Reductions—Half-batta order—Further reductions—Brevet of Colonel given to Lieutenant-Colonels Commandant—Alterations in uniform—Shekawuttee campaign—Establishment of Retiring Fund.

At the conclusion of the Burmese war, the horses from the Sylhet local corps were transferred to Dum-Dum, for the purpose of being attached to a battery, and in the early part of 1827, the undersized stud horses, which had hitherto been sold to the public, were directed to be admitted into the service for the light field-batteries, as Government had decided on horsing them all, the uselessness of bullocks for the purpose having been thoroughly proved. The number of batteries was, in July, 1827, fixed at twelve. The arrangement was immediately commenced on, and, by the end of the year, six batteries were in an effective state, and the remainder would soon have been ready. It will, however, scarcely be credited that in April, 1828, these orders were countermanded, and bullocks directed to be retained and the horses of the batteries so equipped sold off.

It is difficult to penetrate the veil of mystery which shrouds the acts of the Council Chamber, so as to ascertain the real author of such vacillating policy; the reasons which induced the equipment of 1827, and which were the accumulated experience of years, were equally cogent in 1828, and that they were sound, every one who has had experience of Indian warfare will vouch. That there is no reason to suppose the change was made consequent on orders from home, we may conclude, for in 1834, we find the Court of Directors “satisfied of the superiority of horses over bullocks for light field-artillery,” directing “their gradual substitution,” an order to which no attention was paid by the then Governor-General. Under these circumstances, rumour, with her hundred tongues, is perhaps not wrong in attributing it to a “malignant influence,” which for a quarter of a century opposed every suggestion for the improvement of the prospects or efficiency of the ordnance branch. A late military member of the Council of India, long secretary to Government in the military department, who, repeating the one argument, equally applicable against every advance, “We won India with bullocks, and why should we not keep it with bullocks?” supported the late Lord W. Bentinck in putting aside the Court’s orders of 1834, and Lord Auckland in paying a slow and partial obedience to them when repeated in 1841.

Cotemporary with this retrograde movement, was the reduction of the field-batteries from eight to six pieces each, a good arrangement, had it been accompanied by a proportionate increase in their numbers; but this was not done, and it therefore reduced, by one fourth, the field-artillery, already far too low, in reference to the other branches of the army. The gun contract was at this time transferred from the senior artillery officer at the station to the officer commanding the battery, a very judicious change, as it placed the power in the hands of the person most properly responsible for the efficiency of the battery, and left to the superior officer his proper duty of supervision unfettered by personal considerations.

The rocket-troop was converted into a gun-troop; but, that the use of the weapon might not be forgotten, a proportion of rockets was directed to be attached to each field-battery. For this purpose, the Commandant submitted a proposition to add a car, capable of carrying 120 6–pounder rockets, to each field-battery, and capable of manœuvring in line with it; but after the pattern car had been prepared, the subject was, somehow or other, allowed to fall into oblivion, probably, we believe, from the supplies of rockets having been countermanded; and thus for many years neither officers nor men had any opportunities of accustoming themselves to their use. From 1828 till 1840, when at the headquarters of the regiment their use was resumed previous to despatching a supply to China, and at Kurnal and Ferozepore, where, in 1842, some which were sent for service in the passes of Affghanistan were used, not a rocket was fired.

Another reduction followed, causing great excitement in the army at large, but which pressed more heavily on the artillery than any other branch. We refer to the orders of December, 1828, placing certain stations on half-batta; of these, Allahabad, Benares, Dinapore, and Dum-Dum, were artillery stations, and the latter, that of the head-quarters of the regiment, the artillery being a European regiment, and therefore considered not liable to be called on for sudden movements: the officers were placed on half-tentage likewise.

That the reduction in allowances was such as to bear heavily on individuals, especially in the lower grades, the marginal statement^[83] will show, and this, moreover, was subject to another tax of 4½ per cent., the exchange between sonat and sicca rupees, the former being the coin in which the military accounts are kept, while the latter was that current in Calcutta, and in which the troops were actually paid. The head-quarters of the regiment being at Dum-Dum, the mess, band, library, and other regimental institutions, were there, and officers were naturally fond of being stationed there, for various reasons; such as its gaiety and amusements, and the opportunities it offered for studying their profession or improving their prospects in the service.

From these circumstances, the regimental head-quarters generally had in a time of peace a large number of officers of the higher ranks present, and this contributed to render it a desirable station. But all this was reversed by the half-batta order; instead of thronging to the head-quarters, the station was avoided by all ranks, and the discipline of the regiment suffered much in after years from the difficulty of keeping sufficient officers of standing for the common routine duties of the place and instruction of the young officers joining the regiment. The want of a sufficient body of officers at Dum-Dum of known talents and experience is also felt when vacancies suddenly occur in any of the important artillery situations dependent on it for the temporary arrangement in cases of exigency. We refer to the arsenal, foundry, powder-works, expense magazine, acting assistant quarter-master, and ordnance secretary in the Military Board; in several of these situations much difficulty has at times been experienced, and has only been met by doubling-up the duties of two appointments on several occasions in one person.

The regiment (and the army) memorialized strongly on the occasion, but without effect, though some years afterwards the hardship was partially ameliorated by the grant of full tentage to the artillery, it having been clearly shown that the officers of no branch of the army are subject to such sudden and repeated movements, and these as individuals, and not with the aids and conveniences which the officers of a wing or detachment of infantry find by combining their means. In the margin^[84] is noted the receipts of officers at half-batta stations, as sanctioned in 1835, and since continued. Recently, a further modification of the order, limiting its effects to stations within two hundred miles of each presidency, has taken place, and as the saving caused by it is now reduced to so very a trifle, and its weight laid so unequally on the different branches of the army, a strong feeling of hope exists that the order will finally be totally repealed.

Further reductions followed; two troops and companies were struck off from each regiment of cavalry and infantry, and with them two lieutenants and one ensign. Although the reduction of the companies neither was nor could be made applicable to the artillery, yet the three subalterns per battalion, or thirty in all, were reduced, the twenty first lieutenants remaining supernumerary till absorbed, and thus stopping the promotion of the second lieutenants about four years. The results of this were not felt for some time, because the actual number of officers present with the regiment continued much the same, and the number of cadets sent out to replace casualties was not altered, the supernumerary list continued long, and it was even attempted to retain the cadets unpromoted until vacancies occurred; but we believe that the Government law officers decided that it would not be legal, and they were accordingly all promoted to commissions.

With the reduction above noticed, was coupled what was thought a boon, at the time, but which in fact has proved the cause of much supersession by the royal service,—the promotion of all lieutenant-colonels commandant to the rank of colonel. Every lieutenant-colonel in H.M.’s service in India who happened to be senior in that rank to any one of the lieutenant-colonels commandant now promoted, was also breveted with the rank of colonel, and as in each presidency there are no less than four distinct gradation-lists leading to this rank, viz., artillery, engineers, cavalry, and infantry, each of which has had its fortunate period, the confusion and supersession which followed may easily be imagined. It was brought to a crisis by Lieutenant-Colonel MacLeod, a lieutenant-colonel of 1827 (a cadet of 1794), obtaining his regimental colonelcy in four years, and, of course, all lieutenant-colonels of H. M.’s service senior to him were also promoted, and the anomalies became so stupendous, that an alteration was made in the plan, and the Bengal native infantry, as the largest body, was made the guide; but this destroys the only chance the other branches had of ever retrieving in the higher grade the slow promotion they may have had in the lower, and gives the royal service, with its promotion by purchase and regimentally to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, a fearful advantage^[85] over the Company’s service, which has been increased by the power exercised by the Commander-in-Chief in India to grant brevets of major-general to such colonels in India as H.M.’s brevet to Company’s officers may supersede. The rank thus given is of a double nature, and may be made use of or laid aside at pleasure, allowing them to be lieutenant-colonels or major-generals, as most convenient, and thus enabling them to reap the benefits of high rank without its drawback—removal from lucrative commands in India.

In 1828, the uniform of the officers of the horse artillery was changed; the jack-boots and leather breeches were superseded by the overalls, and the equipments and horse furniture of a similar pattern to those worn by light cavalry were adopted; but the uniform of the non-commissioned officers and gunners remained unchanged. For actual hard work on horseback, such as is riding in the guns, few will deny that the boots and breeches are the most serviceable dress, but they are inconvenient when dismounted, and ill-adapted for exposure to wet, and at no time can they be indued in a hurry. The foot artillery about the same time discarded their short jacket faced with scarlet and embroidered with gold, for the present plain but handsome uniform: the second epaulette to the subaltern ranks was ordered in 1833. The undress remained a blue jacket with scarlet cuffs and collar, unrelieved by a button or atom of lace until 1841, when a row of studs down the front, and gilt shoulder-scales, were added; the latter adding as much to its appearance as they detracted from its comfort.

Several years now passed away void of internal change or external employment. Such universal quiet reigned, that it appeared as if swords and spears might be most usefully turned into ploughshares and reaping-hooks, and the army looked round in vain for employment. Central India was at rest, Nepal not likely to disturb the quiet, and the Punjab, under the strong rule of Runjeet Sing, seemed removed from the chance of inimical contact with the Indian Government.

Suddenly rumours sprung up of disturbances in Rajasthan, which, by degrees, assumed a more determined aspect, and Maun Sing, of Joudpoor, was mentioned as the delinquent, and an army was about to assemble against him, but, humbling himself, he averted his ruin, and a portion of the force was sent against the robber tribes of Shekawut.

With the force were three troops of horse artillery, eight companies of foot, and a siege-train of twenty-six pieces.

Brigadier Parker commanded the artillery; Captain Sanders, commissary of ordnance; but the force met with no opposition, and after destroying many of the robbers’ strongholds, returned to cantonments.

The reductions which took place in 1828 by this time began to tell, as the supernumeraries were absorbed; and to provide even a small number of officers for the foot artillery, the subalterns of the horse artillery were reduced to two per troop; a very inadequate number when the Indian contingencies are borne in mind.

For many years the officers of the Bengal army had been accustomed to procure the retirement of their seniors by the donation of a sum of money, varying in amount according to the value of the step and the abilities of the donors. The custom, it is true, was contrary to the orders of the Court of Directors, but they were aware of and permitted it. In the artillery the same custom prevailed; and this year it was systematized by the establishment of a fund by monthly contributions from all captains and subalterns to provide for two retirements annually. Its advantages have been most apparent in its working, and the principle of a mutual insurance tontine, on which it was formed, has rendered it more effective even than was expected. The other branches of the army were not successful in establishing funds of the sort; but the question being much agitated, led to a memorial, from Lieutenant-Colonel Powel, of the Bombay army, to the Court of Directors, praying that the system might be put a stop to, on the plea of its interfering with the seniority system of the Company’s army. It was met by several counter-memorials, and, on replying to the whole together, the Court gave the proceedings their sanction, by declaring that, although they would not cancel the orders forbidding purchase, they would hold them in abeyance, unless there appeared such a probability of the pension-list being overloaded, that their interference would be necessary, and that of this, due warning should be given.

These years passed off without any portion of the army being called on to take the field, if we except a slight émeute among the Bheels in the neighbourhood of Mhow, in 1837, to check which, a small body of troops with two horse artillery guns, from the 2nd troop 3rd brigade, under Lieutenant Kinleside, were detached; but towards the end of the next, a storm appeared to be gathering in the north-west. The Persians besieged Heerat, and were only foiled in their attempt by the steady persevering gallantry and resources of Lieutenant Eldred Pottinger, of the Bombay Artillery, who, throwing himself into the fortress, inspired its defenders with a portion of his own dauntless spirit. Persia was supposed to be egged on by Russian intrigue, and India to be its ultimate object. Self-defence called upon the Indian Government to check these designs, and having vainly endeavoured by negotiation to render Affghanistan under Dost Mahomed a barrier, the Government resolved to espouse the cause of its exiled sovereign, Shah Soojah-ool-Moolk, with the hopes that, when replaced on the throne of his forefathers, he would prove a stanch friend. To carry this plan out, an army was assembled after the rains, at Ferozepore; but information arriving of the Persians, baffled by Pottinger’s cool resolution, having decamped from before Heerat, the plan of the campaign was altered. In fact, our end was gained; and had it not been for the very unnecessary connection with Shah Soojah as a reason for our interference, and which would have stood better on the simple plea of self-preservation, not a soldier need have moved from Ferozepore. But before entering on the eventful campaigns which followed this step, let us glance at events in other parts of India which necessitated the assembly of a force in Bundlecund, though the campaign was a bloodless one.

The Jhansee raj having lapsed through the failure of direct heirs, the widow of a former Raja endeavoured to place, as the adopted son of the previous ruler, a boy on the throne. A disturbance arose, which ended in the murder of the minister supported by the British authority. This act of the Bhaiee was called in question by the Governor-General’s agent; his authority was treated with disrespect, and he found it necessary to call in the aid of a regiment and a couple of guns. At these, the insurgents, who had seized the fort, laughed, and on his attempting a parley with them, attacked and wounded his elephant and chuprassees, and forced him precipitately to retreat. Reinforcements and a battering train were sent for from Sagur; but the country had been so denuded of troops to form the army of the Indus, that, had it not been for the Mhow troops just being relieved from Bombay, a very insufficient force could have been collected. A train of four 18–pounders and four 8–inch mortars, with as much ammunition as carriage could be obtained for, was got ready, and, in the absence of available artillery officers, the commissary of ordnance at Sagur, Lieutenant Buckle, who had offered his services, started in charge of it early in December, and after a march of twelve days, rendered difficult and fatiguing by the badness of the roads, the steep banks and rocky beds of the rivers and nullahs which abounded, and the broken rocky ghats leading from table-land into Bundlecund, reached Jhansee on the 18th December.

The troops collected by degrees, and the artillery, when reinforced from Cawnpoor, amounted to that detailed in the margin.^[86] The engineer park was placed in the charge of the commissary of ordnance, the field engineer, Major Smith, having joined dak, and the preparation of matériel instantly commenced.

Continual communications passed between the Bhaiee and the agent, which were warlike to the last, and, as she had collected bands of Nagas, resistance was expected; but on the preparations being completed, the force moving down to invest the fort, carrying their train and the stock of gabions and fascines which had been prepared, she fled during the night, and the fort was taken possession of without firing a shot.

The labour of conveying the heavy ordnance over a broken country was the chief difficulty, but this was not much felt, owing to the season of the year.

The army of the Indus assembled at Ferozepore, and a meeting took place between the Governor-General and Runjeet Sing. The news of the Persians breaking up from before Heerat determined Government on sending only one division of the army, accompanied by the troops which were being raised for Shah Soojah, under British officers, into Affghanistan. The artillery for the Shah’s service consisted originally of two troops of horse artillery, to which were afterwards added a mountain train and some body-guard guns. Captain W. Anderson was intrusted with the formation of the horse artillery, and though but little time was allowed him, and many difficulties arose from the demand for men and horses for the other branches, his exertions succeeded in overcoming them, and he marched in good time from Dehli, with his two troops fully equipped, but, of course, untrained. His endeavours were well seconded by his two subalterns, Lieutenants Cooper and Turner. The Shah’s guns were in Lieutenant Warburton’s charge, and the mountain train was organized by Captain Backhouse, but not until 1840.

The regular artillery, with this division from Bengal, consisted of

Captain Todd, of the artillery, who had been employed in Persia, was attached to the political department.

The army commenced its march on the 10th December, and met with no difficulties until the 16th March, 1839, when they entered the Bolan pass, a pass as terrible to the Indian, as that of Avernus to the classical, imagination. Here the toils of the campaign began, and, as usual in such cases, a double share fell to the artillery. The horses, overweighted and ill-fed, with difficulty dragged the carriages through its stony lengths; the camels and bullocks, over-driven to keep pace with the column, and escape the new danger arising from the matchlocks of the Murrees and Brahoos perched on the rocks, stumbled and fell, many never to rise again: store-carts and baggage were lost by these accidents.

The difficulties of procuring provisions were increased after clearing the pass by the arrival of the Bombay column, though the country became easier until reaching the Kojuck pass; narrow, steep, and in places blocked up by large rocks, it was with the greatest difficulty, and by incredible perseverance, that the heavy and light artillery were got through this obstacle. Great loss of baggage occurred here from the deaths of camels. At this point, the camel battery, which had hitherto got on very well, showed symptoms of knocking up; the animal’s conformation, from want of power of muscular exertion, being quite unfitted for draught in situations of difficulty. All at length reached Candahar towards the end of April, but the horses of the horse artillery and cavalry so worn, that a long rest was necessary to fit them for work; the troops, too, required rest and food, and the halt continued till the end of June, though not entirely without employment, for the camel battery took part in the expedition against Girisk, and two guns of the 4th troop 3rd brigade, under Lieutenant E. Kaye, were detached with the Shah’s troops against refractory chiefs in Tezeen.

From Candahar a mission was sent to Heerat; Captain Todd was placed at the head of it, and Lieutenants J. Abbott and R. Shakespear were his assistants. Of the results of this mission, or of his assistants, to Khiva; of the difficulties and dangers endured and overcome by Abbott as the pioneer, and the success which crowned Shakespear, in following his path, nothing need be said in this place. Their own accounts have already been published.

On the army moving forward, the 2nd troop 2nd brigade, 2nd company 6th battalion, with No. 6 light field battery, alone accompanied it. The Shah’s artillery, the 4th troop 3rd brigade, the 4th company 2nd battalion, and the heavy guns, remained at Candahar. On the 21st July the fortress of Ghuznee was reached, reconnoitred the next day, and the artillery placed in position, by 3 A.M. of the 23rd, to cover the assault which was ordered at dawn. On the gate being blown in by two bags of powder, every gun opened to cover the advance of the storming party, which was perfectly successful, and, by 5 o’clock, the place was in our possession.

The exertions of the troops were rewarded by a medal from Shah Soojah, and which is remarkable for one thing—being the first given in India to all engaged. Hitherto, these decorations had been granted to the native troops alone; but on this occasion the medal was given to all, without any distinction whatever. It was suspended from a crimson and green ribbon.

The army continued its march to Cabul without opposition. Deserted by his followers, Dost Mahomed fled, leaving his guns at Maidan a spoil to the invaders; and himself narrowly escaping from a band of officers, among whom was Lieutenant Backhouse, of the artillery, who, under Major Outram, followed him closely, but were misled by the arch traitor Haji Khan Kokur.

But while the main army was thus employed, a small column, chiefly of irregulars, with Colonel Wade, escorted the Shah-Zada by the Khyber pass to his father’s capital. With this column were two howitzers, manned by a detachment of the 4th company 2nd brigade, and commanded by Lieutenant Barr: Lieutenant Maule, of the artillery, was attached to the prince’s suite. This column met with no opposition, except on first entering the Khyber pass, where they were engaged with the Afreedis at Koulsir, and again at Alee Musjid. The names of Lieutenants Barr and Maule are both mentioned in Lieutenant-Colonel Wade’s despatches on the occasion.

The main army reached Cabul on the 6th August, and Colonel Wade’s column on the 3rd September. The Bombay column returned in October, and, picking up four of the Shah’s horse artillery guns, under Lieutenant Cooper, proceeded against Khelat. Reaching it on the 13th November, the troops advanced to the assault under cover of the fire from the guns, which drove the enemy from the neighbouring heights; the guns were now directed against the gates, and, these being forced, the place was soon won. In his despatch, General Wiltshire says, “To Lieutenants Forster and Cooper I feel greatly indebted for the scientific and steady manner in which the service of dislodging the enemy from the heights and afterwards effecting an entrance into the fort was performed.”

The main army left Cabul for Hindustan in October, 1839; the 2nd company 6th battalion with No. 6 battery alone remained. The camel draught had proved so useless for such a country, that horses were now directed to be substituted, and so promptly was this order carried out by Captain Abbott, that within fifteen days after receiving it, half the battery was equipped, and marched against the Ghilzies, under Lieutenant Dawes, moving upwards of 400 miles ere it returned. The other half of the battery was employed in the following January in the Koh-i-daman under Captain Abbott. Pushoot held out, and the 9–pounders being placed in battery at daylight, a breach was formed on both sides of the outer gate, but an inner one existing, against which the guns could not be brought to bear, bags of powder were tried without avail, and the troops were forced to withdraw; but the enemy fled during the night. “To Captain Abbott,” Colonel Orchard wrote, “the highest praise is due, for the manner in which he has conducted the arduous duties devolving on him, as well as the great service rendered by him yesterday.”

We have now to notice perhaps the most extraordinary march ever performed by artillery,—that of a native troop of horse artillery across the Hindoo Kosh to Bamian; extraordinary both from obstacles overcome, and the circumstance of the men of this troop being natives of Hindostan. The 4th troop 3rd brigade was ordered for this trip in September, 1839, and, Captain Timmings having just died, it was under the command of a subaltern, Lieutenant M. Mackenzie, with whom was Lieutenant E. Kaye.

The valley of Bamian lies about N. W. from Cabul, distant only 112 miles; but it is separated from the valley in which the capital is situate by a broad belt of stupendous mountains, the highest range of which exceeds in altitude 12,000 feet. The troop entered upon its mountain road near the village of Urghundee, and while toiling up the first laborious ascent (steep in itself, but rendered still more difficult by huge stones and fragments of rock), it was met by Major Thomson, of the engineers, and some other officers,^[88] who were just returning from an excursion to Bamian. Major Thomson immediately declared the road to Bamian to be impracticable for guns,—that the passes in advance were still more difficult in their nature than that of Urghundee, and said that he would, immediately on arrival at Cabul, report to the envoy that it would be useless to attempt to reach Bamian. The troop, however, continued its march, and, the passage of the Urghundee ghât accomplished, descended into the beautiful valley of the Cabul river, along the banks of which the route continued for three marches, passing Julraiz and Sir-i-Chushmeh. The road was at times difficult, being frequently in the rocky bed of the stream, and always ascending, gradually becoming steeper and more toilsome.

The summit of the Oonai pass is said to be 11,400 feet in elevation; at this great elevation, even in September, the cold was intense. The passage of the range was a work of great toil, as the ascents and descents were numerous. The summit of the range is in general a table-land, gradually sloping towards the north-west; not one continuous table-land, but intersected by numerous deep glens, running parallel to each other, with steep precipitous sides, difficult to ascend or descend. On the 21st, a small mud fort, named Youatt, was reached, and on the 23rd the troop, after crossing several spurs from the range just surmounted, descended to the banks of the Helmund, beyond which towered the snow-capped peaks of Koh-i-Baba.

In consequence of the report received from Major Thomson of the impracticable nature of the road to Bamian, the envoy had sent instructions for three guns and all the ammunition-waggons to return to Cabul, the other three guns to halt until elephants sent from Cabul should arrive; it was then intended that the three guns should be dismounted and carried over the remaining passes on elephants. These instructions were received at Youatt, but the neighbourhood being entirely destitute of forage, it was considered advisable to move the troop on to Gurden Dewaal, on the river Helmund. Having arrived there, the troop halted, and Lieutenant Mackenzie went forward and examined the pass over the Hindoo-Koosh range. This officer having considered the passage practicable, forwarded a report to that effect to head-quarters, and requested permission to proceed with the whole of the troop. Permission was at length received, and on the 30th the march was resumed. The foot of the Irak pass was attained in three difficult marches, the ascent being constant and fatiguing. The passage was commenced immediately, nearly all the guns and carriages being pulled up by hand (the horses being taken out); at this work, the artillery and infantry soldiers and some 200 Hazarehs were employed during the whole day, and it was not until dark that the entire battery had reached the foot of the western face of the mountain, which was found to be considerably steeper than that up which the ascent led. On the following day the march was resumed through a deep and dreary defile, abounding in rocks, and the precipices enclosing it so steep and lofty, that the sun’s rays scarcely ever penetrated to its lowest depths. Through this tortuous glen the troop wound its way, until, after many an interruption from rocky ledges of dangerous descent, the small valley of Meeanee Irak was reached on the 4th of October, and vegetation and human habitations were once more seen.

The whole of the 5th was occupied in passing the Kuski ghât, over a range of no great elevation (a spur only of the Hindoo-Koosh) but of great difficulty. The ascent was occasionally so steep (at an angle of 45°) that the men working at the drag-ropes could not keep their footing; horses, of course, were out of the question. The ascent was, however, accomplished in the afternoon, and the descent by the edge of a precipice, where a false step would have insured instant destruction, commenced. This, too, was effected, but night found the troop in a defile so narrow, and enclosed by such steep walls, that it seemed to be but a fissure in the mountain, caused by some convulsion of nature. Nothing further could be done till daylight; early on the morning of the 6th of October, the troop crossed the last intervening ridge and entered the valley of Bamian at Zohauk. Next day the troop reached Bamian, and encamped close to some mud forts, which were destined now, for the first time, to become the dwelling-places of British officers and soldiers.

This march to Bamian has been dwelt upon somewhat longer than is altogether suitable to the pages of a work of this nature; but, within a smaller space it would have been scarcely practicable to give an idea of the service performed. It was certainly one of the most arduous undertakings ever accomplished by horse-artillery.^[89]

Nor less singular the position of the troop after its arrival; in the midst of a belt of mountains more than 200 miles in width, separated from Cabul by the highest range, impassable by troops during some months in the year, and in a valley scarcely ever exceeding 500 yards in breadth (generally much less), and only a few miles long. As might have been expected, the horses had suffered, though not in a very great degree, from the severity of the march, the cold, and the great scarcity of forage. The two latter evils continued to press upon the troop for many months, until the returning summer brought the green crops and more genial weather. The carriages of the troop had, however stood the hard work over rocky roads admirably, and a most favourable report was made on them by Lieutenant Mackenzie.

On the 15th of October, the troop went into winter quarters in a large mud fort.

With the exception of a movement to Syghan, at the beginning of November, in which sixty horse-artillery troopers, acting as cavalry, took part, and an attack on Mahomed Ali Beg’s fort in December, when two small mortars and a 3–pounder mountain-gun, mounted on ponies, were sent with the troopers, the long dreary winter season passed over quietly—the soldiers of the artillery and infantry being employed for some time in throwing up intrenchments, connecting the various forts in possession of the British. This was done at the suggestion of Dr. Lord, the political agent, there having been some probability of a coalition among the Usbeg powers to support the ex-Ameer. Had such an event occurred during the winter, the Bamian detachment would have been thrown entirely on its own resources, as no help could come from Cabul, while, on the other hand, the roads from Toorkhistan were open. The cold was intense during the winter, the thermometer at sunrise being often as low as 12° below zero. All the rivers were frozen over.

On the 1st of March, 1840, Captain H. Garbett (who had been posted to the troop on the decease of Captain Timmings) joined, and took command of all the troops at Bamian; he had been obliged to walk 100 miles through the snow, as the mountains were now only passable by men.

On the 14th of March, two guns of the troop were present in a small affair with the Hazarehs at Fouladee, about six miles from Bamian. A mud fort had to be captured, and the surrounding hills to be cleared of a considerable body of Hazarehs; the gateway was knocked down by a few round shot, and the fort was then carried by the infantry, while a few rounds of shrapnels cleared the neighbouring hills of the Hazarehs. The whole affair did not last much above half an hour. The artillery lost one European laboratory-man, one syce, and one horse killed, and one trooper wounded. Dr. Lord admitted the chiefs of the refractory tribe to terms, and affairs resumed their wonted peaceful aspect.

In July, however, there seemed to be every prospect of hostilities being renewed; Dost Mahomed, who had for months been a prisoner at Bokhara, had effected his escape to Kooloom, and the Usbegs began to arm in his cause. The British infantry had been pushed forward to Bajgah, twenty-five miles northward of Syghan, and had come into contact with the unfriendly tribes. At the beginning of August, a small affair occurred near Kamurd, in which two companies of infantry suffered a very severe loss. On the 4th of August, two guns of horse-artillery were sent to Syghan,^[90] more as a demonstration than with any other object, as the roads to Kamurd and Bajgah, across the Dundan-Shikun and Nal-i-Ferish passes, were totally impracticable. The Dost was now advancing from Kooloom, accompanied by the Wallee of that place, at the head of about 10,000 men, and every prospect of his force increasing daily.

On the 13th of September, Brigadier Dennie arrived from Cabul with reinforcements, which had been despatched on hearing of the Ameer’s advance. The force at Bamian, besides the troop, consisted now of the 35th native infantry, the Goorkah regiment, a resallah of irregular cavalry, and 400 janbaz, or Afghan horse. The Afghan infantry had been disarmed and sent to Cabul.

On the 17th, in the evening, the Dost’s piquets entered the Bamian valley at Soorukdhurrah, about four miles distant, and on the following morning the brigadier having received information which led him to believe that merely the advanced guard of the enemy had arrived, took out a small detachment of only eight companies, and engaged the whole Usbeg force, who were completely routed and driven from the field in great confusion. Two guns of the troop, under Lieutenant Mackenzie, were present in this affair. The Usbegs fell back almost immediately when the guns opened on them, abandoning in succession three positions in which they attempted to make a stand, but from which they were instantly dislodged by the guns advancing. Thus in the valley itself, where the main body of the enemy was, the contest was decided by the horse-artillery, but on the heights the infantry were engaged with some other parties of the enemy, mostly foot-men. The cavalry pursued the Usbegs for some miles up the defile of Soorukdhurrah. The enemy has been variously computed at from 5,000 to 10,000 men in the field.

Four guns of the troop accompanied Brigadier Dennie in his subsequent pursuit of the enemy, but the movements of the Usbegs had been too rapid to allow it to be effectual; but the results were most happy, as it induced the Ameer to leave the Usbeg camp, and forced the Wallee to abandon his cause. The rest is well known: the Dost threw himself into the Kohistan of Cabul, and the theatre of war being thus changed, the British troops were recalled from Bamian, and on the 8th October (exactly a year and a day after its arrival), the troop marched in progress to Cabul with Colonel Dennie. At the commencement of the following year the troop returned to India with the escort in charge of the captive Ameer.

In the expedition to the Kohistan, under Brigadier Sale, Captain A. Abbott and his battery, and Lieutenant Warburton with two of the Shah’s bodyguard guns, were employed. The fort of Tootundurra was carried with little loss, a fact attributed “in a great measure to the dread inspired by the excellent practice of the artillery under the able direction of Captain Abbott, assisted by Lieutenants Maule and Warburton.”

In breaching Julga in October, these same guns were again employed, and Captain A. Abbott and Lieutenant Warburton are reported as having distinguished themselves in the service of the artillery.

In November the detachment was engaged with the Dost’s followers at Purwundurrah, and two guns of No. 6 battery, under Lieutenant Dawes, covered the successful attack on the heights after the shameful flight of the cavalry.

At this period, a brigade marched from the provinces under Colonel Shelton, to relieve part of the Cabul force; with it was Captain Nicholl’s (1st company 1st brigade) troop of horse artillery—Lieutenants Waller and Stewart, subalterns—and the newly-formed mountain-train under Captain Backhouse and Lieutenant Green. The brigade advanced as far as Jellalabad, when rumours arising of the disaffection of the Sikhs in the rear, it returned by forced marches to Jumrood, but, finding its presence not required, again marched without rest to Jellalabad. By the difficulty and rapidity of this march the horses of the troop were much knocked up, and their distress was much increased by the officer commanding the brigade having insisted, in spite of Captain Nicholl’s remonstrances, on the troop marching in rear of the infantry, checking the natural pace of the horse, and subjecting the troop to continual halts. Two of its guns, under Captain Nicholl, were employed in February in reducing forts in the Nazian valley, as also was the mountain-train.

While the artillery with the Cabul force was thus employed, that at Candahar was not inactive. In April, 1840, Captain W. Anderson, with one of his troops of horse-artillery and a body of the Shah’s troops, marching in the direction of Ghuznee, fell in with a large body of insurgent Ghilzies, and defeated them near Tazee, on the Tornuek river. The enemy made a firm stand, twice charged our line, and were driven back by the steadiness of the troops and the well-sustained fire of the guns under Lieutenant Cooper.

Colonel Wymer’s detachment was attacked at Ealmee on the 19th May, on its route to Khelat-i-Ghilzie, by a large body of Ghilzies. Two of the Shah’s horse-artillery guns under Lieutenant Hawkins were present, “and opened upon the enemy’s dense masses of attack at about 900 yards, with beautiful precision and effect, causing them to break into three columns, which still continued the attack,” but were driven back by the steady fire of the line, though they continued their efforts from five till nearly ten at night. “Too much cannot be said of the scientific and destructive manner in which the artillery practice was conducted by Lieutenant Hawkins, which created awful havoc in the ranks of the enemy, to the admiration of the troops present.”

In July, Lieutenant Cooper, with two guns, accompanied Captain Woodburn against Uctar Khan, in the neighbourhood of Girisk. The enemy attacked the left “with great boldness, but were repulsed by the well-directed fire of the guns, and three companies on the left; failing in this, they attacked the right, but were again met by a most destructive fire from the guns and five companies which were on the right.” The rear was then attacked, but a gun being reversed, and the rear rank of the infantry facing about, the enemy were driven off, after standing three rounds of case shot.

“Lieutenant Cooper deserves my best acknowledgments for the rapidity and admirable manner in which he brought his guns to play upon the enemy; and I had frequent opportunities of noticing the precision of his practice. His guns are never in difficulty,” are Captain Woodburn’s words in his official report, in which also he speaks in another place of the “admirable conduct of the artillery.”

In August, this same officer, with four guns, when attached to Captain Griffin’s force, was again in action with the enemy near Khawind, and again rendered effectual assistance, and earned the praises of his superiors for himself and his details.

On the arrival of Shah Soojah at Cabul, a grand durbar was held, and a new order of chivalry was instituted,—that of the “Dur-i-Dooranee,” or Pearl of the Dooranee Empire, consisting of three ranks, similar to those of the Bath. The annexed is a representation of the star of the order. It was conferred on several artillery officers at various times previous to Shah Soojah’s death.