do not account for. |Constantine con-
verted to the Christ-
ian Religion.
His Edicts in favour
of the Christians.| In his Time happened the ever memorable
Conversion of Constantine to the Christian Religion. That Prince,
having overcome and utterly defeated the Usurper Maxentius, on
the 28th of October 312. soon after issued an Edict, jointly with Licinius,
who was upon the point of marrying his Sister, allowing the
Christians the free Exercise of their Religion, and likewise the Liberty
of building Churches[520]. By the same Edict he ordered the Places,
where they had held their Assemblies before the Persecution, and
which had been taken from them, to be restored[521]. He left Rome in
the Beginning of the Year 313. and, arriving at Milan, he there issued
a Second Edict, to correct some Mistakes that had given Offence in
the former[522]. What these Mistakes were, we know not; for the Decree
itself has not reached our Times; but Valesius conjectures, that
the high Commendations bestowed on the Christian Religion alarmed
the Pagans, imagining, that the Intention of the Two Princes was
to suppress theirs; and likewise, that some Christians had taken Offence
at the odious Name of Heretics; given in that Decree to the
various Sects sprung from them[523]. Be that as it will, it is certain,
that, by the Second Decree, an intire Liberty of Conscience was
granted to all sorts of Persons, every one being allowed to honour
and worship what Deity he pleased; and in what manner soever he
thought best. The Second Edict strictly injoins all those, who had
purchased of the Exchequer, or held by Grant, any Place formerly
destined for the Assemblies of the Christians, to restore them forthwith,
and apply to the Exchequer; where they should be indemnified[524].
The same Year 313. Licinius, having gained a complete
Victory over Maximinus, a sworn Enemy to the Christians, made
himself Master of Nicomedia, and there caused the Edict of Milan to
be proclaimed, and set up in the Market-place, on the 13th of
June[525]. Thus Peace was restored to the Church, in the East as well
as in the West, after a most cruel and bloody Persecution of Ten
Years, and almost Four Months; for the First Edict against the Christians
had been published in that very City on the 24th of February
303[526]
Another remarkable Incident of this Pontificate was, the famous
Schism, formed in Africa against Cæcilianus, the Catholic Bishop
of Carthage; whereof a succinct Account will not be foreign to my
Subject, as Melchiades was chiefly concerned in most of the Transactions
relating to it. The first Decree against the Christians, published
by Dioclesian, which I have just now mentioned, ordered the
Churches to be every-where laid level with the Ground, the Books of
the Scripture to be carefully sought for, and publicly burnt; and that
such Persons of Quality as should persist in the Profession of the
Christian Faith, should be deemed infamous, and excluded from all
Honours and Employments. This Edict was executed with such Rigour
in Africa, that it was a capital Crime in the Magistrates of the
Cities, and punishable with Death, to shew any Mercy or Compassion
to a Christian, who, owning he had the sacred Books, should
refuse to deliver them into the Hands of the proper Officers. |Traditores who.| Those
who, in Compliance with this Edict, delivered them up, which great
Numbers did, were styled Traditores, a Name, which afterwards became
famous in the History of the Church, by affording the Donatists
a plausible Pretence to separate themselves from the Communion
of the Catholic Bishops[527]. Of this Crime Mensurius, Bishop of
Carthage, was falsly accused; but, though the Charge could not be
proved against him, yet some of his Flock, encouraged by Donatus,
Bishop of Casænigræ in Numidia, separated from his Communion[528].
Mensurius dying some Years after, Cæcilianus, Deacon of the Church
of Carthage, was chosen in his room, in Spite of the Cabals and Intrigues
of Botrus and Cælesius, Two chief Presbyters, who aspired to
that Dignity. |The chief Authors
of the Schism
against Cæcilianus.| Cæcilianus, soon after his Election, summoned some
Persons, in whose Custody his Predecessor had left the Money of the
Church, to deliver it up to him: but they not only refused to comply
with his Demand, but began to stir up the People, and form
a Party against him. Botrus and Cælesius were not idle on this Occasion;
but, animated with Jealousy and Envy, lest no Art unpractised
to blacken his Character, and discredit him with those who had preferred
him to them. But the chief Support of this Faction was Lucilla,
a Woman of great Quality, Wealth, and Interest, and an avowed
Enemy to Cæcilianus, who, while he was yet Deacon, had publicly
reprimanded her for kissing the Relique of a Martyr, as she was upon
the Point of receiving the Eucharist. An undeniable Proof, that the
Worship of Reliques was at this time disapproved by the Church.
Such Liberty taken with a Person of her Rank, was what she could
not brook; and therefore she laid hold of the first Opportunity that
offered, and no better could offer, to revenge the Affront[529]. It is
not to be doubted but those, who had separated from Mensurius,
joined this Faction; since the Second Schism owed its Origin to the
First, as St. Austin says, speaking of the Two Schisms under Mensurius
and Cæcilianus[530].
The Schismatics, to give an Appearance of Justice and Authority
to their Proceedings, summoned Secundus Bishop of Tigisis, and the
other Bishops of Numidia, to depose Cæcilianus, and chuse another
in his room; for the Bishops of Numidia claimed the Privilege of
assisting at the Election of the Bishop of Carthage, and ordaining
him after he was elected[531]. They readily complied with the Summons;
but, upon their Arrival, they found, to their great Surprize,
that the whole City, except a small Number of Schismatics, the
avowed Enemies of Cæcilianus, communicated with him as their
lawful Bishop[532]. They were 70 in Number; but as many of them
were Traditors, and some guilty of other enormous Crimes, as appears
from the Acts of the Council of Cirtha[533], they were easily prevailed
upon by Lucilla, who is said to have spent an immense Sum
on this Occasion[534], to declare the Election of Cæcilianus void, and the
See of Carthage vacant. |They declare his
Election null.| The only thing they could lay to his Charge
was, that he had been ordained by Felix Bishop of Aptungus, whom
they falsly accused as a Traditor. Cæcilianus refused to Appear before
them; and truly to trust himself to such an Assembly, had been
acting a very imprudent Part; for Purpurius, Bishop of Limata, had
said, If he comes among us, instead of laying our Hands upon him,
by way of Ordination, we ought to knock out his Brains, by way of
Penance[535].
The Party having thus declared Cæcilianus illegally elected and
ordained, they separated themselves from his Communion, and from
the Communion of all who communicated with him[536]; that is, from
the Communion of the Catholic Church; for Cæcilianus was acknowleged
by the other Bishops of Africa, by the Bishop of Rome, and by
all the Bishops of the World, says St. Austin[537]. Such was the Rise
of the famous Schism, which, for the Space of 300 Years, and upwards,
occasioned great Disturbances in the Churches of Africa. |Called Donatists,
and from whom.| Donatus,
Bishop of Casænigræ in Numidia, was the first Author of it,
according to St. Austin[538]; but it was not from him, but from Donatus,
the Schismatic Bishop of Carthage, that they took the Name of
Donatists; for, till his Time, they styled themselves the Party of
Majorinus[539], whom they chose and ordained Bishop of Carthage, in
the room of Cæcilianus; though he was then only Lector of that
Church, and had been formerly one of Lucilla’s menial Servants[540].
To justify their Conduct, and their electing a new Bishop, they writ
Letters to all the Churches of Africa, filled with Calumnies against
Cæcilianus, and those who had ordained him. By these Letters great
Numbers were imposed upon, and misled; insomuch that, the People
being every-where divided, most Churches had Two Bishops, the one
ordained by Majorinus, and the other by Cæcilianus[541].
About this time, that is, about the Year 313. Constantine, out of
his Zeal for the Christian Religion, issued Two Decrees, addressed to
Anulinus, Proconsul of Africa, the one commanding all the Places
in that Province to be restored, which had once belonged to the
Catholic Church, and might have been usurped during the Persecution[542];
and the other, exempting the Ecclesiastics from all civil
Functions[543]. This Privilege was granted only to the Ecclesiastics of
the Catholic Church, whereof Cæcilianus was the Head, as was expresly
declared in the Edict; and therefore to him alone the Proconsul
imparted it. It was a great Mortification to the Donatists to
see themselves thus disregarded by the Emperor: they therefore assembled
a few Days after, and drawing up a Petition to Constantine,
they delivered it, unsealed, to Anulinus, together with a Bundle of
Papers, sealed up in a Leather Bag, with this Title: The Petition of
the Catholic Church, containing the Crimes of Cæcilianus; by the
Party of Majorinus. |The Donatists petition
Constantine, that the
Dispute may be re-
ferred to the Bishops
of Gaul.| The Substance of the Petition was, that the
Controversy between them and the other Bishops of Africa might be
referred to the Bishops of Gaul, who were free from the Imputation
of having delivered up the sacred Books to the Pagans[544]. Anulinus
immediately dispatched a Messenger to the Emperor, both with the
Request, and the Papers, giving him, at the same time, by a Letter
still extant[545], an Insight into the Dispute, that made so great a Noise
in Africa. Constantine, who was then in Gaul, having received and
read all those Pieces, expressed great Concern to find the Christians
thus divided among themselves, and the Bishops at Variance with
one another[546]. |The Bishops named
by Constantine.| However, he readily granted to the Donatists the
Judges they demanded, naming, for that Purpose, Maternus Bishop
of Cologne, Rheticius Bishop of Autun, and Marinus Bishop of
Arles[547]; all Men of known Integrity, great Learning, and unblemished
Characters. To these, by a Letter under his own Hand, he
gave Notice of their new Commission; and, at the same time, for
their better Information, he caused Copies to be transmitted to them,
of all the Papers he had received from Anulinus[548]. The Three
Bishops were ordered to repair, with all Speed, to Rome, and there,
jointly with Melchiades, Bishop of that City, to sit as Judges of
the Controversy. Cæcilianus likewise was ordered to Rome, and
allowed to take with him Ten Bishops of his Party, such as he should
judge the most capable of defending his Cause; and the same Liberty
was granted to the adverse Party[549]. |His Letter to Melchiades.| Constantine, in the Letter he
writ on this Occasion to Melchiades, after appealing to him as a
Witness of the Respect and Veneration he had for the Catholic
Church, declares, he had nothing so much at Heart as to see her
Members happily united: he therefore earnestly intreats him to examine
the Affair with the utmost Attention, and, jointly with the
Bishops of Gaul, to judge it according to the strictest Laws of Justice
and Equity[550]. In this Letter Constantine names no other Judges but
the Three Bishops of Gaul, Melchiades, and one Mark, supposed to
have been Bishop of Milan, whom he joins with Melchiades;
but afterwards he ordered Seven more to be added to the Number,
and as many as could soon and conveniently assemble; so that they
were at last 19 in all[551]. |The Council of Rome.| They met, for the first time, on Friday the
Second of October 313. Constantine and Licinius being the third
time Consuls[552]. The Place they met in was the Apartment of Fausta,
in the Lateran Palace[553], she being then, in all Likelihood, absent in
Gaul, with the Emperor her Husband. Before this Assembly Cæcilianus
appeared as the Person accused, and Donatus of Casænigræ as
the Accuser. |Cæcilianus absolved,
and Donatus
condemned.| They had but Three Meetings: in the First the Characters
of the Accusers and Witnesses were strictly inquired into, and
their Depositions heard; in the Second the Acts of the Council of
Carthage, which had condemned Cæcilianus, as I have related above,
were examined; and in the last Cæcilianus, against whom nothing
had been proved, was absolved, and Donatus condemned as a Slanderer,
and the chief Author of the Schism[554]. An Account of the
Whole, together with the Acts of the Council, was immediately
transmitted to Constantine, who began to flatter himself, that he had
put an End to the Dispute; for he could not imagine, that the Donatists
would appeal from the Judgment of such unexceptionable
Judges, of Judges whom they themselves had demanded. But the
good Prince was yet a Stranger to the Nature of religious Disputes,
to the Heat, Animosity, and enthusiastic Rancour, with which they
are commonly carried on. Notwithstanding the Pains he took, and
his Successors after him, and no Pains they spared, to heal these unhappy
Divisions, they continued, to the great Scandal of the Pagans,
rending the Church into most furious Parties and Factions, for the
Space of near 300 Years. |Melchiades dies.| The Council of Rome was held in the
Month of October 313, and Melchiades died on the Tenth of January
ensuing, Volusianus and Anienus being Consuls, having presided
for the Space of Two Years, Six Months, and Eight Days[555]. About
an hundred Years after, the Donatists charged him with having delivered
up the sacred Books, and offered Incense to the Pagan Gods;
but this St. Austin calls a groundless Charge, a mere Calumny, a
malicious Invention of the Donatists of his Time to justify the Conduct
of their Predecessors, in appealing, as they did, from the Council
of Rome, at which Melchiades assisted, and probably presided, as Bishop
of the Imperial City[556].
Baronius, impatient to see the Pope raised to the Rank of a Prince, endeavours to prove, that Melchiades was placed in that Station by Constantine, and argues thus: The Council of Rome was held in the Lateran Palace; therefore that Palace had been given by Constantine to Melchiades, and belonged to him; for that an Assembly of Nineteen Bishops only should meet in so spacious a Place, can no otherwise be accounted for, but by supposing the Pope to have resided there. This he calls a Demonstration[557]. Having thus got him a Palace, and, no doubt, magnificently furnished, he finds no Difficulty in equipping him in every other respect as a Prince: For who can imagine, says he, that Constantine, so pious, so generous a Prince, would have given to the Head of the Church a Royal Palace to live in, and not allow him at the same time a suitable Retinue, with suitable Appointments? To act otherwise, had not been honouring, but disgracing the Christian Religion, since its High Pontiff, stalking about all alone in a huge Palace, could be but an Object of Ridicule to the Pontiffs of the Pagan Superstition, who lived in magnificent Houses, with answerable Grandeur[558]. Thus is the Bishop metamorphosed at once into a Sovereign. But the Metamorphosis is somewhat premature. If Constantine, yet a Neophyte, was not well acquainted with the true Spirit of the Christian Religion, Melchiades was; and therefore, had that Prince offered to distinguish him by any such Marks of worldly Grandeur, I do not question but, as he was a very good Man, he would have taken from thence an Opportunity of instructing him better in the Principles of his new Profession, and shewing him in what Contempt the Christian Prelates had, and he himself ought to have, all worldly Grandeur. But no such Offer was ever made or dreamt of: For what at length is all this founded on? On the Meeting of the Council in the Lateran Palace. The French Academy meet in the Louvre: Are they therefore Princes? And does not Optatus, of whom we have the whole Account, call it in express Terms the House of Fausta[559]? Fausta perhaps lived there, says Baronius, during the long and flourishing Reign of her Father Maximian, and thence it might be called the House of Fausta. Thus in the End is his Demonstration dwindled away to a mere Conjecture, and a very groundless one too: But, waving that, why might not Fausta continue in the same Palace after her Father’s Death, with her Husband Constantine, when he was at Rome, or alone, when she did not attend him in the Wars? The Annalist seems to have forgot that Fausta was Constantine’s Wife. But after all, the Empress, as it appears to me, had only an Apartment in the Lateran; for in this Sense I understand Optatus saying, The Council was held in the House, or Habitation, of Fausta in the Lateran. But her being any-ways there excludes Melchiades. Their sitting in the Imperial Palace gave a kind of Authority and Sanction to their Decisions; and besides, there might not be room in the House of Melchiades, if he had a House, for the Council, and those who were to attend it, they being in all Forty Bishops; so that we need not put Melchiades in Possession of that Palace to account for the Council’s meeting in it, as Baronius has done.
| Constantine. | SYLVESTER, Thirty-second Bishop of Rome. |
Sylvester was chosen in the room of Melchiades on the last
of January 314[560]. In his time were held the two great Councils
of Arles and Nice. The former was convened by Constantine’s Order
at the Request of the Donatists, who, instead of acquiescing to the
Judgment of the Council of Rome, loudly complained to the Emperor
of the Bishops who composed it, as partial, prejudiced, and
over-hasty in deciding a Controversy of the greatest Importance[561].
Constantine heard them with great Patience; and that he might leave
them no Colour or Pretence whatsoever to continue in their Schism,
|The Council of Arles.| he summoned a second Council to meet at Arles, inviting several
Bishops to it with most pathetic Letters under his own Hand, and
ordering the Proconsuls and Governors of Provinces to acquaint the
rest with his Desire and Intention. Chrestus, or Crescentius, Bishop
of Syracuse, was allowed, and so, without all doubt, were the rest,
to bring two Presbyters with him, and three Attendants, as we learn
from the Emperor’s Letter to him, which is still extant[562]. They were
all to be supplied with Conveniences for traveling, and every thing
else, at the public Expence. The Time appointed for their Meeting
was the first of August 314. and on that Day they met accordingly[563],
not from all Parts of the World, as we read in the Acts of the Second
Council of Arles[564], but from Africa, and most other Provinces of the
West. Sylvester Bishop of Rome was invited to it; but he excused
himself on account of his Age, and sent in his room the two Presbyters,
Claudianus and Vitus, with Eugenius and Cyriacus, Deacons;
the Bishop of Ostia sent likewise two Presbyters in his room[565]. |Cæcilianus declared
innocent.| By
this Assembly Cæcilianus was again declared innocent, and those who
should falsly accuse their Brethren cut off from the Communion of
the Church, without Hopes of being ever re-admitted, except at the
Point of Death[566]. As to the schismatic Bishops, it was agreed, that
such of them as abandoned the Schism should not forfeit their Dignity,
but sit alternatively with the Catholic Bishop till one of them died[567].
The Council, before they broke up, acquainted the Bishop of Rome
with their Proceedings, and at the same time sent him the Decrees they
had made concerning the Discipline of the Church, not to be confirmed
by him, as Baronius would make us believe[568], but that by his
means, as he held larger Dioceses, they might be the sooner known.
These are the very Words of the Council[569][N10].
N10. Several Canons were made by this Council relating to the Discipline of the Church. 1. It was ordained, that Easter should be kept on the same Day, and on a Sunday, by all the Churches in the World; and that the Bishop of Rome should acquaint the other Churches with the Day. But it was afterwards ordained, that the Bishop of Alexandria should fix the Day, and give timely notice of it to the Bishop of Rome, that by his means it might be notified to the whole Church. This Ordinance St. Cyril seems to ascribe to the Council of Nice; for he says, that it was so enacted by the Synod composed of all the Saints of the Earth; which, at the Time he writ, that is, about the Year 360. could be said of no other Synod but that of Nice. Pope Leo the Great, speaking of this Custom in a Letter to the Emperor Marcian, only says, that it was established by the holy Fathers[1]. He meant, perhaps, the Fathers of Nice. But as they took no notice of such a Custom in their Letter to the Church of Egypt, I cannot suppose it to have been introduced by them. The Care of fixing the Day, and acquainting the Bishop of Rome with it, was probably committed to the Bishop of Alexandria, because the Egyptians were thought to be better acquainted with the Motions of the heavenly Bodies than any other Nation. In other Provinces the Bishops seem to have been utter Strangers to Astronomy, and to that Ignorance was chiefly owing their Disagreement with respect to the Celebration of Easter. This Custom still obtained in the Fifth Century, as appears from a Letter of Leo the Great, dated the 28th of July 454. For by that Letter he acquaints the Bishops of Gaul and Spain, that the following Year 455, Easter would fall on the 24th of April, as it had been settled in the East[2]. Before his Time Innocent I. being at a Loss to know on what Day Easter should be kept in 414. had recourse to Aurelius Bishop of Carthage, intreating him to examine that Point in a Council, and let him know what they determined, that he might notify it, as was customary, to other Churches. Innocent had quarreled, on Chrysostom’s Account, with the Eastern Bishops; and therefore chose rather to be informed and directed by the African Bishops than by them. 2. It was decreed, that such as had been baptized by Heretics in the Name of the Trinity, should not be rebaptized, but admitted into the Church only by the Imposition of Hands. But to this Decree of the Council no greater Regard was paid, than had been paid in St. Cyprian’s Time to the Decisions of Pope Stephen. For in the Year 370. the same Practice of rebaptizing Heretics still obtained in several Churches of Africa, as appears from Optatus, who writ about that time. In the East some held, and some denied, the Validity of Baptism administred by an Heretic. Of the latter Opinion was the great Athanasius, who flourished from the Year 326. to 373. and St. Basil, who writ about the Year 369. after examining, in his Letter to Amphilochus, the two opposite Practices, seems inclined to think the Baptism of Heretics null. According to the present Doctrine of the Church of Rome, Baptism, by whomsoever administred, whether Jew, Gentile, Heretic, Mohammedan, &c. whether Man or Woman, or even a Child, is valid, provided it be only administred with an Intention of administring it, without which every Sacrament, say they, is null. This Doctrine, with respect to the Intention, proves daily to timorous Consciences the Source of endless Doubts and Perplexities, which can never be removed: for tho’ they may know for certain, that the Ceremony was performed, yet they can never know whether or no it was performed with the due Intention. In Confession, for Instance, they may hear the Words of the Absolution pronounced by the Priest; but they know nothing of his Intention, of the Intention of the Minister who baptized him, of the Bishop who ordained him, of the Priest who baptized, or the Bishops who ordained that Bishop, and so up to the Apostles, by whom the first Bishops were ordained. Should the right Intention have been wanting in any of these; should the Priest, while he pronounces the Words of Absolution, have his Thoughts employed on some other Object, as it may easily happen; the penitent Sinner would depart from his Tribunal with the whole Load of his Sins, and be damned, notwithstanding his Repentance, for, or, more properly speaking, thro' want of Attention in the Priest. A most unchristian and impious Doctrine, placing our eternal Salvation in the Hands of others, and not in our own. 3. The Council decreed, that excommunicated Persons should be no-where absolved from the Excommunication but in the Places where they had been excommunicated. The Bishops of Rome did not yet know, it seems, that they were vested with an unlimited Power of binding and loosening, of excommunicating and absolving, with respect to all Persons and Places; for had Sylvester but dreamt of such a Power, we may well suppose he would never have suffered it to be thus controuled. Several other Canons were made by this Council, in all Twenty-two; but it is foreign to my Purpose to take notice of them. I shall only observe, that the Council consisted of Thirty-three Bishops, and not of Two hundred, as Baronius supposes, upon the Authority of St. Austin, whom he misunderstood; and that Marinus Bishop of Arles presided, his Name being placed at the Head of the Subscriptions, and the Names of Sylvester’s Legates after his.
1. Leo, ep. 94. c. 1.
2. Leo, ep. 109.
The other grand Council that was held during the Pontificate of
Sylvester was that of Nice, so famous in the History of the Church:
but the Bishop of the reigning City, says Eusebius[570], being prevented
by his great Age from undertaking so long a Journey, he sent Vitus
and Vincentius, Two Roman Presbyters, to supply his room[571], with
Orders to agree in his Name to the Decisions of the Council[572]. In
Process of Time such Orders grew out of Date, and the modest Name
of Roman Presbyters, given to those who were sent by the Bishops of
Rome, either to Councils or Princes, was changed into the lofty Title
of Legates a latere. |Osius did not assist
at the Council of
Nice as the Pope’s
Legate.| Baronius[573], and after him most Writers of the
Church of Rome, maintain Osius, the celebrated Bishop of Cordoua,
to have assisted, nay, and presided at the Council of Nice as the
Pope’s Legate. Vitus and Vincentius, say they, represented the Person
of the Pope; but Osius held his Place, and the Place of all the
Bishops of the West. That Osius assisted at the Council with the
Character of the Pope’s Legate, is affirmed, I own, by Gelasius of
Cyzicus, who flourished about the End of the Fifth Century[574]: but
Eusebius, who was present, mentions only Vitus and Vincentius as
sent thither by Sylvester. In like manner all the Historians, who have
written of that Council after Eusebius till the Time of Gelasius, in
naming those Two Presbyters and Osius, which they all do, constantly
distinguish the former by the Title of the Deputies, the Representatives,
&c. of the Bishop of Rome, and never the latter. Besides,
Vitus and Vincentius, in subscribing to the Canons of the Council,
declare, that they do it in the Name of the venerable Pope, or Father,
Sylvester their Bishop[575]; whereas Osius subscribes, like the other Bishops,
in his own Name. As to his presiding at that great Assembly,
his Name, 'tis true, is marked the first by Socrates[576], among those
who subscribed to the Definitions and Canons of the Council; but yet
I am inclined to believe that Honour not to have been conferred upon
him, but upon Eustathius Bishop of Antioch;
|Nor did he preside.| for John, Bishop of
the same City, writing to Proculus about the Year 435. styles him the
first of the Fathers assembled at Nice[577], and Facundus calls him the
first of the Council[578]. In the Chronicle of Nicephorus he is styled
the Head of the Fathers of Nice[579]: and from Theodoret we learn, that
he sat the first on the Right-hand in the Assembly, and harangued the
Emperor[580], which it was the President’s Province to do[N11].