While Innocent continued at Ravenna, he writ to Marcianus Bishop of Naissus, a City in Mœsia, concerning the Ecclesiastics of his Diocese, who had been ordained by Bonosus, of whom we have spoken above[1438]. In that Letter, Innocent declares, that Marcianus ought to admit to his Communion, and even restore to their Churches, those Ecclesiastics, who, having adhered to Bonosus after his Condemnation, were willing to return, provided they had been ordained by him before his Condemnation. One of these, by Name Rusticus, to remove all Doubt concerning the Validity of his Ordination, had caused himself to be reordained by a Catholic Bishop; and this Reordination Innocent condemns, in the same Letter, as highly criminal[1439].
In the Year 412. Innocent writ to Aurelius Bishop of Carthage, whom he seems to have greatly honoured and esteemed, concerning the Day on which Easter was to be kept in the Year 414. He acquaints Aurelius, that the 16th Day of the Moon of March would fall that Year on the 22d of the Month, and the 23d of the Moon on the 29th of the Month; and consequently that, in his Opinion, Easter ought to be kept on the 22d of March. However, he desires Aurelius to discuss that Point in the Council of the African Bishops, that was in a short time to be held at Carthage; and to let him know, whether they approved of such a Regulation, or what they objected against it, that he might solemnly notify by his Letters, according to Custom, the Day, on which Easter was to be celebrated[1440]. Their thus notifying to the other Bishops the Day on which Easter was to be kept, was no Argument of Power; but it gave them an Air of Pre-eminence, which they dextrously improved into Power.
In the Year 414. Vitalis, Archdeacon probably of Thessalonica, arrived at Rome, with Letters for Innocent, from the Bishops of Macedon, touching certain Points of Discipline which, it seems, they had referred to him, and he had decided before. In this Letter they represent to him, in the first Place, that, according to the Custom and Practice of their Churches, the marrying a Widow was no Bar or Impediment to Orders, or even to the Episcopal Dignity; and that to marry one Wife before, and a Second after, Baptism, was not, with them, deemed Bigamy. Then passing to those, who had been ordained by Bonosus, they declare it as their Opinion, that nothing more could be required than the Blessing of a lawful Bishop to re-admit them to the Functions of their Office. They conclude with begging Leave to raise to the Episcopal Dignity one Photinus, who had been condemned by the Predecessors of Innocent, and to depose a Deacon, by Name Eustatius[1441].
This Letter Innocent answered, almost in the Style and Language
of a modern Pope. He begins with expressing his Surprize at the
Affront they offered to the Apostolic See, by calling in Doubt what
he had already decided. He then answers, one by one, the Heads
of their Letter, with all the Authority of an unerring Judge, though
neither he, nor any of his Predecessors, had ever yet claimed, or
thought of claiming, such a Prerogative. He absolutely condemns
the Practice of admitting to Orders such as had married Widows, because
that was forbidden, says he, by Moses to the High Priest of the
Jews; which was tacitly declaring the Levitical Laws to be still, in
some Degree, binding with respect to the Christian Clergy. He adds,
that if any such had been ordained, it was the general Practice of all
the Churches, both in the East and West, to depose them[N53]. |Innocent declares Or-
ders conferred by Heretics
to be null.| As
for those who had married but one of their Two Wives after Baptism,
Innocent declares them equally incapable of being ordained
as if they had married both[N54]. As to the Ecclesiastics ordained by
Bonosus, Innocent not only excludes them from the Ministry, but
endeavours to prove in general, that Orders, when conferred by Heretics,
are null, borrowing, for that Purpose, of St. Cyprian, all the
Arguments which that Father had made use of to prove a no less erroneous
Opinion; viz. the Nullity of Baptism, when conferred by Heretics[N55].
N53. Such a Practice, however general, could have no other Foundation but the same unwarrantable Notion: I say, unwarrantable; for what can be more so than to exclude, asas Innocent does, even from the lowest Degrees in the Church, a Man who had married a Widow, because the High-Priest of the Jews was not allowed to marry one, though all other Priests were, under that Law, free from such a Restraint?
N54. Jerom held the contrary Opinion, and maintained it in one of his Letters[1], with Reasons, that appeared to Baronius almost unanswerable[2], that is, no otherwise answerable than by the Ipse dixit of Innocent, which, with him, stood in the room of Reason.
1. Hier. ep. 83.
2. Bar. ad ann. 405. n. 60.
N55. He was, it seems, no Logician; else, to prove his Opinion, he had never made use of Arguments, that equally proved, and had been calculated to prove, an erroneous Opinion, an Opinion long before condemned by all the Bishops of the Catholic Church, and very lately by himself, in a Letter to Alexander Bishop of Antioch, where he maintains the Validity of Baptism conferred by an Arian[1].
1. Inn. ep. 18.
The Opinion, which he endeavours to establish here, has been since condemned as heretical, by several of his Successors, and is now held as such by the whole Church; which has cut out a great deal of Work for the Champions of Infallibility. They plainly see (and who can read Innocent’s Letter without seeing?), that the Reasons which he made use of were all calculated to prove the Nullity of Ordination by the Hands of an Heretic; but nevertheless pretend, that whatever their seeming Purport may be, Innocent employed them only to prove, that an heretical Bishop had not the Power of conferring Grace, and with it the Right of exercising lawfully the Functions of his Office[1442]. But who can believe any Man, endowed with the least Share of common Sense, capable of arguing so absurdly? If his Meaning may be thus wrested, in spite of his Words, to a Catholic Sense, whose Meaning may not?
With respect to Photinus, Innocent declares himself very unwilling to blame, or give Occasion to the World to think that he blamed, the Conduct of his Predecessors, who had condemned Photinus; but nevertheless, since so many Prelates had made it appear by their joint Testimonies, that the Holy See had been imposed upon by false and groundless Reports, he agrees to his Promotion. As to the Deacon Eustatius, he lets them know, that, whatever Reports may have been spread to his Prejudice, he is well assured both of his Probity, and the Purity of his Faith, and therefore cannot consent to his Deposition. In the End of his Letter, he complains of the Bishops of Macedon for not paying due Regard to the Testimony of the Roman Church, in behalf of the Two Subdeacons Dizonianus and Cyriacus.
We have observed above, that Chrysostom being driven from the See of Constantinople into Exile, Innocent, and with him most of the Western Bishops, had espoused his Cause with great Warmth; but, finding that all their Endeavours in his Behalf proved unsuccessful, they at last separated themselves from the Communion of Atticus of Constantinople, Porphyrius of Antioch, and Theophilus of Alexandria. In the Year 407. Chrysostom died at Cumana in Pontus; but with him did not die the Animosities, which his Deposition had occasioned between the Churches of the East and the West. Atticus indeed thought nothing could now obstruct the wished-for Union; and therefore, as soon as Chrysostom’s Death was known, he applied to Rome, desiring the Communion of that Church. But he was greatly surprised, when he understood, that Innocent, instead of readily granting him his Request, insisted upon his first acknowleging Chrysostom to have been, and to have died, lawful Bishop of Constantinople, by inrolling his Name in the Diptychs[N56], with the Names of other Bishops of that City. This Demand seemed to Atticus highly unreasonable; for it was obliging him to acknowlege his own Election to have been null. He therefore peremptorily refused to comply with it; but nevertheless continued soliciting, by means of his Friends at Rome, a Reconciliation with that Church[1443]. But Innocent was inflexible; he was determined at all Events to carry his Point, and therefore would hearken to no other Terms till that was complied with. The Eastern Bishops followed the Example of Atticus; the Western that of Innocent. And thus were the Separation, and the Animosities attending it, continued Seven Years longer, each Party bitterly inveighing, in the mean time, against the Authors of the Divisions, and each expressing a most earnest Desire of a Reconciliation.
N56. The Diptychs were Tables, in which were inrolled the Names of all those who died in the Communion of the Church. The Bishops were placed there by themselves; and of all Commemoration was made by the Deacon in the Time of the Service.
At length Porphyrius of Antioch, one of Chrysostom’s most inveterate Enemies, dying in the Year 413. or 414. Alexander, who till then had led a monastic Life, was chosen in his room by the unanimous Consent of the People and Clergy. As he was fully convinced of Chrysostom’s Innocence, and the Malice of his Enemies, he no sooner found himself vested with that Dignity, than he caused the deceased Prelate’s Name to be inserted in the Diptychs of his Church, and the Two Bishops Helpidius and Pappus to be restored to their Sees, from which they had been driven for refusing to renounce his Communion, and to communicate with his Enemies. After this Alexander sent a solemn Deputation to Rome, at the Head of which was, it seems, the famous Cassian, to acquaint Innocent with his Promotion, to inform him of what he had done, and thereupon to renew the Union between the Two Churches. Alexander, who entertained a sincere Desire of seeing Peace and Concord restored between the East and the West, did not doubt but the Example of his Church would be followed by many others, and a Way, by that Means, be paved to a general Pacification. Innocent received the Deputation with the greatest Marks of Joy, admitted Alexander to his Communion, and, with the Consent and Approbation of Twenty-Four other Bishops, declared the Church of Antioch again united to that of Rome.
Several other Bishops, moved partly by the Example, and partly
by the Letters and Exhortations of the Bishop of Antioch, yielded
to Innocent, and submitted to the Terms he required. But Atticus
still adhered to his former Resolution, and, to gain him, Alexander,
who spared no Pains to complete the Work he had begun, repaired
in Person to Constantinople. But he acted there with such Indiscretion
as rendered that haughty Prelate more averse, than he had ever yet
been, to an Accommodation on the Terms proposed by Innocent. For
all other Means he could think of, to compass his Design, proving
unsuccessful, he resolved in the End to apply to the Populace, who,
as he well knew, had been most zealously attached to Chrysostom
during his Life, and revered him as a Saint after his Death. |His imprudent
Conduct.| Suffering
therefore his Zeal to get the better of his Prudence, and of every
Consideration Prudence could suggest, he began to harangue the Multitude,
and inflame them with seditious Speeches against Atticus, as
carrying, even beyond the Grave, his Hatred and Malice against their
holy Bishop. The Populace heard him with Attention, applauded his
Zeal, and, full of Rage against Atticus, demanded, in a tumultuous
manner, that the Name of so holy, so great and deserving a Prelate,
might be inrolled, without further Delay, in the Diptychs. But their
Clamours and Threats made no more Impression on the Mind of
Atticus than the Reasons of Alexander; he withstood both; and
the Bishop of Antioch, finding all his Attempts thus shamefully
baffled, returned to his See, with the Mortification of having only
widened the Breach, which he intended to close, between the Churches
of Rome and Constantinople[1444]. Baronius supposes Alexander to have
acted on this Occasion as Innocent’s Legate[1445]. But I find nothing in
the Antients to countenance such a Supposition, besides his haughty
Behaviour, and his pursuing, by the most unwarrantable Methods,
what he had in View.
Atticus, however, allowed, in the End, Chrysostom’s Name to be inserted in the Diptychs; but whether he did it by Choice or Compulsion, is uncertain; for, in one of his Letters, he writes, that he could no longer withstand the Threats and Violence of the enraged Multitude[1446]; and in another, that he had done it to comply with the Will of the Emperors, and to conform to the Sentiments of his Brethren, both in the East and the West[1447]. However that be, it is certain, that he never changed his Sentiments with respect to Chrysostom, as is manifest from his declaring, after he had placed his Name in the Diptychs, that he thereby meant no more than to own, that he had been once Bishop of Constantinople; but that he still adhered to the Judgment that was given against him. With this, however, Innocent was satisfied; and so is Baronius.
Alexander maintained ever after a close Correspondence with Innocent,
courting his Favour with the most servile Submissions, recurring
to him in every momentous Affair relating to his Church, and suffering
himself to be blindly guided by his Counsels. In one of his Letters
he consulted him, it seems, concerning the Prerogatives of his See,
and the Extent of his Jurisdiction; and nothing can be more subtle
than Innocent’s Answer. |Innocent’s Letter to
Alexander of Ant-
ioch.| For after a long Preamble on the Dignity of
the See of Antioch, he craftily insinuates all the Privileges and Prerogatives
annexed to it to be owing not to the Dignity of the City, but
to the Dignity of the See, as having been once the See of St. Peter.
He adds, that on this Consideration it had been distinguished with
an extensive Jurisdiction, and that it yielded to that of Rome itself only
because St. Peter had accomplished there what he had begun at Antioch[1448].
|The Prerogatives of the See of Rome owing to the City, and not to St. Peter.| What Innocent proposed to himself by thus exalting the See
of Antioch, by deriving the Privileges, Prerogatives, and Jurisdiction,
of that See from St. Peter, is obvious. If they were owing not to
the City, but to St. Peter, as Innocent affirms, those enjoyed by the
See of Rome were, in like manner, owing to St. Peter, and not to
the City. This Notion, now first started by Innocent, was not suffered
to drop; but, being greedily embraced by his Successors, it was,
in Process of Time, improved by them into a general Plea for all
their exorbitant Claims. And thus Innocent may be justly said to have
pointed out the Ground on which the unwieldy Fabric of the Papal
Power was afterwards built. But if it be true, as Innocent pretends,
that the See of Antioch owed its Dignity to St. Peter, and not to the
City, how will he account for its being ranked under that of Alexandria,
which was neither founded, nor had ever been honoured, by
that Apostle? But not to waste Time in combating such a groundless
Notion, nothing is more certain, than that the Disposition and Division
of the Church was founded upon, and intirely agreeable to, the Disposition
and Division of the Empire[1449]; and consequently that as no
Regard was had to St. Peter, or any other Apostle, in the Civil, none
could be had in the Ecclesiastical, Polity. And hence it naturally
follows, that as Rome was the first City of the Empire, Alexandria
the Second, and Antioch the Third, the Sees should be ranked in the
same Order; and in the same Order they were ranked accordingly,
though the See of Alexandria was founded only by a Disciple of St.
Peter, and that of Antioch was supposed to have been founded by
St. Peter himself.
This Division of the Church took place soon after the Division of the Empire made by Constantine the Great, on which it was founded. It was first introduced by Custom, but afterwards confirmed by several Councils; and in none of them is there a Word of St. Peter. As therefore the Bishop of Alexandria preceded in Rank the Bishop of Antioch, for no other Reason but because the City of Alexandria preceded in Dignity the City of Antioch, according to the secular Constitutions of the Empire; so the Bishop of Rome preceded in Rank all other Bishops, for no other Reason but because the City of Rome, as the Seat of the Empire, preceded in Dignity all other Cities.
But to return to Innocent: In the same Letter to Alexander he observes, that the Bishop of Antioch did not preside over a single Province, but a whole Diocese; and therefore advises him not only to maintain the Right he had of ordaining the Metropolitans, but not to suffer other Bishops in the Provinces under his Jurisdiction, however distant, to be ordained without his Consent and Approbation. He adds, that, with respect to the Bishops of the less remote Provinces, he might reserve to himself the Right of ordaining them[1450]. This was encouraging the Bishop of Antioch to invade and usurp the undoubted Rights of the Metropolitans, in open Defiance of the Fourth and Sixth Canons of the Council of Nice, which were afterwards confirmed by almost innumerable other Councils, all granting to the Metropolitans the Power of ordaining the Bishops of their respective Provinces jointly with the Bishops of the same Province, without ever once mentioning the Patriarch or Head of the Diocese[1451]. But of this Right the Bishops of Rome had deprived the Metropolitans under their Jurisdiction as early at least as the Time of Syricius; for that Pope, in the Letter which he writ to Anysius Bishop of Thessalonica, appointing him his Vicar for East-Illyricum, charges him not to suffer any Bishops to be ordained in those Provinces without his Consent and Approbation. Innocent maintained what his Predecessors had usurped; and, to countenance their Usurpation and his own, he encourages, by this Letter, the Bishop of Antioch to pursue the same Conduct with respect to the Metropolitans of his Diocese. The Example of the Bishops of Rome was, in Process of Time, followed by those of Constantinople, who, rivaling them in Pride and Ambition, not only usurped the Power of ordaining all the Bishops of their Diocese, but, by the Interest they had at Court, obtained an Imperial Rescript, confirming to them the Power which they had usurped. But they were soon obliged to part with it, though thus guaranteed, by the Fathers of the Council of Chalcedon impowering, by their Twenty-eighth Canon, the Bishops of Constantinople to ordain the Metropolitans in the Dioceses of Pontus, Asia, and Thrace; but at the same time ascertaining to the Metropolitans the Right of ordaining the Bishops of their respective Provinces. But the Bishops of Rome, ever determined to part with no Power, however acquired, found means not only to elude the Decrees of this and several other Councils, ascertaining the Rights of the Metropolitans in the plainest Terms, but to improve, by daily Incroachments, their usurped Jurisdiction, as I shall have frequent Occasion to observe in the Sequel of this History.
Innocent complains, in the next Article of his Letter, of a Custom
that obtained in the Island of Cyprus. It was one of the chief Privileges
of the Patriarch, or Bishop, who presided over a whole Diocese,
to ordain the Metropolitans of the Provinces comprised under his
Diocese. But the Metropolitan of Cyprus was ordained by the Bishops
of that Island without the Consent, or even the Privity, of the Bishop
of Antioch, though Cyprus belonged to his Province, according to
the Civil Division of the Empire. This Custom Innocent condemns,
as repugnant to the Canons of the Council of Nice; adding, that it
was first introduced in the unhappy Times when Arianism prevailed all
over Syria, the Bishops of Cyprus refusing then to acknowlege those
of Antioch, who were infected with that Heresy. This Article proved
the Source of endless Disputes between the Bishops of Antioch and
those of Cyprus; the former pretending, that the Power of ordaining
the Metropolitan of Cyprus was lodged in them, and the latter opposing
with great Warmth such a Pretension. |Which are in the End
decided in favour of
the latter.| The Controversy was at
length referred to the Council of Ephesus; and the Fathers of that
numerous Assembly, having heard and examined with great Attention
the Pleas of both Parties, condemned in the strongest Terms the Pretension
of the Bishops of Antioch, as repugnant to the antient Canons,
that is, to those very Canons, on which, at the Suggestion of Innocent,
they had founded it. And here I cannot help observing, by the way,
that the Bishops of Antioch never thought of alleging, in support of
their Claim, the Authority of Innocent, which they would certainly
have done, had they not been well apprised, that no Regard would
have been paid to it by the Fathers of the Council. As for what Innocent
adds concerning the Time and Manner in which the Custom he
complains of was introduced, he must certainly have been no less mistaken
in those Particulars, than he was in the Sense and Meaning of
the Canons of Nice. For who can imagine, that the Arian Bishops,
at the Time Arianism prevailed, that is, when they had the greatest Interest
at Court, and the Orthodox had none, would have suffered the
Bishops of Cyprus to withdraw themselves, contrary to the established
Laws of the Church, from their Jurisdiction, for no other Reason,
but because the Bishops of Antioch professed the Doctrine of
Arius?
Alexander, in his Letter to Innocent, had asked him, Whether
Two Metropolitan Sees should be erected in one Province, which
had been divided by the Emperors into Two? Innocent replies, That
the Concerns of the Church being different from those of the State,
the Church ought to adhere to the antient Rule. |Alterations in the
State generally at-
tended with the like
Alterations in the
Church.| However, it is plain
from History, that such Alterations in the State were, generally speaking,
attended with the like Alterations in the Church; insomuch that
when the Bishop of any considerable City wanted to be raised to the
Dignity of a Metropolitan, the most expeditious Way of gratifying his
Ambition was, to apply to the Emperor for a Division of the Province;
that his City being advanced, by such a Division, to the Rank
of a Metropolis, he might, by the same Means, be preferred to that
of a Metropolitan. Of mere Bishops, thus raised to the Dignity of
Metropolitans, without any Regard to Innocent’s Letter, or, as it is
styled, Decretal, several Instances occur in History.
Innocent, in the End of his Letter, declares it as his Opinion, that
such Ecclesiastics as had renounced Arianism, or any other Heresy,
with a Desire of being received into the Church, ought not to be
admitted as Ecclesiastics, but only as Laymen. |Ecclesiastics ordained
by Heretics to be ad-
mitted into the Church
only as Laymen.| This Doctrine is intirely
agreeable to the erroneous Doctrine concerning the Invalidity
of Ordination by the Hands of an Heretic, which we have heard him
labour to establish in his Letter to the Bishops of Macedon[1452]. He concludes
this Letter with intreating the Bishop of Antioch to cause it to
be read in a Council, or to see that Copies of it be transmitted to all
the Bishops of his Diocese, that all may agree in observing the Instructions
which it contains[1453].
But of all Innocent’s Letters, that which he writ to Decentius Bishop
of Eugubium (a City still known by the same Name in the Duchy
of Urbino) is by far the most worthy of Notice, whether we consider
the Doctrine which he there lays down, or the Principles on
which he founds it. As to the Doctrine, it may be reduced to the Two
following Heads; viz. That all the Churches in the West are bound to
adopt, and strictly to observe, every Practice and Custom observed by the
Roman Church; and that the Customs of all other Churches, differing
from those of the Roman Church, are but Corruptions of the antient
Tradition, Deviations from the Practice of the Primitive Times, and
insufferable Abuses. As for the Principles on which he founds this
Doctrine, they are, to say no more, of a Piece with the Doctrine itself.
For he pretends, 1. That no Apostle, besides St. Peter, ever preached
in the West. He ought, with St. Peter, to have at least excepted
St. Paul; and, no doubt, would, had not his Memory failed him,
as well as his Infallibility. |All Churches ought,
according to him, to
conform to the Cus-
toms of the Roman
Church.| He supposes, in the Second place, That
all the Churches in the West were founded by St. Peter, or by some of
his Successors; and consequently, that they ought to conform to the
Customs of the Roman Church, since to that Church they owe their
Origin. But that the Church of Lyons, not to mention others, was
founded by Preachers sent thither out of Asia by St. Polycarp, and not
by St. Peter, or any of his Successors, is affirmed by all the Antients,
and allowed by the most learned among the Moderns; though some
of them pretend, without the least Foundation, the Whole to have
been done by the Authority of the Bishop of Rome[1454]. Innocent pretends,
in the Third place, every Point of Discipline and Ecclesiastical
Polity to have been settled by the Apostles, and whatever was settled
at Rome by St. Peter to have been there strictly observed ever since his
Time, without the least Addition or Diminution. He concludes this
Part of his Letter with laying it down as a general Maxim, That it is
unlawful for any Bishop to make the least Alterations in the Discipline
of his Church, or even to introduce into one Church a Custom or
Practice observed by another[1455]. This nevertheless is what all Bishops
have done, and even those of Rome, both before and after Innocent’s
Time, and consequently what they thought it lawful to do. |Some Customs of the
Roman Church bor-
rowed of other Churches.| The
Psalmody, for Instance (and innumerable other Instances might be
alleged), or the singing of Psalms in the Churches, was not instituted
by any of the Apostles but first introduced by St. Ignatius into the
Church of Antioch[1456], whence it spread in a very short time to all the
Churches in the East, those Bishops no more scrupling to adopt, than
Ignatius had scrupled to introduce, so laudable a Practice. Of the Eastern
Churches it was borrowed by the Church of Milan, and of the
Church of Milan by that of Rome, long before Innocent’s Time; which
plainly shews, that his Predecessors held not that Doctrine, no more than
one of the best of his Successors, St. Gregory the Great, who openly approves
of some Customs, that were first unknown to, but afterwards
adopted by his Church[1457]. Upon the Whole, it is evident, that Innocent
was grosly mistaken, not only with respect to this Point, but likewise
in asserting, that whatever had been settled at Rome by St. Peter, was
still observed there without the least Addition or Diminution.
The remaining Part of Innocent’s Letter relates to some particular Ceremonies and Customs, especially to the Ceremony of confirming those who were baptized, and the Custom of fasting on Saturdays. With respect to the former, he informs Decentius, that, according to the Custom of the Church, founded on the Practice of the Apostles, the Bishop alone can anoint on the Forehead those who have been baptized, and give them the Holy Ghost; and that the Priests can only anoint other Parts, the Episcopal Power not having been granted to them, though they partake of the Priesthood[N57].
N57. The Ceremony of anointing with Oil the Forehead, and likewise the Organs of the Five Senses, in those who had been baptized, is undoubtedly very antient. Tertullian, who lived in the Latter-end of the Second Century, speaks of it as a Ceremony universally practised and established[1]. St. Cyprian[2], who flourished Fifty Years after, St. Ambrose[3], St. Austin[4], St. Jerom[5], and the other Fathers, describe it as a Ceremony, by which the Holy Ghost was given to those who had been baptized, and consequently which none but Bishops could administer, they being the Successors of the Apostles, to whom alone that Power was granted. For the Fathers, generally speaking, and other antient Writers, suppose this, and the Imposition of Hands, by which the Holy Ghost was given by the Apostles to those who were baptized[6], to be one and the same Ceremony. The Oil employed on this Occasion was, as early as the Third Century, solemnly consecrated, kept in the Churches or Places where the Faithful met, and held by them in great Veneration[7]. This gave Rise, in the following Century, to many superstitious Practices, and Miracles were said to have been wrought by the holy Oil, to warrant such Practices, and confound those who thought it unlawful to comply with them. A very remarkable Miracle of this Nature is gravely related by Optatus Milevitanus[8], who writ about the middle of the Fourth Century. But, in the Time of the Apostles, the Whole of this Ceremony consisted in the Imposition of Hands: Then laid they their Hands on them, and they received the Holy Ghost. Not a Word of Oil, of Chrism, of Unction, of signing with Oil on the Forehead in the Form of a Cross, and much less of a Blow given by the Bishop on the Cheek to the Person that is confirmed, though these are now all deemed, in the Church of Rome, material Parts of this Ceremony. As such Rites were unknown to, and unpractised by, the Apostles, it matters little how early they were introduced after their Time. And here I cannot help observing, that the Roman Catholics themselves have not thought fit to adopt all the Ceremonies used on this Occasion, and recommended by the Fathers. For, in Innocent’s Time, the Person confirmed was not only anointed on the Forehead, but on other Parts; on the Forehead by the Bishop, on other Parts by the Priests. The other Parts were, as we gather from Cyril Bishop of Jerusalem[9], the Eyes, Ears, Nose, Mouth, Hands, and Feet. The anointing of these Parts was, in the Opinion of that Father, no less fraught with Mysteries than the anointing of the Forehead; and yet the former Unction, notwithstanding its Antiquity, and all the Mysteries it symbolized, has been long since omitted, as altogether unnecessary. They might in like manner have omitted all the rest, and contented themselves, as the Apostles did, with the bare Imposition of Hands.
1. Tert. de resur. carnis.
2. Cypr. ep. 72, 73.
3. Ambr. de sacram. l. 3. c. 2.
4. Aug. contra Petil. l. 1. c. 104. de baptis. l. 3. c. 16. In ep. 1. Joan. tract. 3. & de diver. ser. 33.
5. Hier. contra Luciferian.
6. Act. viii. 15-17.
7. Cyp. ep. 70. & de oper. card. & unct. Chris.
8. Optat. Milev. contra Parm. l. 2.
9. Cyril. Catech. mystag. 3.
The Roman Catholics, finding this Ceremony, now known by the Name of Confirmation, styled a Sacrament by St. Cyprian[1458], and St. Austin[1459], have thereupon raised it to that Rank, not reflecting that the antient Writers frequently make use of that Word to express no more than a sacred Ceremony, or Mystery. And truly were they to reckon among their Sacraments all the Ceremonies which the Fathers and other Christian Writers have distinguished with that Title, their Number would amount to Seventy rather than to Seven.
With respect to the other Point, those who are ever so little versed
in the Writings of the Fathers, must know, that from the earliest
Times it was deemed unlawful, nay, and highly criminal, for a
Christian to fast on Sunday or Saturday; on Sunday, because those
Heretics, who denied the Resurrection of our Saviour, fasted on that
Day, in Opposition to the Orthodox, who, believing it, solemnized
the Sunday, the Day on which it happened, with Feasting and Rejoicings;
on Saturday, because other Heretics holding the God of the
Jews, and the Author of their Law, to be an evil Spirit, whom
Christ came to destroy, fasted on the Seventh Day, thinking that by
fasting they vilified the God of the Jews as much as the Jews honoured
him by feasting[1460]. Among the antient Canons, known by
the Name of the Apostolic Constitutions, we read the following Ordinance:
If a Clerk shall be found to have fasted on a Sunday or a
Saturday, let him be deposed; if a Layman, let him be cut off from
the Communion of the Faithful[1461]. But that Canon must be understood
only with respect to the East; for there was broached, and there
chiefly prevailed, the Heresy that first introduced such a Practice. But in
the West, where that Heresy was scarce known, some Churches, and
the Roman in particular, observed both Fridays and Saturdays as Fast-days.
|Friday from the
earliest Times a
Fast-day.| The Friday was, from the earliest Times, a Fast-day with all
Churches, both in the East and the West; the Saturday was only in the
West, and even there with very few Churches, which had borrowed that
Custom of the Roman Church, as we are informed by St. Austin[1462].
Innocent therefore, desirous of establishing in all other Churches the
Custom that obtained in his own, undertakes to prove, first, That all
may, and, secondly, That all ought to observe Saturday as a Fast.
|Saturday a Fast-day
in the Roman
Church.| That all may, he proves well enough; but the Reasons he offers to
shew that they all ought, viz. Because Christ lay in the Sepulchre the
Saturday as well as the Friday, and the Apostles fasted, as he supposes,
on both Days, are manifestly unconclusive as to any Obligation. Besides,
it was not because Christ lay in the Sepulchre, or because the
Apostles fasted, but because Christ was crucified on a Friday, that a
Fast was appointed to be observed on that Day. In Process of Time,
the Custom of sanctifying both Days with a Fast took place in most
of the Western Churches; and this Custom has been made in latter
times a general Law, and one of the Commandments of the Church,
which all Roman Catholics are bound to obey on Pain of Damnation.
However, the Severity of it is so far relaxed, that, as they are only required
to abstain from Meat, the utmost Riot and Epicurism in other
Kinds of Food, and in Wine, may be, and are indulged on their
Fast-days.