In the meantime the prosecution declared while discussing the Beiglboeck evidence that it could have handwriting examined to determine the date of its origin at an institute in Frankfurt and also documents investigated in every way. The prosecution thereupon stressed explicitly that I also had the Ding diary examined by experts.
The Ding diary is of importance for the prosecution for the charges against several defendants. Therefore, the prosecution ought to have found it more important to have the genuineness of the Ding diary examined rather than the Beiglboeck documents. Ding signed in ink. So the institute at Frankfurt would have been able to ascertain without any difficulty whether the signature on the first page is several years older than the signature on the last page. Furthermore, the institute could have ascertained without any difficulty whether the whole diary from the end of the year 1941 till spring 1945 was written on exactly the same paper or not. But the prosecution did not hand the diary to this institute for examination. This fact shows that it was itself convinced that such examination would not have given a result favorable to the prosecution.
In my opinion, this is a particularly strong argument for the assumption that the diary was really composed and written subsequently. I also want to refer the Tribunal to my closing brief with reference to this point. The probative value of a diary lies in the fact that the man who kept it cannot foresee the future development when making his entries. Therefore it is to be presumed that the entries portray the events objectively and in their entirety. If a document which is subsequently composed is given the external form of a diary, one can deduce therefrom the intention to influence the reader in a certain direction and also to deceive him for this purpose. That is the reason why any record written subsequently and made up in the form of a diary has no probative value.
The prosecution tried to show that the Ding diary is of probative value by comparing its contents with a number of documents having the same contents as the entries in the diary. In my closing brief I dealt with these documents in detail and proved that they all, without exception, came from Ding. All documents which the prosecution compared with the diary, Ding still had at hand when he made the belated compilation after the original diary had been burned. They are vouchers he used for the entries he made in the diary we have now. Therefore, it cannot be deduced from the conformity of these documents and the diary that the latter is good evidence.
One of the documents the prosecution compared with the diary is the so-called work report of Ding. This work report is really only a draft which was not signed and was not sent to Mrugowsky. I explained this in detail in my closing brief and offered evidence for it. According to Kogon’s statement, this draft of the report was written in Block 50 by the second compound clerk. Such draft has no probative value unless it is signed by the person who should sign it. In this instance, it would have been Ding. Mr. Hardy admitted that this work report was only prepared for signature by Ding. He thereby admitted that it was not signed. Therefore, the draft has no probative value. If these three main elements of evidence fail, Kogon’s statement, the work report, and the Ding dairy, the chief part of the evidence brought forward against Mrugowsky fails.
The prosecution contended in its summing-up that the experimental subjects volunteered neither for the typhus experiments nor for the other experiments at Buchenwald. In respect of the other experiments, this is not correct. I shall deal with this later. In respect to the typhus experiments, it may be correct that most of the experimental subjects did not volunteer.
On the other hand, the closing brief of the prosecution shows no allegation for the period up to the fall of 1943 that Mrugowsky had anything to do with the selection of the prisoners for the experiments. This is correct and was also put in in my closing brief. In autumn 1943 according to the contentions of the prosecution, again relying on Kogon’s testimony, Ding is said to have asked Mrugowsky for the experimental subjects to be chosen by the Reich Leader SS. This statement of Kogon’s is also untrue. I have pointed this out in detail in my written statement.
In this connection, the prosecution mentions Himmler’s order of 27 February 1944 relating to the selection of the prisoners by the Reich police agency. But this order of Himmler was not given pursuant to a suggestion made by Mrugowsky. It is really due to the attempts of Dr. Morgen. He explained this accurately in his affidavit of 23 May 1947, which I offered in evidence.
So it is an established fact that until autumn 1943 Mrugowsky had nothing to do with the selection of the prisoners, and that from this time on, the prisoners for the typhus experiments were chosen by the Reich criminal police agency pursuant to Himmler’s order suggested by Dr. Morgen, so that after this time Mrugowsky had also nothing to do with the choice of the prisoners.
The prosecution calls the typhus experiments criminal, in particular, because control persons were used and above all because of the alleged “passage persons”.[62] As to the control persons, I explained at length in my closing brief that such vaccine experiments are impossible without the use of control subjects and lead to no practical result without them.
If one takes the Ding diary for information, it appears that in a number of test series the cultural virus used was no longer pathogenic to human beings. If no control persons had been infected, the fact that the experimental persons were not taken ill would have been explained as a consequence of the protection obtained by the vaccination. This would have led to entirely wrong deductions and to the use of inferior vaccines in practice. If one considers the typhus experiments as admissible, the use of control subjects is, therefore, indispensable. I explained this in detail in my closing brief.
On the other hand there was no justification for the use of passage persons who were infected merely in order to have live virus always on hand. I have demonstrated in my written arguments that such passage persons were never used. Until April 1943 there was no reason to use them. For until April 1943 it is stated explicitly in the Ding diary that in each series of experiments the infection was performed by means of cultural virus bred in the yolk sacs of hens’ eggs which Ding obtained from the Robert Koch Institute in Berlin. After 11 April 1943, Ding infected with fresh blood taken from persons suffering from typhus. But during this period, too, the use of passage persons was superfluous because Ding always had persons at his disposal who had contracted typhus spontaneously, and he could take the fresh infected blood from them.
If the prosecution had wanted to bring evidence to show that passage persons were used in Block 46, this could have been done best of all by Ding and Dietzsch. The prosecution produced statements from both in which the question of the passage persons is not mentioned. The prosecution knew from the examination of Mrugowsky on the witness stand that he denied the use of passage persons. When I said at the end of the presentation of my evidence that I did not call Dietzsch to the witness stand but only offered an affidavit from him, Mr. Hardy asked the Tribunal for permission to interrogate Dietzsch on certain facts.
However, he never produced a record of such an interrogation. This is further evidence that Dietzsch did not confirm the use of passage persons. All the witnesses who testified on the use of passage persons did not work in Block 46. They, therefore, know nothing from their own observation, but only through third persons. Dr. Morgen discovered nothing about passage persons during his investigations as an examining magistrate in Block 46 in Buchenwald. So there is no conclusive evidence of any kind to show that passage persons were used in Block 46. On the contrary, I proved in my closing brief that passage persons actually were not used.
If the Tribunal were, nevertheless, to assume that the use of passage persons was proved, there would be no guilt of Mrugowsky involved in the use of these passage persons because I demonstrated that Ding was not his subordinate in respect of his activity in Block 46, and also there is no evidence whatever to show that he even as much as knew about the use of passage persons.
In my written statements, I then dealt in detail with the experiments with acridine preparations within the framework of the typhus experiments. I proved that Ding did not obtain these preparations from Mrugowsky but from the I. G. Farbenindustrie A. G. There is no evidence whatever to show that Mrugowsky had any knowledge of these experiments performed by Ding.
Ding’s report on the acridine experiments submitted for publication was handed to Mrugowsky by Grawitz only about 18 months after the termination of the experiments. Therefore, no charge can be made against Mrugowsky under criminal law for the experiments with acridine preparations which caused a particularly high number of deaths.
Convalescence Serum, Blood Conservation, and Blood Serum Conservation
Convalescence Serum
In Ding’s diary (NO-265, Pros. Ex. 287) two entries are found concerning the taking of blood for the purpose of extracting convalescence serum. During the period from 26 May to 12 June 1944, 6,500 cc. of blood were taken from 15 defervescent typhus patients, and between 13 October and 31 October 1944, 20,800 cc. of blood were taken from 44 defervescent typhus patients. The blood was taken between the 12th [14th] and the 21st day following the disappearance of the fever. Thus an average of 465 cc. for each patient can be calculated. The witness for the prosecution, Kogon, has testified on this question. (Tr. pp. 1192-3.) His statement contains several serious misinterpretations. In the first place, it must be stressed that the taking of blood from a convalescent patient by no means constitutes an “experiment,” as indicated by Mr. McHaney. What would be the experiment in that case? The only thing to find out is whether the person in question is suitable or not for the taking of blood.
Even Kogon admits that the taking of blood from convalescent patients is an ordinary procedure. I have proved the same thing through Mrugowsky 14, Mrugowsky Exhibit 37. The same appears from the affidavit of the expert, Professor Dr. Siebeck. (Mrugowsky 15, Mrugowsky Ex. 38.) There it says:
“* * * It is correct that in the case of typhus, convalescence serum is frequently used for therapeutical purposes * * *.”
The expert, Professor Dr. Vollhardt, also confessed to the same opinion. It is then a fact that the taking of blood from former typhus patients during convalescence is, in principle, in accordance with medical usage.
It has been proved that no objections can be raised against the treatment in Block 46. Accordingly, it is very improbable that the physician in charge should have exposed particularly asthenic patients to the taking of blood. The witness Dorn has stated that the delivery of drugs to Block 46 took place through the prison hospital and that he personally discharged the deliveries twice a week. Furthermore, the examining judge, Dr. Morgen (Mrugowsky 23, Mrugowsky Ex. 26) demonstrated that even in 1944—
“* * * the treatment and supply of the sick persons was careful and good in every respect. According to the impression I gained, the sick persons were treated similar to those in a good military hospital.”
This is also confirmed through the indictment of Morgen against Koch. (NO-2366, Pros. Ex. 526.)
Consequently, there is no reason to doubt that they were in a condition favorable to the taking of blood and that this constituted no danger for them. Mrugowsky expressed his opinion on this question during his examination. (Tr. p. 5166.) He pointed out that the taking of blood in a quantity not exceeding 500 cc. is in complete compliance with medical regulations and that the convalescent patients received additional food as compensation for the loss of blood. In his affidavit Dr. Ellenbeck propounded his view concerning the extraction of typhus convalescence serum. (Mrugowsky 120, Mrugowsky Ex. 110.) From this it appears that Ellenbeck also received blood from patients belonging to the Waffen SS, consequently not exclusively from prisoners in the concentration camps. In the above-mentioned document (Mrugowsky 15, Mrugowsky Ex. 38) Professor Siebeck expressly points out:
“It is at least quite improbable, if not impossible, for human beings, who are in the convalescent stage of typhus, to be so harmed by a single bloodletting of 439 cc. that they die after a certain period has elapsed in consequence of the loss of blood.”
The same opinion is endorsed by Professor Dr. Vollhardt.
In face of this evidence no support is to be found for the assertion of Kogon that many convalescent patients died at that time, nor for his suspicion that they died as a consequence of the taking of blood. The result of this exposition then is that:
1. The taking of blood for the purpose of extraction of convalescence serum is not an experiment but a medical measure. It is not criminal but customary throughout the world.
2. The bleedings were carried out according to the regulations of medical science.
3. The quantities taken were below the usual limit, probably even very far below.
4. It is absolutely impossible that any person whatsoever died as a consequence of the taking of blood.
On the other hand, the blood pressure of persons convalescing from typhus, in particular, is often too low. Their blood vessels are still not as elastic as before. In such cases, a withdrawal of blood within the normal limits is very often a practiced method of relieving the circulation.
Preservation of Blood Serum
Furthermore, Kogon states that Dr. Ellenbeck carried out the taking of blood in the small camp to obtain a stock of blood serum. (Tr. p. 1192.) Kogon further states that in the part of the Buchenwald concentration camp, where blood was taken, there were enough volunteers and they received additional food. He answered the question as to whether anybody died as a consequence of the taking of blood as follows:
“* * * It is impossible to establish whether anybody died directly or indirectly as a consequence of the taking of blood * * *.”
Dr. Ellenbeck made the following statement concerning that question:
“From the fall of 1944 onwards, as far as I know by request of the leading physician of the concentration camps, the department for the conservation of blood produced a conserved blood serum to be used for the emergency treatment of prisoners since drugs became more and more scarce. I had nothing whatsoever to do with the drawing of blood and the supply. I had the blood sent to Berlin. On account of reasons to be found in the aerial warfare, the production of this conserved blood serum was only very small.
“Kogon maintained that SS medical personnel from Berlin drew the blood for this conserved blood serum. That is untrue. No SS medical personnel came from Berlin to Buchenwald in order to fetch blood, but ordinary couriers came who were not in a position to draw the blood.” (Mrugowsky 120, Mrugowsky Ex. 110.)
Therefore these amounts of blood, too, were only small. Ellenbeck can state positively that such stocks of serum were not made for other purposes in his laboratory. The medical officer of the concentration camp gave him the order. The stocks of serum he had prepared were made available to him again. * * *
“To the question as to whether people died after the removal of blood, I refer to the above-quoted statements of the specialists, Professor Dr. Vollhardt and Professor Dr. Siebeck.”
I would also like to point out that according to Kogon’s statement, Dr. Ellenbeck himself saw to it that the prisoners actually received their additional food after the removal of blood. The prisoners volunteered for the removal of blood and received additional food for it. That somebody died as a consequence of the removal of blood is a statement without any basis.
I cannot imagine how a criminal character can be attached to this removal of blood. The taking of blood from volunteers is not criminal in any way.
| Prosecution Documents | |||
| Doc. No. | Pros. Ex. No. | Description of Document | Page |
| NO-429 | 281 | Extract from the affidavit of defendant Hoven, 24 October 1946, concerning typhus and virus experiments. | 555 |
| NO-265 | 287 | Diary of the division for typhus and virus research at the Institute of Hygiene of the Waffen SS, 1941 to 1945 (Ding diary). | 557 |
| NO-257 | 283 | Extract from the affidavit of Dr. Erwin Schuler, 20 July 1945, concerning typhus experiments. | 572 |
| NO-571 | 285 | 1943 work report for department for typhus and virus research. | 573 |
| NO-121 | 293 | Letter from Haagen to Hirt, 15 November 1943, concerning prisoners to be used as experimental subjects for tests with typhus vaccine. | 578 |
| NO-122 | 298 | Letter dictated by Rose, addressed to Haagen, 13 December 1943, concerning experimental subjects for vaccine experiments. | 579 |
| NO-123 | 303 | Letter from Haagen to Hirt, 9 March 1944, concerning experiments conducted with typhus vaccine and requesting experimental subjects. | 580 |
| NO-139 | 317 | Letter from Dr. Grunske to Haagen, 7 March 1944, concerning reports on yellow fever virus experiments requested by a Japanese medical officer. | 581 |
| Defense Documents | |||
| Doc. No. | Def. Ex. No. | Description of Document | Page |
| Rose 16 | Rose 12 | Extracts from the affidavit of Professor Otto Lenz, director of the Robert Koch Institute in Berlin. | 581 |
| Rose 46 | Rose 20 | Extract from a certified statement, 4 March 1947, of J. Oerskov, M. D., director of the State Serum Institute in Copenhagen. | 582 |
| Testimony | |||
| Extracts from the testimony of prosecution witness Eugen Kogon | 583 | ||
| Extracts from the testimony of defendant Rose | 586 | ||
| Extract from the testimony of defendant Mrugowsky | 595 | ||
| Extracts from the testimony of defense witness Dr. Eugen Haagen | 606 | ||
I, Waldemar Hoven, being duly sworn, depose and state:
Typhus and Virus Experiments
4. In the latter part of 1941 an experimental station was established in the Buchenwald concentration camp in order to determine the effectiveness of various typhus vaccines. This section was called the “Typhus Experimental Station—Division for Typhus and Virus Research” and was under the direct supervision of Dr. Ding, alias Schuler. This experimental station was set up in Block 46 of the camp. The Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS in Berlin, under the command of Dr. Joachim Mrugowsky, received all the reports of these activities and Dr. Ding took orders from Mrugowsky. In the early days, that is, between 1941 and the summer of 1943, Dr. Ding had many meetings in Berlin with Dr. Karl Genzken concerning his work at Buchenwald in connection with the typhus experiments. Dr. Ding told me that Dr. Genzken had a special interest in these matters and that he sent him reports at various times. Dr. Ding also said that Dr. Karl Genzken was one of his superiors. From my association with Dr. Ding, I understood that the chain of command in the supervision of the typhus experimental station was as follows: Reichsarzt SS Grawitz, Genzken, Mrugowsky, and Ding.
5. I can recollect that Dr. Genzken gave orders to Dr. Ding in January 1943 to enlarge the experimental station. At this time Block 60 was cleaned out and made into a station for the production of the various vaccines to be used in the experiments at Block 46. From this time on the experimental station was known as the “Division for Typhus and Virus Research of the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS”. Then in the summer of 1943, Dr. Genzken turned all his duties over to Dr. Mrugowsky, and from that time on Genzken no longer actively participated in these matters. I can recall meeting Dr. Mrugowsky in the home of Dr. Ding on one of his visits to Buchenwald.
6. Inasmuch as I was constantly associated with Dr. Ding at Buchenwald, we became very friendly. I frequently discussed matters with Ding and visited his experimental station from time to time. As a matter of fact, Dr. Ding had to go to Berlin for discussions with Dr. Mrugowsky and others nearly 3 days out of every two weeks, and on such occasions I was in charge of the typhus institute. However, when Ding went to Berlin the experiments were discontinued until he returned.
7. The experiments in Block 46 in the Buchenwald concentration camp were conducted as follows: One group of victims was first vaccinated with the typhus vaccine and then infected with the typhus virus. In order to contrast the effectiveness of the vaccine, another group of inmates was merely infected with the typhus virus without previous vaccination. Between the autumn of 1942 and the summer of 1943 about 500 inmates of the Buchenwald concentration camp were used in these experiments. During my time about 10 percent of the total number of the inmates used, died as a result. I heard that a larger number of the victims died after my time, that is, about 20 percent.
8. The selection of inmates to be used for the purposes of medical experiments in Block 46 by the Division for Typhus and Virus Research was as follows: Whenever Dr. Ding needed human beings for his work, a request was made to the office of the camp commandant and referred to me for action. Usually a man named Schober, an SS Hauptsturmfuehrer, notified me to select the necessary number of prisoners for these purposes. In accordance with this request I selected various inmates, at random, from the roster of the camp. They were placed on a list over my signature and returned to Schober, who often removed certain names from the list for political reasons. In the event of particular prisoners being removed from the list, I was requested to select substitutes in order to provide Dr. Ding with the desired number of victims. After I returned the completed list to Schober, it was given to Dr. Ding for approval. He made a final check to ascertain, from a medical point of view, the physical condition of the selected inmates and to determine whether or not they met with his requirements.
29 Dec 41:
Conference between Army Sanitation Inspection [Inspector], General Chief Surgeon Professor Dr. Handloser; State Secretary for the Department of Health of the Reich, SS Gruppenfuehrer Dr. Conti; President Professor Reiter of the Health Department of the Reich; President Professor Gildemeister of the Robert Koch Institute (Reich Institute to Combat Contagious Diseases) and SS Standartenfuehrer and Lecturer [Dozent] Dr. Mrugowsky of the Institute of Hygiene, Waffen SS, Berlin.
It has been established that the need exists to test the efficacy of, and resistance of the human body to, the typhus serum extracted from the egg yolks. Since tests on animals are not of sufficient value, tests on human beings must be carried out.
2 Jan 42:
The concentration camp Buchenwald is chosen for testing the typhus vaccines. SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Ding is charged with these tests.
5 Jan 42:
Preliminary test A:
Preliminary test to determine the surest and most practical way of infecting human beings artificially. Five experimental subjects received intramuscular and subcutaneous injections of vitelline membrane diluted 1:25 with an emulsified Rickettsia-Prowazeki strain from the Robert Koch Institute in doses of 1 cc. Infection was not possible.
Dr. Ding
SS Hauptsturmfuehrer
10 Jan 42:
Preliminary test B:
Preliminary test to establish a sure means of infection: Much as in smallpox vaccination, 5 persons were infected with vitelline membrane culture virus (strain Rickettsia-Prowazeki, Robert Koch Institute) through 2 superficial and 2 deeper cuts in the upper arm.
All experimental subjects used for this test fell ill with genuine typhus. Incubation period 2 to 6 days.
20 Jan 42:
Preliminary report of reactions to vaccinations. Through continuous blood pictures a strong surplus of neutrophile myelocytes was discovered.
20 Feb 42:
Case history and charts of the preliminary tests to establish a sure means of infection sent to Berlin.
1 death out of 5 sick.
Dr. Ding
SS Hauptsturmfuehrer
6 Jan 42:
1 Feb 42:
Typhus Vaccine, Research Series I
Vaccination for immunization against typhus using the following vaccines:
1. 31 persons with Weigl vaccine from the intestines of lice from the Institute for Typhus and Virus Research of the Army High Command, Krakow.
2. 35 persons with vaccine from vitelline membrane cultures made by the Cox, Gildemeister, and Haagen process.
3. 35 persons with vaccine “Behring Normal” (1 egg in an emulsion of 450 cc. vaccine. Mixture of 70 percent Rickettsia Mooseri and 30 percent Rickettsia-Prowazeki).
4. 34 persons with “Behring Normal” “Behring Strong” (1 egg emulsified in 250 cc. solvent).
5. 10 persons for control.
3 Mar 42:
All persons vaccinated for immunization between 6 Jan 42 and 1 Feb 42, and the 10 control persons were infected with a virus culture of Rickettsia-Prowazeki in the presence of Professor Gildemeister. SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Ding infected himself in the process (laboratory accident).
17 Mar 42:
Visit of Professor Gildemeister and Professor Rose (Head of the Department for Tropical Medicine in the Robert Koch Institute) to the experimental station. All persons experimented on fell sick with typhus except two who, as was established later, had already had typhus during an epidemic at the police prison in Berlin. SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Ding fell sick with typhus and is in the hospital in Berlin. SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Hoven, station medical officer of the Waffen SS in Weimar, is supervising the stations in the meantime (Blocks 44 and 49).
19 Apr 42:
Final report on the 1st typhus vaccine research series: Stone Block 46 will be made available for the purpose of these typhus experiments.
5 deaths (3 control persons, 1 “Behring Normal”, and 1 “Behring Strong”).
Dr. Ding
SS Hauptsturmfuehrer
19 Aug 42:
4 Sep 42:
Typhus Vaccine, Research Series II
Vaccination for immunization against typhus using the following vaccines:
1. 20 persons with vaccines made by the Durand and Giroud process (Pasteur Institute, Paris) from rabbit lungs.
2. 20 persons with vaccine made by the process of Combiescu, Zotta, and collaborators from dog lungs. (Producer: Cantacuzino, Bucharest.) This vaccine was made available by Professor Rose, who received it from Naval Doctor Professor Ruge from Bucharest.
15 Oct 42:
Artificial infection of all persons vaccinated for immunization between 19 September 1942 and 4 October 1942, and 19 persons for control with vitelline membrane virus (Rickettsia-Prowazeki).
25 Oct 42:
Infection has started with all persons experimented on.
20 Nov 42:
Charts and case history sent to Berlin.
4 deaths of control persons.
Dr. Ding
SS Hauptsturmfuehrer
10 Sep 42:
10 Oct 42:
Unit of SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Ding ordered to the Pasteur Institute in Paris to Professor Giroud.
22 Oct 42:
5 Nov 42:
Typhus Vaccine, Research Series III
Vaccination for immunization against typhus of 20 persons with vaccine made according to the process of Giroud, Paris. (This vaccine was brought from Paris by SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Ding immediately after production.)
30 Nov 42:
Artificial infection with vitelline membrane material from the Robert Koch Institute of the 20 persons vaccinated for immunization and of 6 control persons. This research series was observed for 6 weeks and then abandoned without results, as no sickness broke out in the control group.
Dr. Ding
SS Hauptsturmfuehrer
27 Oct 42:
8 Nov 42:
Typhus Vaccine, Research Series IV
Vaccination for immunization of 20 persons with a vaccine from intestines of lice made by the Weigl process (sent by lecturer Dr. Haas of the typhus institute “Emil v. Behring” in Lvov),
30 Nov 42:
To test the effect of the immunization, the infection is to be carried out with lice suffering from typhus. The lice and their cages must be burnt immediately, as the latter became leaky during transport, and therefore represent a danger of epidemic in Buchenwald camp.
3 Dec 42:
Newly sent lice applied to 15 persons (5 immunized and 10 persons for control). The lice must again be destroyed, as the cages are not tight.
Report made that infection with live typhus lice is not possible because the danger to the camp inmates is too great.
4 Jan 43:
Due to infection by lice on 3 December 1942, five persons show short nontypical illness.
The research series is concluded.
Dr. Ding
SS Hauptsturmfuehrer
15-18 Dec 42:
Unit of SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Ding ordered to the opening of the typhus research institute “Emil v. Behring” in Lvov in the General Government (lecturer Dr. Haas).
28-31 Dec 42:
Vaccination for immunization against diphtheria of the Reserve Battalion of the Leibstandarte SS “Adolf Hitler” (approx. 2,500 men), because of the outbreak of an epidemic.
Inspection of quarters and advice to the medical officer on the fighting of the epidemic.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
1943
1 Dec 42:
20 Dec 42:
Typhus Vaccine, Research Series V
To determine the immunization effect, 20 persons are being actively vaccinated for immunization with “EM” vaccine of the Behring Works—Dr. Demnitz—(vaccine in which vitelline membrane as well as chicken embryos were used).
26 Jan 43:
Artificial infection with vitelline membrane virus OP No. 223 and 226 (Rickettsia-Prowazeki—strain from Robert Koch Institute).
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
9 Jan 43:
By order of the Chief of the Medical Service of the Waffen SS, SS Gruppenfuehrer and Major General of the Waffen SS Dr. Genzken, the typhus research station at the Buchenwald concentration camp becomes the “Division for Typhus and Virus Research.” The head of the division will be SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Ding. During his absence, the station medical officer of the Waffen SS, Weimar, SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Hoven, will supervise the production of vaccines. The Chief of the WVHA, SS Obergruppenfuehrer and Lt. General of the Waffen SS, Pohl, has ordered the extension of the block of stone buildings.
SS Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Ding is at the same time appointed chief departmental head for special missions in office XVI (Hygiene), of office group D (medical affairs of the Waffen SS) of the SS Main Operational Headquarters.
10 Jan 43:
Therapeutic Experiments with Acridine and Methylene Blue
At the suggestion of the I. G. Farbenindustrie A. G. the following were tested as typhus therapeutica:
a. Preparation 3,582 “Acridine” of the chemical pharmaceutical and sero-bacteriological department in Frankfurt-on-Main, Hoechst, Professor Lautenschlaeger and Dr. Weber.
(Therapeutic experiment A)
b. Methylene Blue, tested in an experiment on mice by Professor Kiekuth, Elberfeld.
(Therapeutic experiment M)
26 Jan 43:
Artificial infection with vitelline membrane virus OP Nos. 223 and 226:
20 persons for therapeutic experiment A: Acridine.
20 persons for therapeutic experiment M: Methylene Blue.
7 persons for control.
20 Feb 43:
The control persons from the typhus infections of the 26 January 1943 show no typical typhus symptoms; in the groups, vaccine “EM” of the Behring Works, Acridine, Methylene Blue, about ¼ are also not sick, the remainder have medium typhus.
The research series was designated to the manufacturer as “negative,” since the persons for control could not be infected properly.
One death in therapeutic experiment Acridine.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
10 Jan 43:
Yellow Fever Vaccine Tests
The Behring Works, Marburg-Lahn, the Robert Koch Institute, Berlin, and the Institute for Typhus and Virus Research of the Army High Command in Krakow were commissioned by the Army High Command to manufacture the yellow fever vaccine of Beltier and collaborators. Since a live virus is being handled, a test is to be performed on 5 persons for safety’s sake from each vaccine charge.
At the same time 50 persons are to be vaccinated once with OP No. 25 of the Robert Koch Institute, which has already been tested for its harmlessness, to determine the decrease of working capacity.
The results of the yellow fever vaccine tests are to be sent to office XVI in the SS Main Operational Headquarters, in duplicate, who will forward one to the manufacturer, and one to the Army High Command, attention: Oberstabsarzt Dr. Schmidt, Army Medical Inspectorate.
List of Tested OP Numbers
| Manufacturer | |||
| No. 1. | Behring Works, Marburg. | 1, 2, 4. | 13 Jan-26 Jan 43. |
| 2. | Robert Koch Institute, Berlin. | 28, 30, 37, 38, 39. | 11 Jan-26 Jan 43. |
| 3. | Robert Koch Institute, Berlin. | 46, 47, 48, 49, 50. | 30 Jan-8 Feb 43. |
| 4. | Behring Works, Marburg. | 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23. | 30 Jan-8 Feb 43. |
| 5. | Army High Command, Krakow. | 19, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27. | 9 Feb-22 Feb 43. |
| 6. | Behring Works, Marburg. | 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33. | 11 Feb-22 Feb 43. |
| 7. | Behring Works, Marburg. | 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43. | 25 Feb-7 Mar 43. |
| 8. | Army High Command, Krakow. | 28, 29, 30, 32, 34. | 25 Feb-7 Mar 43. |
| 9. | Robert Koch Institute, Berlin. | 54, 55, 57, 58. | 25 Feb-7 Mar 43. |
| 10. | Behring Works, Marburg. | 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61. | 6 May-17 May 43. |
Production is being abandoned for the time being because of the military situation.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
3 Feb 43:
Sterility Experiment with an Egg Vaccine
A package was sent to us with a small bottle of 20 cc. typhus vaccine from egg-yolk cultures. Op No. 35 of 15 October 1942. A second injection on 8 December 1942, a third injection on 13 December 1942, of a typhus vaccination for immunization was carried out on Sister Lilli Boehm, born on 3 April 1912, by resident surgeon Dr. von Eysmond. Towards evening a temperature of 104° F. (40° C.). Forty-eight hours after the last vaccination, death in coma in the German clinic in Kovno.
Section protocol: Typhus (No. 2033, University of Kovno, pathological institute, Dr. Starkus).
Investigation: Material vaccinated on
| 1. 2 percent Schraegagar } | |
| 2. Bouillon } | |
| 3. 2 percent Glucose Bouillon} | |
| 4. Tarrozzi } | No growth after 48 hours |
| 5. Blood slide } | |
| 6. Klauberg slide } |
During animal experiments, guinea pigs and mice were vaccinated intraperitoneally and under the skin of the back. No pathological symptoms at all.
Results: The vaccine not responsible for the death. Vaccination took place during the incubation period.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer
8 Feb 43:
Visit of Oberstabsarzt Dr. Eyer from the Institute for Typhus and Virus Research of the Army High Command in Krakow and Oberstabsarzt Dr. Schmidt from the Army Medical Inspectorate.
22 Feb 43:
Examination of Unknown Bacteriological Material
During August 1942 Soviet parachutists were dropped in the Marienburg district; they carried in their baggage amphiole material, which was turned over by the RSHA (Dept. IV A/2 Book No. 2152/439 on 25 Feb 1943). They were dysentery bacteriophaga which could be clearly diagnosed by animal and culture experiments; this can be used for therapeutic purposes in cases of diarrhea.
Dr. Ding
SS Sturmbannfuehrer