TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-212

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 173

LETTER FROM PROFESSOR CLAUBERG TO HIMMLER, 7 JUNE 1943, REPORTING ON RESEARCH IN CONNECTION WITH THE STERILIZATION OF WOMEN

Professor Dr. C. Clauberg,

Chief Physician of the Clinics for Women of the Miners’ (Knappschaft) Hospital and the St. Hedwig Hospital

Koenigshuette O. S., 7 June 1943

Telephone: 409-31

Secret

To the Reich Leader SS

Heinrich Himmler

Berlin

Dear Reich Leader,

Today I am fulfilling my obligation to report to you from time to time about the state of my research work. In doing this I am, as before, adhering to the procedure to report only if the matter is essential. The fact that, after my most recent interview in July 1942, I could not do so before today is due to temporary difficulties against which I myself was powerless and with which I could not bother you, Reich Leader. I mention as an example that only since February 1943 am I in possession of an X-ray installation, which is of great value to my special research. In spite of the short period of actually only 4 months, it is already today possible to report to you the following:

The method I contrived to achieve the sterilization of the female organism without operation is as good as perfected. It can be performed by a single injection made through the entrance of the uterus in the course of the customary gynecological examination known to every physician.—If I say that the method is “as good as perfected,” this means:

1. Still to be worked out are only minor improvements of the method.

2. Already today it could be put to practical use in the course of our regular eugenic sterilization and could thus replace the operation.

As to the question which you, Reich Leader, asked me almost one year ago, i. e., how much time would probably be required to sterilize 1,000 women by using this method. Today I can answer you with regard to the future as follows:

If my researches continue to have the same results as up to now—and there is no reason to doubt that—then the moment is not far off when I can say:

One adequately trained physician in one adequately equipped place, with perhaps 10 assistants (the number of assistants in conformity with the speed desired) will most likely be able to deal with several hundred, if not even 1,000 per day.”

Please permit me to postpone my report about the other part of my researches (positive population policy) because it will take some time until something decisive can be said in this field.

Reich Leader! The main reason for my reporting to you today, shortly before the possibility of even more final results, is the following:

I know that the settlement of the last part of this particular complex of problems—in contrast to the external forces which determined the progress so far—depends now almost entirely on me. In this connection, several minor but nevertheless fundamental changes would be necessary which only you, my dear Reich Leader, can personally direct and order. I had hoped that I would be able to give you personally a short description of these requirements in the event of a visit to Upper Silesia. Since I have not had this opportunity, I am asking you for your decision today.

In addition I should like to make a further request. It was SS Brigadefuehrer Dr. Blumenreuter who finally managed to get me the one suitable X-ray installation. I am in urgent need of another installation of the same kind, and he informed me in February that he had another one stored in Berlin. He was ready to deliver it to me if I would secure your approval.

May I ask you, Reich Leader, for this approval?

Heil Hitler!

[Signed] Clauberg

EXTRACT FROM THE TESTIMONY OF THE DEFENDANT VIKTOR BRACK[84]

DIRECT EXAMINATION


Dr. Froeschmann: What plans are you talking about?

Defendant Brack: The plans to exterminate the Jews which I told you about before. Having known them and having been in the Party Chancellery in the course of this conversation when I told Himmler that Grafeneck was to be abandoned, Himmler also told me of communications he had received from Poland, according to which the Jews there were using the temporary impotence of the Polish government to strengthen their own position and Himmler said something had to be done about this. He said something had to be undertaken to stop this because through the mixing of blood in the Polish Jews with that of the Jews from Western Europe a much greater danger for Germany was arising than even before the war, and he said it was his intention to sterilize the Jews according to reliable methods, according to a procedure which would permit mass sterilization. Operative sterilization was out of the question for one thing because you couldn’t do that without leaving some scar. Then he brought up the question, could not this be done with X-ray treatment? However, I didn’t know about this for sure, and in fact nobody knew about it, and especially didn’t know whether the person in question could be treated without noticing something. Himmler then said that Bouhler had gathered together so many scientists and doctors in the Euthanasia Program, consequently I should try to find out from him what he could tell me about sterilization, and tell him to report to me again.

Q. Well, what was the effect of this communication from Himmler on you?

A. This made a great impression on me. I believed that Heydrich could really have been the instigator of all of this.

In my interrogation I told the interrogator that I regarded such a plan to exterminate the Jews as unworthy of Germany and its leaders. From what I knew of Himmler it would never have occurred to me that such a destructive idea could have originated in his mind. Be that, however, as it may, whether the idea originated with Heydrich or Bormann, my attitude was opposed to this; and I felt that I was under the obligation to do anything I could to prevent this. If I had raised the least objection to it openly, I would have aroused great suspicion of myself and would have aroused a false reaction in Himmler. Therefore, I had to make the best of a bad job and had to pretend that I agreed with Himmler. I pretended to be willing to clarify the question of mass sterilization through X-ray methods. Many years ago I had been subjected to X-ray treatment for quite a period of time and had discussed with the doctor the effect of X-rays on the human body. Now I remembered from those discussions that the effect of X-rays on the sexual organs is only of slight importance and not lasting. Moreover, I knew that one of my associates was personally acquainted with an X-ray specialist and he told me that this specialist was conducting experiments on the effects of X-rays on the fertility of animals. However, there seemed to be no result.

Q. Mr. President, I present an affidavit of 25 February 1947, by Dr. Martin Zeller, a specialist, born 3 December 1880, living in Munich, signed by him on this same date and certified by myself. (Brack 26, Brack Ex. 31.) This affidavit contributes to the understanding of this matter now under discussion and I quote:

“I remember distinctly that 10 to 15 years ago I spoke to Viktor Brack about X-ray injuries. Brack was worried that he might develop an X-ray injury; at that time his knee had been X-rayed. When some time afterwards he had rough hands he thought that might be an X-ray burn. I explained to him that no injuries could result from our X-ray examinations since the quantities of radiation used for diagnosis were small and besides, the more distant parts of the body (that is, in the case of a picture of the knee being taken, the hands and genitals) were not in the danger zone under modern technical conditions.

“I also made the remark that even an intentional sterilization by X-ray treatment would, especially in the case of young persons, be difficult to achieve and even then only with a strong dose of prolonged radiation.”

And then in paragraph 2 the witness continues:

“It is quite possible that Brack in this way developed the views he brought forward, i. e., that the effect of X-rays upon the sexual organs is negligible, and that the danger of sterilization does not exist at all. The layman will not differentiate between X-ray diagnostics and X-ray therapy.”

A. I took this associate into my confidence and told him of my intention to deceive Himmler, if only to gain time. We agreed to deceive Himmler by giving him a certificate that seemed to say that sterilization by X-ray methods was possible and we would thus get him to pursue a false path. Just what was said in this certificate I do not know any longer. At any rate there were no positive results in it so that we couldn’t put it to Himmler in this form.

Dr. Froeschmann: Mr. President, let me remark in this connection, that after great efforts I have succeeded in finding the man who drew up this certificate of which the witness has just been speaking. I have found out his name and address. He lives in the Russian zone and for that reason it was not possible for me to get a copy of that certificate that he drew up at that time. However, I have contacted this doctor and he has declared his readiness to come to Nuernberg and to give me an affidavit, because as he said it, it would be a matter of course that he should help an innocent man if his testimony could do so. He does remember having given this certificate to Brack or to his associates and I ask permission to reserve the right to put this affidavit in evidence as soon as I have it, and when perhaps the doctor has had a chance to speak to the defendant.

Presiding Judge Beals: Counsel for defendant Brack may offer the affidavit as soon as it is received so long as it complies with the evidence in the case.

Dr. Froeschmann: Thank you, your Honor. Witness, please continue.

Defendant Brack: Naturally, this factor of uncertainty had to be taken into consideration.

Q. What exactly are you speaking of?

A. I am talking about the report we received.

Q. You mean the man who drew up the certificate, the expert?

A. Yes.

Presiding Judge Beals: Now, counsel, I don’t want you to misunderstand me. I said counsel may offer the affidavit; that means it is offered subject to any objection raised by the prosecution as to the form of the affidavit or its relevancy. Yesterday, the affidavits from Brazil were possibly offered by you because the Tribunal had said that they might be offered. The right to offer simply means offered, subject to objection, and that is not equivalent to saying that the affidavit will be received in evidence but it may be offered. That is the sense in which I have used the word “offer” towards this affidavit.

Dr. Froeschmann: Yes, your Honor, I understood the President and I shall only submit an affidavit which is in compliance with the regulation of this Tribunal. Would you please continue, Witness?

Defendant Brack: My collaborator changed the contents of this certificate in such a manner that sterilization becomes apparent as something possible from a medical point of view. That is exactly what is contained in my affidavit. Thus, this letter dated 28 March 1941, originated with Document NO-203, Prosecution Exhibit 161.

Q. Mr. President, let us reconstruct this letter quite shortly. I shall quote. It is addressed by Brack to Himmler, marked “Top Secret.”

“Dear Reich Leader:

“Enclosed I send to you for your information the report of the examination regarding the possibility of an X-ray sterilization or castration. I ask you to tell me whether anything can be done in the matter either theoretically or practically.”

That is the covering letter. This covering letter, Witness, in connection with the report which is attached was considered by the prosecution as being a serious suggestion for sterilization and the prosecution in that connection has stated that this needed no comment. What is your attitude toward it?

A. Neither the former nor the latter is correct. I admit that if one reads this letter or report without knowing the connections that impression can be created. I therefore have to attempt to analyze this report in order to explain to the Tribunal what we tried to achieve with this letter. I have to emphasize once more that the entire thing was a maneuver of deceit.

Q. With reference to the report which you attached to this letter (NO-203, Pros. Ex. 161) I should like to quote from it a very brief passage:

“Report on experiments concerning X-ray castration.

“The experiments in this field are concluded. The following result can be considered as established and adequately based on scientific research.

“If any persons are to be sterilized permanently, this result can only be attained by applying X-rays in a dosage high enough to produce castration with all its consequences, since high X-ray dosages destroy the internal secretion of the ovary or of the testicles, respectively. Lower dosages would only temporarily paralyze the procreative capacity. The consequences in question are, for example, the disappearance of menstruation, climacteric phenomena, changes in capillary growth, modification of metabolism, etc. In any case, attention must be drawn to these disadvantages.

“The actual dosage can be given in various ways, and irradiation can take place quite imperceptibly. The necessary local dosage for men is 500-600 r, for women 300-350 r. In general, an irradiation period of 2 minutes for men, 3 minutes for women, with the highest voltage, a thin filter, and at a short distance ought to be sufficient. There is, however, a disadvantage that has to be put up with. It is impossible unnoticeably to cover the rest of the body with lead, the other tissues of the body will be injured, and radiologic malaise, the so-called ‘Roentgenkater,’ will ensue.”

Witness, would you define your attitude toward this letter which I partly read?

A. I was speaking in connection with the talk I had with Himmler in the year of 1941. This becomes apparent from the paragraph “I herewith submit the result of an X-ray examination.” It looks now as though in effect experiments had been carried out by scientists, which was not the case. Himmler had to be reassured and that is why we had to emphasize that the experiments had been concluded and the result could be based on scientific work. Of course, we couldn’t state the result as being absolutely positive. We had to leave it to Himmler himself to judge it. In the first instance it was our intention to get Himmler off the idea. That is why we chose the formulation which can be seen in that letter—“If any persons are to be sterilized permanently.” It meant in effect that this was theoretically possible. At the same time, however, we pointed out that this success cannot be concealed and that phenomena will arise. That obviously was shown by the contents of the certificate itself, and it is emphasized that permanent sterilization makes a high dosage of X-rays necessary. These high dosages would then bring about the effects of castration with all of the accompanying symptoms which would be noticed immediately. If, however, lower dosages were used, you would only have stopped procreative capacity for a short time. We actually said that at the end of the report, namely, that the result of sterilization could be ascertained after a comparatively short time but that it was impossible to achieve the results of bringing about sterilization without being noticed, and in this way we thought we could get Himmler to give up that idea.

Q. Now, this was the first part of the letter. Now, let us discuss the second part. I am again referring to the method which you suggested to Himmler. You thought at that time “One practical way of proceeding would be, for instance, to let the persons to be treated approach a counter, where they could be asked to answer some questions or to fill in forms, which take them 2 or 3 minutes. The official sitting behind the counter could operate the installation in such a way as to turn a switch which would activate the two valves simultaneously (since the irradiation is to operate from both sides). With a two-valve installation about 150-200 persons could then be sterilized per day and, therefore, with 20 such installations as many as 3,000-4,000 persons per day. In my estimation a larger daily number could not in any case be sent away for this purpose.”

Herr Brack, how could you arrive at this idea of turning switches? This is completely nonunderstandable for a layman.

A. Himmler wanted this procedure to be carried out as simply as possible. Therefore, we had to suggest as simple a method as we could think of. On the other hand, this method increased the uncertainty of directing the rays to the corresponding parts of the body. That is what was discussed by my collaborator with his acquaintance. We suggested this switch method to Himmler with the idea of making this matter as simple as possible and at the same time preventing any active X-ray reaching the body. Furthermore, only 2-3 minutes were suggested as the length of time for these people to be subjected to these X-rays. How we arrived at these 500-600 figures—or 350 r.—I don’t know whether they were just invented or whether they were based upon something. I don’t know. But looking at it as a whole it contained a number of points that were to demonstrate to Himmler that the whole thing could not be carried out. There is a scientific basis for these suggestions.

Dr. Froeschmann: Mr. President, in connection with this point I have tried to get an unobjectionable irreproachable certificate for the correctness of what the defendant just stated. I shall get a certificate from a specialist. The man concerned says that this suggestion is absolutely senseless. I had, however, to wait for this certificate because I had to wait for an affidavit from another expert physician. With the permission of the Tribunal, I shall obtain a corresponding certificate from a radiologist who can show that it is credible that this entire suggestion was really scientific nonsense.

A. We had to take into account the possibility that Himmler might accept this proposal in spite of all these difficulties. We knew, however, that the preparation of any such installation would take a long time, for the building, etc. We thought that the war would end very quickly, and as I said before I didn’t know there was any threat from the West. And, in case of peace, the Madagascar plan, which had already been rejected, could once more be placed in the foreground. If on the other hand this suggestion was to be accepted and if at that time the war had not yet ended, the carrying out of this experiment on the 100-200 Jews was much less of an evil than Himmler taking the Jews and sterilizing them en masse or doing something worse to them.

Q. Mr. Brack, if I understand you correctly, you’re saying that, at that time, you had to make a decision between either killing millions of Jews or choosing the smaller evil by only suggesting this small number which you have mentioned upon whom experiments might be carried out. Is my opinion correct?

A. During my interrogations I designated this dilemma in a way by saying that this was our last way out. But, naturally, when judging these two possibilities one must take into consideration that one decides upon one possibility and, at the same time, feels an inner justification for doing so. The same way as a troop commander sacrifices a few thousand people somewhere if he can save a hundred thousand somewhere else.

Q. Now, Mr. Brack, in order to finish with this letter I want to say that you have stated the following at the end of that letter, and I quote:

“In summary it may be said that, having regard to the present state of radiological technique and research, mass sterilization by means of X-rays can be carried out without difficulty. However, it seems to be impossible to do this in such a way that the persons concerned do not, sooner or later, realize with certainty that they have been sterilized or castrated by X-rays.”

In your covering letter you apparently mentioned your second letter, and I quote:

“I request your instructions as to further theoretical or practical steps if any are to be taken in this matter.”

What is the significance of this latter statement?

A. By using this formulation I endeavored to keep control of the development of that matter. I never really counted on the realization of these experiments and I never had any intention of submitting a serious proposal to Himmler which would cause the sterilization of millions of Jews, but if Himmler was to accept this nonsensical proposal I wanted to have his idea delayed as long as possible. If this suggestion had been serious on my part I would have had to be a fanatical Jew hater, and I think I have already proved that I was not such a person.



[81] Trial of the Major War Criminals, International Military Tribunal, Nuremberg, 1947, vol. I, pp. 247-253.

[82] Judgment of the IMT. Ibid.

[83] Final plea is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 15 July 1947, pp. 10874-10910.

[84] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 19 May 1947, pp. 7413-7772.

B. Jewish Skeleton Collection

a. Introduction

The defendants Rudolf Brandt and Sievers were charged with criminal responsibility and participation in plans and enterprises, involving the murder of civilians and members of the armed forces of nations at war with the German Reich, and specifically with the murder of 112 Jews for the purpose of completing a skeleton collection for the Reich University at Strasbourg (par. 7 of the indictment). On this charge both defendants were convicted.

The prosecution’s summation of the evidence and argumentation on the Jewish skeleton collection is contained in its closing brief against the defendant Sievers. An extract from this brief is set forth below on pages 739 to 741. A corresponding summation of the evidence by the defense has been selected from the closing brief for the defendant Sievers. It appears below on pages 741 to 747. This argumentation is followed by selections from the evidence on pages 748 to 759.

b. Selection from the Argumentation of the Prosecution

EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST
DEFENDANT SIEVERS


Skeleton Collection

In response to a request by the defendant Rudolf Brandt, on 9 February 1942, Sievers submitted to him a report by Dr. Hirt of the University of Strasbourg on the desirability of securing a collection of Jewish skeletons. (NO-085, Pros. Ex. 175.) In this report, Hirt advocated outright murder of “Jewish Bolshevik Commissars” for the procurement of such a collection. He stated:

“By procuring the skulls of the Jewish Bolshevik Commissars, who personify a repulsive, yet characteristic subhumanity, we have the opportunity of obtaining tangible scientific evidence. The actual obtaining and collecting of these skulls without difficulty could be best accomplished by a directive issued to the Wehrmacht in the future to immediately turn over alive all Jewish Bolshevik Commissars to the field police.”

These units were to report to a special office which would send out specialists to have photographs and anthropological measurements taken and ascertain the origin, birth date, and other personal data of the victims. Hirt further stated:

“Following the subsequently induced death of the Jew, whose head must not be damaged, he will separate the head from the torso and will forward it to its point of destination in a preserving fluid in a well-sealed tin container especially made for this purpose. On the basis of the photos, the measurements, and other data on the head and, finally, the skull itself, comparative anatomical research, research on racial classification, pathological features of the skull formation, form and size of the brain, and many other things can begin. In accordance with its scope and tasks, the new Reich University of Strasbourg would be the most appropriate place for the collection of and research upon these skulls thus acquired.”

[Emphasis supplied.]

On 27 February 1942, Brandt informed Sievers that Himmler would support Hirt’s work and would place everything necessary at his disposal. Brandt requested Sievers to inform Hirt accordingly and to report again on Hirt’s work. (NO-090, Pros. Ex. 176.)

Hirt’s murderous and inhuman plan was carried out in a way which differed but slightly from the suggestion made in his preliminary report. (NO-085, Pros. Ex. 175.) The proof has shown that it was decided to preserve the whole skeletons of the victims rather than merely the skulls. On 2 November 1942 Sievers requested Brandt to make the necessary arrangements with the Reich Security Main Office for providing 150 Jewish inmates from Auschwitz to carry out this plan. (NO-086, Pros. Ex. 177.) On 6 November Brandt informed Adolf Eichmann, the Chief of Office IV-B-4 (Jewish affairs) of the Reich Security Main Office to put everything at Hirt’s disposal which was necessary for the completion of the skeleton collection. (NO-089, Pros. Ex. 179.)

From Sievers’ letter to Eichmann of 21 June 1943, it is apparent that SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Beger, a collaborator of the Ahnenerbe Society, carried out the preliminary work for the assembling of the skeleton collection in the Auschwitz concentration camp on 79 Jews, 30 Jewesses, 2 Poles, and 4 Asiatics. In this letter, Sievers stated that Beger had to interrupt his work because of the danger of infectious diseases in the camp. Sievers requested that the inmates on whom Beger had carried out this work be transferred to the Natzweiler concentration camp because further activities in Auschwitz were impossible due to the danger of infection. Special accommodation for the thirty women was to be provided in the Natzweiler concentration camp “for a short period”. [Emphasis added.] (NO-087, Pros. Ex. 181.)

The statement of the camp commandant of the Natzweiler concentration camp, SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Josef Kramer, reveals that approximately 80 inmates of the Auschwitz concentration camp, among them females, were transferred to the Natzweiler concentration camp and killed there by gas at the request of Hirt in the beginning of August 1943. A special gas chamber had been built for this purpose. The corpses of the victims were sent in three shipments to the Anatomical Institute of Hirt in Strasbourg University. (NO-807, Pros. Ex. 185.) This evidence is corroborated by the testimony of the witness Henripierre. He testified that in the beginning of August 1943, the principal autopsy technician of the Anatomical Institute, Bong, received the order from Hirt to prepare the tanks in the cellar of the Institute for approximately 120 corpses. At intervals of a few days, three shipments of corpses, 30 female, 30 male, and 26 male, arrived by truck from an unknown place. All of these victims were Jewish. These corpses were preserved in the cellar of the Anatomical Institute in the tanks prepared by Bong. (Tr. pp. 712-4.) See also the affidavit of Wagner. (NO-881, Pros. Ex. 280.) As proved by the Sievers’ diary, Beger was ordered to prepare plaster casts of the victims. (3546-PS, Pros. Ex. 123.)

Early in September 1944, when the Allied armies were threatening Strasbourg, Sievers approached the defendant Brandt with the request for instructions as to what should be done with the Jewish bodies which were still stored in the tanks in the cellar of the Anatomical Institute. He informed Brandt that Hirt would be able to “de-flesh” the corpses and thus render them unrecognizable, but in this case part of the work would have been done in vain “and it would be a great scientific loss for this unique collection because casts could not be made afterwards. The skeleton collection is not conspicuous. Viscera could be declared as remnants of corpses, apparently left in the Anatomical Institute by the French and ordered to be cremated.” Sievers requested a directive from Brandt whether the collection should be preserved, partly dissolved, or completely dissolved. (NO-088, Pros. Ex. 182.)

From the memorandum of SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Berg, and his telephone conversation with Sievers on 15 October 1944, it is apparent that it was first decided to destroy the evidence of these brutal crimes, but with a temporary improvement in the military situation, this decision was rescinded. Sievers informed Berg on 21 October 1944 that, in compliance with the orders he had received previously, the dissolution of the collection had been completed. (NO-091, Pros. Ex. 183.) But such was not the case. Hirt had ordered Bong and his assistant, Meyer, to cut up the 86 corpses and have them cremated in the Strasbourg crematorium, but these two men alone were unable to carry out this enormous task. A number of corpses remained un-dissected and were left in the tanks, together with partially dissected corpses, in order to create the impression that they were used for normal anatomical research. (Tr. p. 715; NO-881, Pros. Ex. 280.)

The pictures of these corpses and of the gas chambers in the Natzweiler concentration camp, where the victims of the Jewish skeleton collection were murdered, taken by the French authorities after the liberation of Strasbourg, tell the grim story of this mass murder more vividly than witnesses and documents ever could. (NO-483, Pros. Ex. 184; NO-807, Pros. Ex. 185.)


c. Selection from the Argumentation of the Defense

EXTRACTS FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF FOR
DEFENDANT SIEVERS


In 1943 a collection of Jewish skeletons was set up in the Anatomy Department of the Reich University of Strasbourg according to plans which had been prepared in 1941 by Himmler and the Director of this Anatomy Department, Professor Dr. Hirt. The skeletons were to be obtained by selecting the required number of persons in the concentration camp at Auschwitz from among the Bolshevist commissars who had been taken prisoner in the campaign against the Soviet Union. The liquidation of the persons chosen took place in the concentration camp at Natzweiler.

Whether the liquidation entailed a death which was deserved or undeserved on the part of the persons chosen depends upon whether the “Commissar Order,” which was the basis of the liquidation, can be regarded as legal and permissible or not. A detailed examination of this question can be excluded here, since subjective grounds are of decisive significance in this connection.

Sievers did not take part personally either in the selection or in the liquidation of those persons designated for the skeleton collection. The choosing was undertaken by a certain Dr. Beger in the concentration camp at Auschwitz. (NO-087, Pros. Ex. 181.) Sievers himself was never in Auschwitz. The liquidation took place in the concentration camp at Natzweiler. The earliest date at which the liquidation could have taken place is shown by the date of the aforementioned document which is dated 21 June 1943. After 23 January 1943, Sievers was no longer in Natzweiler. Therefore, any personal participation of Sievers in the selection as well as the liquidation is out of the question.

We must now examine whether the setting up of the skeleton collection and the associated liquidation of those persons selected took place on Sievers’ orders or instructions—

The prosecution has submitted and read:

Letter of the Reichsgeschaeftsfuehrer of the Ahnenerbe to Brandt, dated 9 February 1942, with a report from Dr. Hirt in which the latter suggests a collection of skulls for the University of Strasbourg which was to be obtained from Jewish-Bolshevist Commissars. (NO-085, Pros. Ex. 175.)

Letter of Brandt to Sievers, dated 27 February 1942, with the report that the Reich Leader SS is quite interested in the work of Professor Hirt and will place at his disposal everything which he requires for his experiments. (NO-090, Pros. Ex. 176.)

Letter of the Reichsgeschaeftsfuehrer of the Ahnenerbe to Dr. Brandt, dated 2 November 1942, regarding the requisition of 150 skeletons of prisoners for certain anthropological examinations. (NO-086, Pros. Ex. 177.)

Personal staff Reich Leader SS to Reichssicherheitshauptamt (Main Office for the Security of the Reich), dated 6 November 1942, regarding transmission of the order of the Reich Leader SS to make possible the construction of the skeleton collection as planned. (NO-089, Pros. Ex. 179.)

Letter of the personal staff Reich Leader SS to the Ahnenerbe, dated 3 December 1942, regarding remedying of deficiencies through SS Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl. (NO-092, Pros. Ex. 180.)

Letter of the Institute for Military Scientific Research of the Reichssicherheitshauptamt (Main Office for the Security of the Reich), dated 21 June 1943, regarding the transfer of the 115 persons selected by SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Beger in the concentration camp at Auschwitz. (NO-087, Pros. Ex. 181.)

Telegram of the personal staff, office “A”, to Dr. Brandt, dated 5 September 1944, regarding the procurement of instructions as to what should happen to the collection in the event Strasbourg should be endangered. (NO-088, Pros. Ex. 182.)

Two memoranda of Berg, dated 15 and 26 October 1944, regarding the breaking up of the collection. (NO-091, Pros. Ex. 183.)

Several entries in the diary of Sievers, 1943-44.

A letter of Sievers to Dr. Hirt, dated 3 January 1942, has been offered by the prosecution. (NO-3629, Pros. Ex. 547.) This letter contains the request of Himmler to Hirt to make available to him a detailed report regarding his experiments which then could serve as basis for a conference.

Letter of the Reich Business Manager to Dr. Hirt, dated 29 October 1942, regarding the granting of subsidies for research activities. (NO-3819, Pros. Ex. 550.)

In this respect, counsel for the defense declares:

The idea of setting up a skull collection of Jewish-Bolshevist Commissars initiated with Dr. Hirt, director of the Anatomy Department of the University of Strasbourg. Dr. Hirt himself submitted to Himmler the suggestion for setting up such a collection. (Tr. p. 5704.) The suggestion received Himmler’s complete assistance. Himmler issued instructions to place everything at Hirt’s disposal which he required for his experiments. (NO-090, Pros. Ex. 176.) In addition to this, Himmler issued an order through his personal staff on 6 November 1942 that everything necessary will be placed at the disposal of Professor Dr. Hirt. (NO-089, Pros. Ex. 179.)

It can be seen from the letter of the personal staff of the Reich Leader SS to the Reich Business Manager of the Ahnenerbe, dated 25 March 1942, how energetically Himmler favored the experiments of Dr. Hirt. This letter states:

“In this connection, please get in touch with Hirt as soon as possible and consider further how Hirt can best be brought closer to us.” (Sievers 53, Sievers Ex. 49.)

It can be seen further from the direct examination of Sievers that Dr. Hirt was a confidant of Himmler, for Sievers was able to establish this fact as early as 1936 and in the subsequent years had an opportunity to repeat this observation. (Tr. pp. 5706-7.)

This can also be established by means of the conference which took place at Easter 1942 regarding the course of which Sievers has given a detailed description. Among other things, Sievers called attention to the fact that Hirt and his anatomical collection, which was a University matter, did not concern the Ahnenerbe in any way.

Himmler became quite active after this aggressive action of Sievers, following which the latter requested an order in writing. (Tr. p. 5715.)

In this connection, the order of Himmler, dated 7 July 1942, must also be mentioned. Figure 2 reads as follows (NO-422, Pros. Ex. 33):

“I order the Ahnenerbe

“1. * * *

“2. To aid in every possible manner the research activities of SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Professor Dr. Hirt and in the same way promote all the experiments and work pertinent to same.”

These facts were necessary in order to clarify matters for the chief instigators, Himmler and Hirt. Everyone cognizant of the conditions knows that it was also impossible in this case to act in any way contrary to the orders issued by Himmler.

Until the Easter conference of 1942, Sievers knew nothing of the Commissar Order; Himmler at that time showed him pictures of Bolshevist Commissars, men and women who had been arrested, as well as pictures of German soldiers and civilians who had been killed and mutilated in the most horrible manner by these male and female monsters. This influenced Sievers’ attitude toward the “Commissar Order,” the contents of which he learned in outline at that time. The original text of the “Commissar Order” could not be produced during the Goering[85] trial. For a clarification of the contents of this order, counsel for the defense refers to the—

“Directives for the commands of the Chiefs of the Security Police and of the Security Service (SD) to be transferred to the Stalags.” (Sievers 54, Sievers Ex. 50.)

As in the other cases, Sievers’ activity consisted in forwarding correspondence, whether it came from “above,” that is, Himmler, Rudolf Brandt, or from Hirt or other third parties. It can be shown conclusively that he himself issued no instructions and orders and thereby exercised no decisive activity.

The suggestion to set up a Jewish-Bolshevist skull collection did not originate with Sievers but with Dr. Hirt. The order for this was issued by Himmler, who also ordered that Hirt should be granted all possible assistance.

Himmler requested information about the anthropological experiments of Dr. Hirt from Sievers and ordered the presentation of a report from Dr. Hirt. Thereafter, Sievers submitted, on 9 February 1942, the report requested again by Dr. Brandt on 29 December 1941.


After his meeting with Hirt in May 1941 and his brief report to Himmler, Sievers obviously did not concern himself further with the entire matter, until Himmler, in his letter dated 29 December 1941, requested a detailed report from Hirt through Dr. Brandt. This can be seen from the reference memorandum of Sievers dated 9 February 1942 in his letter of 9 February 1942 to R. Brandt (NO-085, Pros. Ex. 175) and was also stated by Sievers on direct examination. (Tr. p. 5704.) At that time, Himmler imparted the information which Sievers passed on to Hirt in his letter of 3 January 1942. In this letter, the question of a Jewish-Bolshevist skull collection was never mentioned but simply the matter of anthropological experiments. It is generally known that the carrying out of anthropological experiments forms a part of the chief duties of every anatomical institute, and also that such experiments are conducted on designated groups of persons, and that persons who have been executed are turned over to anatomical institutes for research purposes. Upon the request of Hirt for assistance in his anthropological experiments, Himmler immediately made a corresponding offer; as the competent chief of the German police, he was in a position to do so. And Sievers, at that time, need not have assumed, by any stretch of the imagination that the experimental subjects were to be killed for this purpose. On the basis of the general practice, he could perhaps more easily assume that only the corpses of those legally condemned to death and legally executed would be considered for the experiments of Hirt. Today we know that it was compatible with his criminal mentality insofar as human experiments and the like were concerned. At that time, the latter part of 1941, no one who, like Sievers, had not up to this time come in contact with experiments on human beings could have suspected in advance that in this case it would be a question of criminal acts.

In addition, there was no provision made at all at this time for Hirt’s working in connection with the Ahnenerbe. In his letter of 3 January 1942 to Hirt, Sievers writes: