To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia of the Filipinas Islands, resident in the city of Manila:1 Don Pedro Enriquez, an auditor of that same Audiencia, made a report, with sworn statements of his proceedings; of what he had done under the commission which was conferred on him by the government there for the pacification of the villages of Taguig, Hagonoy, Parañaque, Bacoor, Cavite el Viejo, and other places attached to them which lie near that capital, all which had revolted. [He reported that] they were pacified by merely the proclamation of a general pardon (except to the chief instigators of the revolt) which he published, and by the promise that their complaints should be heard and justice done to them; but the village of San Mateo also revolted, and he proceeded to its punishment and left it in ruins, because the people had not surrendered their arms; it was, however, already [re]peopled, with inhabitants who were more numerous and of more peaceable disposition. A similar insurrection or revolt occurred in most of the villages of the province of Bulacan, and these, like the former, by an agreement which they had formed by a public writing with the village of Silang protested, as they afterward made evident in their petitions, against the injuries which the Indians received from the managers of the estates which are owned by the religious of St. Dominic and those of St. Augustine, both calced and discalced—usurping the lands of the Indians, without leaving them the freedom of the rivers for their fishing, or allowing them to cut wood for their necessary use, or even to collect the wild fruits; nor did they allow the natives to pasture on the hills near their villages the carabaos which they used for agriculture.2 Accordingly [the said auditor] determined to free them from these oppressions,3 and decided that they should not pay various unjust taxes which the managers exacted from them. Having proved to be capable in the other task assigned him, he received a commission as subdelegate judge of the adjustment of land-titles, in consequence of which he demanded from the aforesaid religious orders the titles of ownership for the lands which they possessed; and, notwithstanding the resistance that they made to him, repeatedly refusing [to obey], he distributed to the villages the lands which the orders had usurped, and all which they held without legitimate cause4 he declared to be crown lands [realengas]—as occurred with the convent of San Pablo, belonging to the calced religious of St. Augustine, assigning to it [i.e., the crown] a farm for horned cattle and two caballerías of land which were supposed to belong to it, according to the testimony of the village of San Mateo. He also took other measures which seemed to him proper for the investigation of the fraudulent proceedings in the measurement of the lands in the estate of Biñan, which is owned by the religious of St. Dominic—fraud which was committed in the year 1743 by the court clerk of that Audiencia [of Manila] with notable fraud and trickery, in which participated the two surveyors (appointed through ignorance or evil intent), to the grave injury of the village of Silang. This had caused the disturbances, revolts, and losses which had been experienced in the above-mentioned villages. The aforesaid proceedings [by the auditor] were considered and examined with the closest attention in my Council of the Indias, with the decrees that were also sent by the Audiencia there in the course of the proceedings in a second appeal interposed by the village of Silang—decrees obtained in that suit by the natives of that village against the college of Santo Tomas de Aquino, in regard to lands usurped [from them] and annexed to the estate of Biñan, which the religious own. On the subject of the disturbance among the aforesaid Indians, Governor Don Gaspar de la Torre, his successor the bishop of Nueva Segovia, and the provincials of the aforesaid religious orders set forth the allegations made in the name of the orders by father Fray Miguel Vivas as their procurator-general at this court, and by Father Pedro Altamirano, who acts in that capacity for the Society of Jesus for its provinces of the Indias (on the point that the province of San Ignacio in those islands had no share in the commotions in those villages, as was shown by various testimonies), and the explanations made by my fiscal, who was cognizant of the whole matter. It has therefore appeared expedient to me to advise you of the receipt of your letters of July 30, 1745, and July 17, 1746, and of the acts which accompany them; and to notify you that by a despatch of this date I approve, and regard as just and proper, all that was performed by the aforesaid Don Pedro Calderon Enriquez in virtue of the commission and appointment which was conferred upon him by Governor Don Gaspar de la Torre by the advice of the Audiencia there, in order that he might proceed to the pacification of the insurgent villages in the jurisdictions of Silang, Imus and San Nicolas, Cavite el Viejo, and the other districts which united on account of the controversy over the ownership of the lands which the religious—Dominicans, and both calced and discalced Augustinians—are endeavoring to keep. I also give him thanks for the judicious conduct and measures which he employed for the aforesaid pacification; and I likewise approve what he accomplished as subdelegate judge of the settlement of land-titles, in regard to the survey and boundaries of the estates which, in accordance with their legitimate titles, belong to each of those orders, in view of the more accurate and reliable information [obtained] from the interpretations of the four surveyors whom he appointed—the latter bearing in mind, to this end, the measures put into execution by the auditor Ozaeta in the year 1699, in accordance with the chart printed by the pilot Bueno, in his book entitled Navegación especulativa y practica5 [i.e., “Navigation, theoretical and practical”] (which chart serves in those islands as the standard for the surveys)—assigning to the aforesaid religious that which belongs to them by their [legal] titles, which is the same that was ordained in the executory decree despatched by the Audiencia there. I also approve what he did in adjudging to my royal crown the lands which the aforesaid religious orders had usurped, and in allotting lands to the Indians for the sum of two thousand pesos, at times and terms stipulated with them.

From the aforesaid investigations charges resulted against Don Juan Monroy, court clerk of that Audiencia, who was engaged in the survey and adjustment of boundaries made in those same lands of Biñan in the year 1743—in which, by the declaration of the two surveyors who took part in it, is evident their ignorance of such work, and of the rules and measures [to be used]. Although [sc., after?] the lands had been measured and a chart of the estates had been drawn, the computations were made by the said Monroy, and the surveyors signed it, supposing that it was correct; but it was acknowledged that in that same year, later, another survey and adjustment of boundaries was made by the aforesaid court clerk and one of the said surveyors on some lands over which there were lawsuits—some, in particular, with the religious of St. Augustine—in which survey there was assigned to each cattle-farm 3,024,574 square brazas of land, this being different from the previous survey, which was computed at 8,695,652 brazas. In this was proved the fraud with which the said Monroy acted, in giving to the said religious more than half of the land which belonged to Silang. Accordingly, it has appeared to me proper to condemn him to two years’ suspension from his office, and to lay upon him a fine of two thousand pesos, applied to the fund of fines paid into the royal treasury; and for this exaction there is issued, on this same date, the proper despatch to the Marqués de Regalía, a minister of the said my Council and tribunal of the Indias, and exclusive judge of rents, settlement of land-titles, and collection of fines and condemnations. By another despatch of the same date, the government of those islands is commanded to exercise hereafter the utmost vigilance in order that the Indians of the said villages may not be molested by the religious, and that the latter shall be kept in check in the unjust acts which they may in future attempt against not only those Indians but other natives of those islands. In this, the government must always bear in mind the reiterated commands given in the laws [of the empire], and the frequent royal decrees that have been issued, to the end that the Indians shall be well treated and shall not suffer oppression or extortion; and shall direct that my fiscal there shall appear as their representative and in their defense on every occasion which shall present itself in this regard. Considering how important it is that the Indians shall know of the recourse which they can have when they are oppressed or ill-treated, and in their controversies, it would be very expedient that the government give them information of this, so that they may not be ignorant thereof, and that they may use these [peaceable] means without going to the extreme, as they did on this occasion, by employing armed force. For this time, my royal charity and clemency overlooks their proceedings, considering their heedless disposition; but when they shall have been advised of what they ought to do in such cases, and in others of a different nature, if they fail to use those means they shall be chastised with the utmost severity. I have resolved to notify you of this, in order that you may be acquainted with this my royal decision, and in order that, so far as you are concerned, you may make known my decree; and I command the most prompt and effective measures, to the end that it may be fully and duly carried into effect; for such is my will. Dated at San Lorenzo, on November 7, 1751.

I the King

By command of the king our sovereign:

Doctor Josef Ignacio de Goyenechea

[Farther down on this decree were three rubricas of the lords of the royal and supreme Council of the Indias.]

In the regular official session of the Audiencia of Manila, in September, 1753. The honorable president and auditors of the Audiencia, being in session in the royal halls of the said court, having officially considered a royal decree dated at San Lorenzo on November 7, 1751, by which his Majesty (whom may God preserve) was pleased to approve what was done by the auditor Don Pedro Calderon Enriquez in the pacification of the villages which had revolted, and to command him to execute what is expressed therein, with the other provisions of the said royal despatch and the claims of the fiscal, the said president and auditors declare: That they must command and did command that the orders given by his Majesty in his royal despatch be observed, fulfilled, and executed; and, in order that it may have due effect, the contents of the said royal decree shall be communicated to the reverend provincials of the holy orders of St. Dominic, St. Augustine, the Recollects, the Society of Jesus, and to the prior of the convent of St. John of God, in these islands. Attested copies of it shall be made, and sent to the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces of these islands, in order that, translating the decree into the language of the country, they may print it6 and make known its contents to the natives of the said provinces, so that the Indians may be informed of what is provided and ordered by his Majesty in the said royal decree—the alcaldes sending to the [proper] official of the court a sworn statement that they have thus executed the decree; and likewise notifying the clerk of court, in order that, in virtue thereof, he may fulfil what is herein ordered and forbear in the exercise of his office, and may appoint a notary approved to his satisfaction so that he may be responsible for the deposit of those papers and the record of these proceedings. Such were the orders and commands of the said honorable members, and they signed their names.7

Obando
Licentiate Arzadun
Calderon Enriquez

Before me:

Manuel de Antiquia, notary and secretary.

[This is a copy.]

On the ninth day of the above month, about five o’clock in the afternoon, twenty-five Moro joangas came into this port of Palompong, with another small vessel, and entered the harbor with so little fear of being attacked by any armada that during the entire siege they left their vessels [sacayanes], high and dry, as if they were in their own land and enjoying an Octavian peace. At their arrival their vessels displayed a great number of banners, streamers and pennons, all of red silk; but they did not land until the following day, at seven o’clock in the morning. So many of them landed that they numbered more than a thousand, and so boldly that they immediately surrounded and encompassed the church; and at the first attack they succeeded in burning the sacristy (over which was the dwelling of the father minister), notwithstanding it was defended with two bulwarks, and fortified by two rows of palma brava and two other rows of wooden palisades with a rampart. In this conflagration were destroyed all the furniture of the church and the house there, as also the goods of the people who had gone into the church; and the fire was so fierce that it gave no opportunity to save two lantacas, two versos, and the supplies that were stored there—gunpowder and balls, and rice for the food of the people. These took refuge in the church in great confusion and fear, at seeing themselves surrounded by so many enemies, and trying to prevent the fire—which, notwithstanding that the church was unroofed, had already caught on the ridgepole and other timbers—from going further.

At the time when they burned the sacristy, the Moros made five trenches very near the church, and immediately began to fire their artillery; this consisted in lantacas of various sizes, and other pieces up to the caliber of three-libra balls, as far as we could judge by the balls which were picked up. Besides this, there were among them many musketeers that were very skilful, and the rest occupied themselves in hurling sumbilins and stones; and others threw a sort of wooden bar, sharp at one end, and with fire on the other; this caused much annoyance to the people, who, on account of the danger of fire, were manifestly without any protection by day or by night.

On this first day there were three killed and five wounded on our side, and all by balls, for there was no special harm done by the rest of their missiles. Since the Moros were so numerous that they could renew their forces, they fought so continuously that they gave us no opportunity to rest night or day, so that some of our dead could not be buried until after several days. At last the women, besides providing some little food for the men, were continually occupied in drawing water to extinguish the fire, and even putting it out themselves, and in making wadding, cartouches, etc.

On the second day, which was Tuesday, we had two killed and five wounded; for the balls rained on us, so that in some planks which were placed on the parapet I counted as many as ten holes in each one. Besides the continual fire from their trenches, the Moros made two covers resembling tortoises, with two rows of planks, and under these they steadily approached the two gates which communicate with the sacristy. From the mouths of these they continually hurled fire, pieces of wood, etc., in order to burn the repairs which were made by those within, so that they could burn down the doors, in order to fire afterward a cannon from under the said tortoises, and carry away with it the entire church; but those inside frustrated the intention of the enemy by continually throwing water and dirt [on the fire].

The Moros also made a bulwark, or cavalier, which overtopped the walls of the church, and through Wednesday night and Thursday morning they were pushing this close up to the church; but those inside, who by this time had recovered from their fear and consternation, in the midst of their total lack [of defenses], contrived to make a shelter of planks on top of the church, from which to fire a lantaca. When this was seen by the Moros, they desisted from pushing their machine close to the church, but they began another piece of work which was worse; for, as the side of the church was undefended after the burning of the two bulwarks, and no one could put his head out of the window on account of the furious rain of balls and bullets, the Moros stationed themselves at the foot of the wall and began to place against it a great quantity of wood, and whatever [fuel] the houses of the Indians supplied them, and set fire to this at a time when a very brisk wind was blowing; this carried the flames even within the church, and, notwithstanding they incessantly threw water on the fire, many timbers were burned, and the stone sills of the church were reduced to lime and ashes.

About this time they tried to scale the church on both sides, and a Moro ascended up to a window; but he was thrown down by a blow in the face which was given him, and his companions who were beneath were put to flight by throwing at them pieces of stone. At this the Moros were somewhat checked; and, seeing that on the side where they had made their greatest efforts to possess themselves of the church, repairs in proportion had been made within, they erected on the other side of the church two more bulwarks or cavaliers, which were higher than the first one. As fast as this was done, those within topped their walls with a parapet of molave planks; when they saw this the courage of the Moros fell somewhat, and the Christians were so much encouraged that on the following day (the fifteenth of the month and the fifth of the blockade) they made a sally, scorning the firearms of the enemies, especially the guns, of which those within were entirely destitute.

In this sally the captain of the village killed a Moro with a lance-thrust, and the rest took to flight. A drum and three shields were captured from them, but the Christians did not dare to go very far for fear of some ambush. On retreating, and trying to enter by a very narrow gate, the Moros charged upon them with a shower of sumbilins, and a shot from a lantaca at a distance of four brazas, when the unconquerable St. Xavier so well defended his children that not even one of them was wounded. On another day those within again made a sally, and the Moros did not dare to face them; consequently the Christians were able to destroy their machines. They again made a sally on Monday, but not only did the Moros refuse to fight, but even in haste dragged out their boats, which were still on dry land; and vigorously rowing, with some of their boats flying a black flag, they quietly left the harbor, directing their course toward Carigara.

As for the Moros, it is known with certainty that those slain in this siege are forty-six who were shot, and three killed with sumbilins; and one from a lance-thrust. The number wounded is not known, nor is that of those who were killed at night, but certainly it would be a great number, because their fiercest attacks were always made at night; and as there were so many of them, and on our side a continual fire of lantacas with almost marvelous success in their shots, we do not doubt that a much greater number would be killed by night than by day. It is certain that after the Moros had gone all these shores were full of corpses; and it is known by captives who made their escape that the Moros, after they had gone away, proceeded to throw many of the wounded into the waters of the bay. It is also known through the captives that the Moros, astonished at such destruction, asked not only each other but the captives how it could be that in Hilongos, which is a large village, they had lost so few men, and in Palompong, so small a village, they had lost so many. Besides those who were killed and wounded by the gunshots, it is known that many were wounded by certain poisoned darts which they call borot,1 and doubtless many were rendered useless by their wounds.

Throughout this siege has been manifestly visible the power and protection of St. Francis Xavier, the patron of the village; it is not the least argument for this with me that this people in the absence of the father minister—who everywhere is usually the soul of the community, and whose presence is more necessary here on account of the disunited condition of the natives, who, as forming a new village, are of various factions, with continual jealousies—nevertheless could be encouraged to enter the church, when it is a fact that, left to themselves, they have a sort of aversion and horror of being shut in. Another evidence is, that in the burning of the sacristy God in His lofty judgments permitted that the fire, although so fierce, was not communicated to the church; nor did it cause in those people the horror which usually impels them irresistibly to flee even from less dangerous fires. The third, that inside the church water was obtained with such facility that throughout the blockade it was not lacking, although they were continually drawing it in order to put out the fire; while in the deepest old wells, on an occasion when they were making repairs, I have noticed that the water failed many times. And for stronger evidence that it did not fail in the time of the siege (although it was a time of drought), after the siege, although it rained heavily, I did not see any water in the five wells which they made inside the church. Fourth, that although in the fire there were hardly saved, in the judgment of all, some twenty cavans of rice, that scanty provision was sufficient for one hundred and thirty-five men, and some two hundred women and children, during the nine days of the siege. Fifth, that although in the said fire hardly four gantas, or zelemins, of gunpowder were saved, and the fire of the lantacas was continual by day and night, that supply was enough for the same number of days; for several persons have assured me that on three successive days there was not in their opinion more powder than enough for one day, and on the next day the amount that had been used was not missed. The sixth, that the Bisayans, who when left to themselves are so given to sleep, did not sleep an instant throughout the time of the siege. Seventh, that although they saw the wounded and dead beside them it made no greater impression on them than if it were a representation in a comedy. Eighth, when many of those who talked most valiantly had decided, in view of the lack of provisions and gunpowder, to leave the place and flee to the woods, on three successive nights, when they tried after prayers to open a door, they could never succeed in opening it before daylight. In this determination to go away many of the women were ready to die rather than surrender themselves to such a rabble, and on this account they had been armed in order that, by defending themselves, they might more easily meet death; and there was a man who had determined to kill his wife and children rather than see them in the power of enemies so cruel to soul and body. Notwithstanding all this, they never failed in the strong hope that their illustrious patron, St. Francis Xavier, would not abandon them. He was continually invoked, and his image was carried in procession by those who were not occupied with the defense; and this confidence increased on Friday (a day which so belonged to that saint), because on that day the face of St. Xavier’s image was seen to be very smiling and joyous, a certain omen of victory. Greater than ever was their confidence in the saint’s protection on Sunday, when, although their provisions were so short and the enemy was seen in every direction, all believed that on the next day before noon they would find themselves free from the siege, for the very reason that it seemed impossible for them to maintain their position any longer. They asked this from their glorious patron with a promise of a novenary; and the saint made full response to their confidence, delivering his children from the siege on Monday morning.

With the departure of the Moros, the people were left in great anxiety whether they would come back, as they were wont to do; for there was absolutely nothing to eat, and no place in which to find food, because the Moros had gone about ravaging and destroying all the grain-fields that they found. The people therefore are entirely destitute, suffering terribly from hunger, and without having any means with which to find food. For neither cotton, nor abaca, nor woven cloth were left for the women; and the men, besides seeing their grain-fields and boats destroyed, had no implements with which to cultivate the earth, or to fish in the sea.

Of those who fled to the hills there were seventeen captured and nine slain, and there was one Moro killed. The Moros were on the march and went as far as the vicinity of Ogmuc, following the Christians who were retreating. Finally, it is known by the captives who escaped that the chief dato went away from here wounded in the face with a ball, and their chief pandita was dying from a wound in his bowels.

Particular relation should be made of this valorous defense for being distinguished and aided, as is evident from its occurrences, by the powerful arm of the Highest; and therefore the glorious defenses of other villages which, with warning to the Moros, are celebrating the triumph of their bravery, I will reduce to a brief summary, which will thus make the memory of these eternal, without wearying the public with a diffuse account of their circumstances.

In the month of February of this year, the Moros, elated at the destruction of some little villages on that coast of the island [of Leyte] opposite Carigara, attacked the important village of Hilongos. There were some two thousand of them, and they besieged the place for eleven days; but the natives of the village, encouraged by the presence and advice of their father minister, who was with them, made various sallies to hinder the formation of the enemy’s trenches; and they repulsed his assaults with the death of many Mahometans, without losing even one of our men in so frequent encounters.

In the month of May of the same year, four joangas made port at the island of Marinduque, with more than two thousand Moros, and for a week they besieged the little fort of the village of Gazang, which was defended by its natives from repeated assaults, under the judicious management of their courageous father minister; and the Mahometans, not carrying out their depraved intentions, smothered their fury, ravaging and sacking whatever they found outside the precincts of the said fort. During the continual fighting of those days, the Moros had more than ninety killed, and many more were wounded; while on our side there was no more than one killed, and another one wounded.

The Moros who went away unsuccessful from Marinduque sent eight joangas to the island of Luban, where they landed thinking that they would find very little resistance; but the father cura and the alcalde-mayor, with a few people who hastily gathered about them, defended themselves from behind a palisade which they had formed, with so notable intrepidity that with only the firearms of the alcalde-mayor they killed seven Moros; and, sallying from the trenches, they fell upon the enemies until they compelled them to a shameful flight.

A squadron of more than twenty joangas of the Mahometans almost at the same time attacked the village of Antiqui in the island of Panay; but they experienced a vigorous resistance from its inhabitants, which originated from the fiery spirit and persuasions of their father prior. The same thing happened to another squadron of the same or greater number in the island of Cuyo, the natives of which, with their father prior, not only defended themselves in their fort, but in a glorious sortie on the Moros—who were terrified, as was proved by the weapons and armor which the Indians secured as spoil.

Twice was the village of Ylog, the chief town on the island of Negros, attacked by thirty joangas of Moros, but on both occasions their designs were frustrated, with notable loss to their hosts; this was attained through the noble intrepidity of the natives, urged on by the fiery courage and direction of their father minister; and the Moros, seeing themselves attacked by the besieged, left several of their companions lying on the ground in the haste and confusion with which they embarked in their joangas, the moorings of which they cut in order to hasten their flight.

On the twenty-fifth of July, the day of the illustrious patron of the Spains, St. James the apostle, fifty boat-loads of Moros arrived at the important village of Catbalogan, and, divided into two bands, attacked the village on both sides. One of these parties gained possession of a high hill from which their lantacas dominated the fort, in which was enclosed the house and church of the [Jesuit] college; the other party attacked on the side of the village, and for a week the rest of the Moros hurled on it continual attacks; but all these were repelled with singular courage. The Moros therefore, many of them having perished with their dato, the chief in command of the squadron, withdrew the rest of their forces, making the boast that they would return with a stronger force to avenge their injuries.

The Moros then proceeded to the village of Calviga, which is situated on the same coast up the river, about half a legua from the shore, where some three hundred of them landed. These, on leaving their vessels, marched toward the village, regarding themselves as certain of taking it; but the natives, by the instruction of their father minister, waited for the enemy until they came within range of a cannon-shot. Thus they secured the effective fire of their lantacas, with which they killed fifteen Moros; and this alone was enough to make the enemy turn in precipitate flight. From here they went to the village of Boad, which was on an island near by called Palasan; and although they besieged it for three days, with redoubled efforts in their assaults, when they saw the vigorous resistance that was made by the natives and their father minister they retreated, balked in their intentions.

About the month of September, in the province of Albay the Moros found their arrogance defeated by the union which was formed among the natives in three villages, under the conduct of an ardent Franciscan; and by main force the natives compelled the enemy to go away from the province, rebuffed. Last of all, the two villages Ynitao and Lubungan, on the northern coast of the island Mindanao, especially experienced the fierce attacks of the Mahometans on four occasions, when they sustained continuous assaults, repulsing them with vigorous sallies, and inflicting heavy punishment, with evident losses, on the Moros.2

By this brief narration it is clearly proved that, although these favorable results have not preserved the villages from the ravaging of their fields and other injuries, at least their inhabitants were delivered from slavery;3 while, on the contrary, those who through cowardice did not make valorous resistance to the Mahometan enemy have not only lost their goods, but they groan in captivity, unless they have been delivered by the victorious arms of his Majesty. And thus the natives of this archipelago, arousing their own courage by the fortunate successes of their countrymen, can take example therefrom in order to avoid misfortunes in the future.4