“I am certainly in agreement with suggestion, and request that the directions for the supervision of the experiments be issued directly by the Reich Physician SS and Police.”
2. SS Gruppenfuehrer Gluecks
“I have received your letter of 7 November 1944 with regard to the procurement of five prisoners for the experiments which are to be carried out with N-substance.
“For this purpose I have had five prisoners in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp who have been condemned to death placed in readiness, on whom these experiments can be carried out.”
3. SS Oberfuehrer Panzinger
“From the point of view of the criminal police the experiments to be carried out there are to be welcomed. Therefore, no misgivings exist against the handing over of prisoners for inoculation.
“If political prisoners should be considered, the Chief of Office IV, SS Gruppenfuehrer Mueller would still have to be consulted, but he will certainly also grant permission.”
I respectfully request the permission so that the experiments can be initiated.
Heil Hitler!
[Signed] Grawitz
[stamp]
Personal Staff of Reich Leader SS
Received: 26 November 1944
No. 1991/44
Contents
| Report. | (2d copy) |
| 2 and 3 Phosgene experiments Ruehl | |
| 4 and 5 T-experiments Letz | |
| 6 Aerosol experiment Letz | |
| 7 Natzweiler (3d copy) | |
| 6. 1st copy | |
| 7. 1st copy |
Top Secret
3 copies—3d copy
To the
Fuehrer’s Plenipotentiary General
for Health and Medical Services,
Surgeon-General Professor Dr. Brandt,
Berlin Ziegelstrasse 5/9
Surgical Clinic at the University
7th Report
On the protective effect of hexamethylentetramine in phosgene poisoning.
Experiments were carried out on 40 prisoners on the prophylactic effect of hexamethylentetramine in cases of phosgene poisoning. Twelve of those were protected orally, twenty intravenously, and eight were used as controls.
The method
The chamber has a capacity of 20 cbm. In experiments I to XIV the chamber was given a coat of paint which had a strong deteriorating effect on phosgene. This decrease in concentration was measured after experiment XI; the curves are shown on chart I [not reproduced].
The greatest decrease measured was taken as basis for the calculations of the average concentration for experiments I to XI. In experiments XII to XV, the initial concentration and its decrease were measured separately in each case. In the tables II and III, co stands for the quantity of phosgene infused into the chamber in mg/cbm, cm for the calculated average concentration, t for the time of reaction. cm was measured as an arithmetic medium from 5 to 7 and calculated on the curve values obtained through interpolation.
B. The experimental subjects were all persons of middle age, almost all in a weak and underfed condition. On principle, the healthier ones were used as controls, only control number 39 (J. Rei) and the orally protected experimental subject No. 37 (A. Rei) had a localized cirrhotic productive tuberculosis of the lungs. With the others, no pulmonary disease could be found. In the first experiments up to 6g hexamethylentetramine were given orally, later despite the much higher concentrations 0.06 g/kg body weight, orally as well as intravenously.
Results
The intravenously protected experimental subjects, without exception, all survived the phosgene poisoning with a c. t. of 247 to 5,400. There were no symptoms of pulmonary oedema after intravenous protection even with a c. t. of 2,970. Only experiment No. 10 with a c. t. of 3,960 suffered pulmonary oedema of the first degree, which was overcome without any therapy and in experiment No. XIV the intravenous protection was penetrated to an extent to cause pulmonary oedema of the 3d degree, which however was overcome by oxygen inhalation. The experimental subject recovered.
All control subjects fell ill. With a c. t. of 768 and 1,180 a first degree pulmonary oedema resulted which was overcome. With a c. t. of 2,275, one control subject died, the second contracted a second degree pulmonary oedema but recovered. A c. t. of 5,400 killed one control subject after 4 hours, the other after 14 hours.
After oral protection, a c. t. of 247 to 768 was suffered without any oedema, even when the protective solution of hexamethylentetramine was drunk only 2-3 minutes before the inhalation of the phosgene. Two control subjects showed a marked oedema with a c. t. of 768. With a c. t. of 1,485 one protected subject fell seriously ill with a second degree oedema, a second subject likewise protected, having breathed the same phosgenic air, was unaffected. The cause of this striking difference must be sought in the different resorption of the hexamethylentetramine on the one hand and in the different reaction and the different volume of respiration of the experimental subjects on the other hand.
Even a c. t. of 2,275 resulted in only a slight pulmonary oedema in an orally protected test subject, whereas one control subject died after 4 hours, and a second contracted a second degree pulmonary oedema. The oral protection was penetrated by a c. t. of 5,400, the protected test subject died, as did the two control subjects.
Experiment XV is characteristic of the test schedule and its results, and will therefore again be specially described. Of four test subjects, the first was protected orally, the second intravenously, the third received an intravenous injection of hexamethylentetramine after the poisoning, in order once more to ascertain the effect of therapeutic treatment, the fourth was not treated at all. The four subjects were placed in the chamber in which a phial containing 2.7 grams of phosgene was smashed. The test subjects remained in this concentration for 25 minutes. The phosgene content was measured three times during the inhalation. The readings showed an average concentration of 91 mg. per cbm. The subject protected intravenously remained healthy, and did not show the least signs of difficulties or symptoms, the orally protected subject contracted a slight pulmonary oedema, subsequently bronchopneumonia and pleurisy, from which he recovered. One control subject also survived his pulmonary oedema; the second died a few hours later, and the autopsy showed the characteristics of very serious pulmonary oedema.
Summary
The conclusions of the experiment are impaired by the varying constitutions and the general poor state of nutrition and of physique of the experimental subjects, as well as by the different behavior and the different volume of respiration of the experimental subjects under gas, which was here demonstrated for the first time. But the experiments gave the following decisive conclusions:
1. A previous intravenous injection of 3 grams of hexamethylentetramine completely prevents serious toxic and fatal phosgene poisoning from a c. t. of 2,275.
2. An endurable quantity of hexamethylentetramine taken prophylactically weakens a fatal poisoning to such an extent that it can be overcome without treatment. c. t.=2,275.
3. Nonfatal but nevertheless oedema-producing poisonings are made positively ineffective by intravenous application, and are weakened by oral application, c. t. 250 to 1,980.
4. The oral application of hexamethylentetramine is no longer effective against phosgene poisoning of a c. t.=5,400, the intravenous injection, however, weakens the effect to such an extent that the protected subject is able to overcome a lung oedema.
5. The dosis letalis minima (minimum lethal dose) based on these experiments cannot yet be determined with certainty. One c. t. of 2,275 resulted in the death of one experimental subject, and the second developed second degree oedema of the lungs which was cured.
6. Some of the protected experimental subjects who did not develop oedema of the lungs remained completely healthy, others suffered from slight bronchitis with a brief fever. In every case they recovered without treatment.
The Reich Leader SS
Personal Staff
The Chief of the Office Ahnenerbe
Berlin-Dahlem, 11 September 42
Puecklerstr. 16
[handwritten] secret
G/W/12
To: SS Brigadefuehrer Gluecks
Berlin-Oranienburg
| Subject: | Military Scientific Research in Connection with the Natzweiler Concentration Camp. |
| Reference: Personal discussion of the 9th inst. | |
Brigadefuehrer,
Based on my report that, as proposed by the Reich Leader SS, there is a good possibility for carrying out our military scientific research work in the Natzweiler concentration camp, I hereby summarize what awaits your approval:
1. Information to the commander’s office, Natzweiler concentration camp: SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Professor Dr. Hirt, Stabsarzt Dr. Wimmer, and Dr. Kieselbach are authorized to enter the Natzweiler concentration camp. During their activity in the Natzweiler concentration camp, they are to be provided with accommodations and board.
2. SS Oberscharfuehrer Walbert, at present supply sergeant in the administration of the Natzweiler concentration camp, is to be detached for service with the Institute for Military Scientific Research, Personal Staff Reich Leader SS, Strasbourg-Natzweiler section. Walbert will have to tend the animals under the supervision of SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Professor Dr. Hirt. It is requested that another man be assigned to the administration of the Natzweiler concentration camp in order to replace SS Oberscharfuehrer Walbert.
3. The transfer of two prisoners from the group which has been trained on the microtome for pathological research in the Buchenwald concentration camp is requested.
4. It is furthermore requested, that a younger physician be assigned to assist the camp medical officer, SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Blanke, in the Natzweiler concentration camp.
5. The experiments which are to be performed on prisoners are to be carried out in four rooms of an already existing medical barrack. Only slight changes in the construction of the building are required, in particular the installation of the hood which can be produced with very little material. In accordance with attached plan of the construction management at Natzweiler, I request that necessary orders be issued to same to carry out the reconstruction.
6. All the expenses arising out of our activity at Natzweiler will be covered by this office. I have already discussed the accounting procedure with the administrative leader, SS Obersturmfuehrer Faschingbauer.
In conclusion I would be very grateful to you, my dear Brigadefuehrer, if you would inform the commander of the Natzweiler concentration camp, that you have approved the execution of the work at Natzweiler, just as it was discussed with me there, and about which I reported to you in detail, and that you desire that we be given assistance in fulfilling the duties with which we have been entrusted by the Reich Leader SS.
Heil Hitler!
[Signed] Sievers
SS Obersturmbannfuehrer
2. To SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Prof. Dr. Hirt
Affidavit 111
I, Dr. Walther Schieber, at present in Nuernberg, Justice Prison, have been duly warned that I am liable to punishment if I make a false statement. I affirm under oath that my deposition corresponds to the truth and was made to be offered in evidence before Military Tribunal No. I at the Palace of Justice, at Nuernberg, Germany. During the summer of 1944, Professor Karl Brandt informed me during discussions concerning the execution of the especially urgently operated Brandt—and defense—program against chemical warfare agents that he was having considerable difficulties in procuring animals which were needed for test purposes concerning the effect of the top chemical warfare agents and for which he had requests from testing office.
At that time the problem was how to convert the production of chemical warfare agents on account of raw material shortage to the production of the top chemical warfare agent Sarin, the effect of which would not yet be finally determined.
To carry out these tests, an action to procure animals was started by me in Spain, instigated by Professor Karl Brandt; because of the biological reaction parallels to human beings, apes resembling men were allegedly needed. An assistant was sent there especially for this purpose. For this, the armament office offered approximately 200,000 Swiss francs, and after my resignation as Chief of the Armament Supply Office in October 1944 from the Speer Ministry I made strenuous efforts, together with Professor Karl Brandt, to have a large number of animals brought by extremely difficult air transportation from Spain to Germany. These were put at Professor Karl Brandt’s disposal for the testing offices.
[Signed] Walther Schieber
I, Dr. Otto Ambros, at present in Nuernberg, Justice Prison, having been duly informed that I shall render myself punishable if I submit a false affidavit, declare under oath that my statement is true and was made for presentation in evidence to Military Tribunal No. I in the Palace of Justice, Nuernberg, Germany.
During the war I was a director of I. G. Farben and had to work on chemical warfare agents and protective agents, and can therefore state the following:
I got into touch with Professor Dr. Karl Brandt during 1944. On that occasion Professor Brandt told me he had to take an interest in chemical warfare agents and countermeasures. At the same time he showed me a letter from Adolf Hitler referring to this subject. Furthermore, he stated that he did not understand very much about chemical warfare, as he was not an analytical chemist. His primary concern in this field was the question of the supply of materials for gas masks, i. e., activated charcoal and the synthetic materials and textiles which are necessary for these.
Professor Brandt visited two poison gas plants at Dyherrnfurth and Gendorf, to become generally acquainted with the nature of poison gas itself.
There was the greatest uneasiness at that time regarding protection against chemical warfare, as it was thought that the Allies would use poison gas. It was said that they had brought poison gas over with them when they landed at Tunis.
It was also said that the Russians had new gas masks which fact pointed to the possibility of the use of a new kind of poison gas.
On the German side, there was definitely a serious shortage of chemical warfare protective equipment, as not even the most urgently needed gas masks were available, nor was it even possible to produce the required number.
Nuernberg, 21 April 1947.
[Signature] Dr. Otto Ambros
I, Dr. Walter Mielenz, born 20 November 1888 in Berlin, residing in Berlin-Friedenau, Ceciliengaerten 45 (business address: Berlin-Lichterfelde W, Kadettenweg 67, Telephone 245218), have been duly advised that I shall render myself liable to punishment if I give a false affidavit. I declare under oath that my statement is true and was made to be submitted in evidence to Military Tribunal No. I, at the Palace of Justice, Nuernberg, Germany.
From 1933 to 1945 I worked at the Reich Air Ministry as an analytical chemist, technical advisor on the question of the protection of the civilian population against gas.
I am familiar with the decree of 1 March 1944 in which special tasks were assigned to Professor Dr. Karl Brandt in connection with chemical warfare. As far as I remember, the decree was worded approximately as follows:
“I have ordered my Commissioner General for the Medical and Health Service (Professor Dr. Brandt) to take a major part in all matters concerning protection against chemical warfare (of the army and the civilian population) and to issue orders to the stations (military and civilian) established for this purpose. In questions of the protection of the civilian population against chemical warfare, he must obtain in advance the approval of the Reich Air Minister and Commander in Chief of the Luftwaffe.”
The decree certainly did not contain any order for research in connection with chemical warfare agents.
The reason for the appointment of Professor Karl Brandt was the assumption that the initiation of chemical warfare by the enemy was shortly to be expected. This assumption was based on the fact that intelligence was accumulating, according to which gas was being prepared in large quantities by the enemy. Thus confidential agents reported that poison gas ammunition was being stored at Tunis and Dakar, and these reports were constantly being confirmed.
The greatest alarm was caused by the examination of captured Russian gas masks, which showed that they afforded protection against far stronger concentrations of poison gas than it had so far been believed possible to achieve at the front. Their protective capacity far surpassed that of the German Army and civilian gas masks. From this fact, it could be concluded that the scientists and technicians of the Red Army had succeeded in developing new and particularly effective methods of attack in chemical warfare for known or new chemical warfare agents.
The German measures for gas defense were totally inadequate in number, too. The civilian population in particular was exposed almost without defense to gas attacks because the issue of civilian and infants’ gas masks in many town and country districts was seriously behind schedule. The relevant figures for civilian gas masks in the different supply areas were between 10 and 70 percent of the population to be equipped, the average figure being about 32 percent, and for infants’ gas masks, about 7 percent. This estimate is based on the total number of civilian and infants’ gas masks manufactured up to that date, in relation to the total number of persons entitled to supply. This estimate did not take into consideration the fact that, without doubt a large part of the equipment which, in some cases had been in the hands of the population for years, was no longer completely fit for use on account of faulty unsuitable storage, or had been rendered useless by air raid damage, evacuation of the owners, and other reasons, or lost completely. The losses in civilian gas masks were estimated at about 15,000,000 (almost 50 percent of the total output up to that date) so that for the completion of the initial equipment (without reserves) the manufacture of 45,000,000 gas masks had to be planned.
In view of these facts, Professor Dr. Karl Brandt was assigned the task of providing with the utmost speed for the improvement of gas defense to avert the danger which threatened.
Through the initiative of Professor Brandt, the gas defense program was finally given the highest priority and had an equal standing with the program for the construction of fighter planes and tanks.
I know that Professor Dr. Brandt was most strongly opposed to the propaganda demand spread by extreme Party circles for the initiation of chemical warfare by Germany.
I regularly had to work with Professor Karl Brandt on gas defense and I know that in view of their importance and urgency, he dispatched all matters himself. The Department of Science and Research and its chief, Professor Rostock, were not concerned with these matters.
The N-agent was not one of the chemical warfare agents. It is an incendiary agent composed of chlorine and fluorine (ClF3); this N-agent has never been mentioned in connection with gas defense.
I know that there existed in the Armament Ministry a special commission for the decontamination of drinking water; this had neither been established by Professor Brandt nor was it under his command. The task of this commission was the production of decontamination equipment but not the development of such equipment, and especially not the development of new processes for the decontamination of water. The repeated suggestions made by Professor Haase in this context were therefore beyond the field of activity of the commission. They were discussed, however, at a meeting in December 1944, at which I was present.
At this meeting the representatives of the army and the air raid protection service stated that for their sphere, i. e., for the gas defense of the troops and the civilian population, there was no need to continue this work. Professor Brandt who was present at the meeting had already agreed in advance with the general opinion that the efforts of Haase did not admit of the expectation of any improvement on the experiences presented for consideration, and that they should therefore be rejected. He therefore asked me to work towards this end.
As far as I know, the commission was never concerned with sea-water experiments. In particular, to my knowledge, the commission had no knowledge of human experiments for the testing of agents designed to render sea-water potable.
I can state with certainty that the undertaking of gas experiments on human subjects was never spoken of by Professor Brandt and myself. Moreover, during discussions with army experts concerned with gas defense and chemical warfare, I never heard that Professor Brandt in any way suggested human experiments or otherwise spoke of such experiments.
Nuernberg, 21 April 1947
[Signature] Dr. Walter Mielenz
[39] Defendant in case of United States vs. Carl Krauch, et al. See Vols. VII and VIII.
The defendants, Karl Brandt, Handloser, Rostock, Schroeder, Genzken, Gebhardt, Blome, Rudolf Brandt, Mrugowsky, Poppendick, Becker-Freyseng, Oberheuser, and Fischer were charged with special responsibility for and participation in criminal conduct involving sulfanilamide experiments (par. 6 (E) of the indictment). During the trial the prosecution withdrew this charge in the cases of Schroeder, Blome, and Becker-Freyseng. On this charge the defendants Karl Brandt, Handloser, Gebhardt, Mrugowsky, Oberheuser, and Fischer were convicted and the defendants Rostock, Genzken, and Poppendick were acquitted. Regarding the defendant Rudolf Brandt, the judgment makes no reference to this charge.
The prosecution’s summation of the evidence on the sulfanilamide experiments is contained in its final brief against the defendant Gebhardt. An extract from that brief is set forth below on pages 355 to 364. A corresponding summation of the evidence by the defense on these experiments has been selected from the closing brief for the defendant Gebhardt. It appears below on pages 364 to 370. This argumentation is followed by selections from the evidence on pages 371 to 391.
A. SULFANILAMIDE EXPERIMENTS
Experiments to test the effectiveness of sulfanilamide on infections were conducted in the Ravensbrueck concentration camp from 20 July 1942 until August 1943. These experiments were performed by the defendants Gebhardt, Fischer, and Oberheuser. (NO-228, Pros. Ex. 206.)
Gebhardt personally requested Himmler’s permission to carry out the sulfanilamide experiments and their execution was his responsibility. (Tr. pp. 4024-5.) He himself carried out the initial operations. (Tr. p. 4032.)
The experimental subjects consisted of 15 male concentration camp inmates, who were used during the preliminary experiments in July 1942, and 60 Polish women who were experimented on in 5 groups of 12 subjects each.
The purpose of the experiments was stated in a preliminary report by Gebhardt dated 29 August 1942, in which he stated:
“By order of the Reich Leader SS, I started on 20 July 1942 at Ravensbrueck concentration camp for women on a series of clinical experiments with the aim of analyzing the sickness known as gas gangrene, which does not take a uniform course, and to test the efficacy of the known therapeutic medicaments.
“In addition, the simple infections of injuries which occur as symptoms in war surgery had also to be tested; and a new chemo-therapeutic treatment, apart from the known surgical measures, had to be tried out.” (NO-2734, Pros. Ex. 473.)
The sulfanilamide experiments, as substantially all of the experiments with which the case is concerned, were directly related to the German war effort. Allied propaganda about the “miracle drug” sulfanilamide was having considerable effect on the confidence of the German soldiers in their medical officers. Heavy casualties had been sustained from gas gangrene on the Russian front in the winter of 1941-42. The theoretical question to be answered by these experiments was whether the wounded should be treated surgically in the front line hospitals or should be treated by field medical officers with sulfanilamide and then sent down the long lines of communication to a base hospital for further treatment. (Tr. pp. 4010-14.)
The same report cited above states that the defendant Fischer was appointed by Gebhardt as his assistant; Dr. Blumenreuter, a subordinate of the defendant Genzken, made available the surgical instruments and medicines; the defendant Mrugowsky put his laboratory and co-workers at the disposal of Gebhardt; and Dr. Lolling, chief medical officer of all concentration camps, assigned Dr. Schiedlausky and the defendant Oberheuser as co-workers.
This preliminary report concerns itself with the early experiments on 15 male subjects to determine a mode of infection with gangrene. Gebhardt was assisted by the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS, which made available the bacteria and gave advice on the method of bringing about gangrene infection artificially. The experimental technique was described in the report as follows:
“The point was to implant the lymph cultures on the damaged muscle tissue, to isolate the latter from atmospheric and humoral oxygen supply, and to subject it to internal tissue pressure. The inoculation procedure was as follows: a longitudinal cut of 10 centimetres over the musculus peroneus longus; after incision into the fascia the muscle was tied up with forceps in an area the size of a five-Mark piece; an anaemic peripheral zone was created by injection of 3 cc. adrenalin and in the area of the damaged muscle the inoculation material (a gauze strip saturated with bacteria) was imbedded under the fascia, subcutaneous adipose tissue and skin sutured in layers.” (NO-2734, Pros. Ex. 473.)
In the first series of experiments the subjects were infected with staphylococci, streptococci, para oedema malignum, bacteria Fraenkel, and earth. The resulting infections were not considered serious enough, and a conference was held with the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS and the bacteria used in bringing about the infections were changed. Six additional male subjects were then infected, but again the results were not considered serious enough. After further consultation with the collaborators in the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS, the infectious material was changed by adding wood shavings. During the course of these experiments the subjects were treated with various types of sulfanilamides, including catoxyn and marfanil-prontalbin, the latter being strongly recommended by the Army Medical Inspectorate. Efforts continued to make the gangrene infection more serious, and the report concluded with the following paragraph:
“We are now investigating the problem as to why the gangrene in the present cases did not fully develop. Therefore, the injuring of the tissue and the exclusion of a muscle from the circulation of the blood were undertaken during a separate operating session, and the large-scale necrosis resulting therefrom, was to be inoculated with bacteria strain which had already had one human passage. For it is only when the really definite clinical picture of the gangrene has appeared that conclusions may be drawn on therapy with chemo-therapeutics in connection with surgical operations.” [Emphasis supplied.] (NO-2734, Pros. Ex. 473.)
This report was certified as a correct copy by the defendant Poppendick.
In his zealousness to protect his fellow defendants, Gebhardt testified that neither the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen SS nor the defendant Mrugowsky played any part in these experiments, and that the infectious material was sent to him by Grawitz. (Tr. p. 4179.) This is clearly contradicted by his own report cited above.
Following the conclusion of the preliminary experiments on the male prisoners, experiments were continued on female Polish inmates. The affidavit of the defendant Fischer states that three series of operations were performed, each involving 10 persons, one using the bacterial culture and fragments of wood, the second using bacterial culture and fragments of glass, and the third using culture plus glass and wood. (NO-228, Pros. Ex. 206.) These experiments were undertaken during the month of August 1942. While Fischer speaks of experimental groups of 10 persons each, the defendant Gebhardt testified that the groups were composed of 12 experimental subjects. (Tr. p. 4056.) On 3 September 1942, after 36 women had been experimented on, Reich Physician SS Grawitz visited Ravensbrueck and inspected the experimental subjects. He asked Gebhardt how many deaths had occurred, and when it was reported that there had been none, he stated that the experiments did not conform to battlefield conditions. (NO-228, Pros. Ex. 206; Tr. p. 4057.) In order to make the gangrene infections still more severe, a new series of experiments involving 24 Polish female inmates was carried out. In this series the circulation of blood through the muscles was interrupted in the area of infection by tying off the muscles on either end. This series of experiments resulted in very serious infections and a number of deaths occurred. (NO-228, Pros. Ex. 206.)
Gebhardt, Fischer, and Oberheuser all admit that three of the experimental subjects died as a result of the experiments. (NO-228, Pros. Ex. 206; Tr. pp. 4059, 5492.) Other evidence, however, proves that five died as a direct result of the experiments and six were executed by shooting at a later date. (Tr. pp. 1438, 1449, 797, 845, 863.)
Four of the Polish women who were subjected to these experiments testified before the Tribunal. Most of the women who were used as subjects had been active in a resistance movement. (Tr. pp. 787, 816, 840, 857.) Only healthy inmates were used. (Tr. pp. 786, 815, 836, 856, 860-1.) None of them volunteered for the experiments. (Tr. pp. 789, 819, 842, 844-5, 861.) On the contrary, they protested against the experiments both orally and in writing. (Tr. pp. 789, 794, 823-5.) They stated that they would have preferred death to continued experiments, since they were convinced that they were to die in any event. (Tr. pp. 795, 824, 863.) They testified that 74 Polish women, 1 German, and 1 Ukrainian woman were experimented upon. (Tr. pp. 1438, 796, 818, 862.) Since Gebhardt placed the total number of Polish female experimental subjects in the sulfanilamide experiments at 60, the additional 16 women mentioned by the witnesses may well have been subjects in the bone, muscle, and nerve regeneration experiments. (Tr. p. 1462.)
The witness Kusmierczuk was one of the subjects in the sulfanilamide experiments. She is a Polish national and arrived in the Ravensbrueck concentration camp in the fall of 1941. (Tr. p. 857.) She was operated on in October 1942 and a severe infection developed in her case. (Tr. p. 858.) She remained in the hospital from October 1942 until April 1943, but her wound was still not healed at the time she was discharged from the hospital. Her condition deteriorated and she was readmitted to the hospital on 1 September 1943. (Tr. p. 860.) She left the hospital the second time in February 1944, but her wound did not finally heal until June 1944. (Tr. p. 861.) She identified the defendants Gebhardt, Fischer, and Oberheuser as having participated in the experiment upon her. (Tr. p. 860.) Kusmierczuk suffered permanent injuries as a result of this experiment, and her condition was described by the expert witness Dr. Leo Alexander. (Tr. pp. 864-9.) The post-operational care of this woman was not handled by Gebhardt and Fischer, but by the camp doctors. On the occasion of her second admission to the hospital in September 1943, Kusmierczuk was operated on by Dr. Treite in an effort to cure the deep-seated infection. (Tr. p. 861.) [See photographs, pp. 898 to 908.]
The expert witness Maczka, who worked as an X-ray technician in the Ravensbrueck concentration camp during the course of the experiments, testified concerning deaths of the five Polish experimental subjects resulting from the sulfanilamide experiments. Weronica Kraska developed typical tetanus symptoms a few days after the experimental operation was performed on her. After a brief illness she died under cramps caused by tetanus. (Tr. p. 1438.) Kazimiera Kurowska was artificially infected with gangrene bacillus. She was a healthy Polish girl of 23 years. From day to day her leg became blacker and more swollen. She was given care for only the first few days. After that she was taken to Room 4 in the hospital where she lay for days in unbelievable pain and finally died. Maczka was able to observe this case personally and in her opinion immediate amputation would have saved her life. (Tr. pp. 1439-40.) It is quite clear that if a German soldier’s life had been endangered by gangrene infection, an amputation would have been undertaken immediately. In this experiment, where the very effort was to develop a serious gangrene infection and to test the effects of sulfanilamide preparations, it is equally clear why the leg of Kurowska was not amputated. Aniela Lefanowicz was infected with oedema malignum. Her leg kept swelling more and more, the blood vessels eroded, and she died from bleeding. Maczka testified that the blood vessels should have been tied off and an amputation carried out in order to save her life. She was completely neglected after the first 2 or 3 days. (Tr. pp. 1440-1.) Zofia Kiecol died under similar circumstances. (Tr. p. 1441.)
Alfreda Prus was infected with oedema malignum the same day as the witnesses Kusmierczuk, Kiecol, and Lefanowicz. She was a beautiful, young 21-year-old girl, and a university student. She proved to be stronger than Kiecol and Lefanowicz and for that reason she lived a few days longer. She suffered terrible pain and finally died of hemorrhage. (Tr. pp. 1142-3.) Kusmierczuk was the only subject to survive that series of experiments. (Tr. p. 1443.)
It is hardly necessary to point out that all of the experimental subjects suffered severe pain and torture. (Tr. pp. 790-1, 802, 820, 842, 859; NO-876, Pros. Ex. 225; NO-871, Pros. Ex. 227; NO-877, Pros. Ex. 228.) The Tribunal was able to observe for itself the mutilations to which the Polish witnesses were subjected, and pictures of their scars were introduced to form a permanent part of the record. (NO-1079a, b, and c, Pros. Ex. 209; NO-1081a, and b, Pros. Ex. 211; NO-1082a, b, and c, Pros. Ex. 214; NO-1080a-g, Pros. Ex. 219.)
The post-operational care of the experimental subjects was entirely inadequate. (NO-873, Pros. Ex. 226.) Many of the subjects were given neither medicine nor morphine by order of defendant Oberheuser. (NO-877, Pros. Ex. 228.) They were given bandages from time to time when the doctors felt like it. Sometimes they waited 3 days, sometimes 4 days. There was a terrible odor of pus in the rooms. The girls were forced to help each other. (Tr. p. 1444.) Post-operational care, such as it was, was administered by the camp doctors. The witness Broel-Plater testified that:
“My leg pained me; I felt severe pain, and blood flowed from my leg. At night we were all alone without any care. I heard only the screaming of my fellow prisoners, and I heard also that they asked for water. There was nobody to give us any water or bed pans.” (Tr. p. 790.)
The witness Karolewska testified that: