[1114] Sabin, ix., no. 37,800.
[1115] Léon de Rosny (Doc. écrits de l’Antiq. Amér., p. 71) speaks of those in the Museo Archæológico at Madrid.
[1116] Hist. Nueva España.
[1117] Pilgrimes, vol. iii. (1625). It is also included in Thevenot’s Coll. de Voyages (1696), vol. ii., in a translation. Clavigero (i. 23) calls this copy faulty. See also Kircher’s Œdipus Ægypticus; Humboldt’s plates, xiii., lviii., lix., with his text, in which he quotes Du Palin’s Study of Hieroglyphics, vol. i. See the account in Bancroft, ii. 241.
[1118] Prescott, i. 106. He thinks that a copy mentioned in Spineto’s Lectures on the Elements of Hieroglyphics, and then in the Escurial, may perhaps be the original. Humboldt calls it a copy.
[1119] Humboldt placed some tribute-rolls in the Berlin library, and gave an account of them. See his pl. xxxvi.
[1120] Cf. references in Bancroft’s Native Races, ii. 529. The “Explicacion” of the MS. is given in Kingsborough’s volume v., and an “interpretation” in vol. vi.
[1121] Kingsborough’s “explicacion” and “explanation” are given in his vols. v. and vi. Rosny has given an “explication avec notes par Brasseur de Bourbourg” in his Archives paléographiques (Paris, 1870-71), p. 190, with an atlas of plates. Cf. references in Bancroft, ii. 530; and in another place (iii. 191) this same writer cautions the reader against the translation in Kingsborough, and says that it has every error that can vitiate a translation. Humboldt thinks his own plates, lv. and lvi., of the codex carefully made.
[1122] Prescott says (i. 108) of this that it bears evident marks of recent origin, when “the hieroglyphics were read with the eye of faith rather than of reason.” Cf. Bancroft, Nat. Races, ii. 527.
[1123] Portions of it are also reproduced in the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France; in Rosny’s Essai sur le déchiffrement de l’Ecriture Hiératique; and in Powell’s Third Rept. Bur. of Ethnology, p. 56. Cf. also Humboldt’s Atlas, pl. xiii.; and H. M. Williams’s translation of his Aues, i. 145.
[1124] It is known to have been given in 1665 by the Marquis de Caspi by Count Valerio Zani. There is a copy in the museum of Cardinal Borgia at Veletri.
[1125] Known to have been given in 1677 by the Duke of Saxe-Eisenach to the Emperor Leopold. Some parts are reproduced in Robertson’s America, Lond., 1777, ii. 482.
[1126] Humboldt, Vues des Cordillères, p. 89; pl. 15, 27, 37; Prescott, i. 106. There is a single leaf of it reproduced in Powell’s Third Rept. Bur. of Eth., p. 33.
[1127] Cf. his Denkwürdigkeiten der Dresdener Bibliothek (1744), p. 4.
[1128] Stephens (Central America, ii. 342, 453; Yucatan, ii. 292, 453) was in the same way at a loss respecting the conditions of the knowledge of such things in his time. Cf. also Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas de México, p. 101.
[1129] Die Mayahandschrift der königlichen öffentlichen Bibliothek zu Dresden; herausgegeben von E. Förstemann (Leipzig, 1880). Only thirty copies were offered for sale at two hundred marks. There is a copy in Harvard College library. Parts of the manuscript are found figured in different publications: Humboldt’s Vues des Cordillères, ii. 268, and pl. 16 and 45; Wuttke’s Gesch. der Schrift. Atlas, pl. 22, 23 (Leipzig, 1872); Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s., vol. i. and ii.; Silvestre’s Paléographie Universelle; Rosny’s Les Ecritures figuratives et hiéroglyphiques des peuples anciens et modernes (Paris, 1860, pl. v.), and in his Essai sur le déchiffrement, etc.; Ruge, Zeitalter der Entdeckungen, p. 559. Cf. also Le Noir in Antiquités Méxicaines, ii. introd.; Förstemann’s separate monographs, Der Maya apparat in Dresden (Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen, 1885, p. 182), and Erläuterungen zur Mayahandschrift der königlichen öffentlichen Bibliothek zu Dresden (Dresden, 1886); Schellhas’ Die Maya-Handschrift zu Dresden (Berlin, 1886); C. Thomas on the numerical signs in Arch. de la Soc. Am. de France, n. s., iii. 207.
[1130] Cf. Powell’s Third Rept. Eth. Bureau, p. 32
[1131] Brinton’s Maya Chronicles, 66; Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Troano (1868).
[1132] It constitutes vol. ii. and iii. of the series.
Mission scientifique au Méxique et dans l’Amérique Centrale. Ouvrages publiés par ordre de l’Empereur et par les soins du Ministre de l’Instruction publique (Paris, 1868-70), under the distinctive title: Linguistique, Manuscrit Troano. Etudes sur le système graphique et la langue des Mayas, par Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869-70).
Rosny, who compared Brasseur’s edition with the original, was satisfied with its exactness, except in the numbering of the leaves; and Brasseur (Bibl. Mex.-Guat., 1871) confessed that in his interpretation he had read the MS. backwards. The work was reissued in Paris in 1872, without the plates, under the following title: Dictionnaire, Grammaire et Chrestomathie de la langue maya, précédés d’une étude sur les système graphique des indigènes du Yucatan (Méxique) (Paris, 1872).
Brasseur’s Rapport, addressé à son Excellence M. Duruy, included in the work, gives briefly the abbé’s exposition of the MS. Professor Cyrus Thomas and Dr. D. G. Brinton, having printed some expositions in the American Naturalist (vol. xv.) united in an essay making vol. v. of the Contributions to North American Ethnology (Powell’s survey) under the title: A Study of the Manuscript Troano by Cyrus Thomas, with an introduction by D. G. Brinton (Washington, 1882), which gives facsimiles of some of the plates. Thomas calls it a kind of religious calendar, giving dates of religious festivals through a long period, intermixed with illustrations of the habits and employments of the people, their houses, dress, utensils. He calls the characters in a measure phonetic, and not syllabic. Cf. Rosny in the Archives de la Soc. Am. de France, n. s., ii. 28; his Essai sur le déchiffrement, etc. (1876); Powell’s Third Rept. Bur. of Eth., xvi.; Bancroft’s Nat. Races, ii. 774; and Brinton’s Notes on the Codex Troano and Maya Chronology (Salem, 1881).
[1133] Cf. Science, iii. 458.
[1134] Codex Cortesianus. Manuscrit hiératique des anciens Indiens de l’Amérique centrale conservé au Musée archéologique de Madrid. Photographié et publié pour la première fois, avec une introduction, et un vocabulaire de l’écriture hiératique yucatéque par Léon de Rosny (Paris, 1883). At the end is a list of works by De Rosny on American archæology and paleography.
[1135] Archives de la Soc. Am. de France, n. s., ii. 25.
[1136] Bib. Mex.-Guat., p. 95.
[1137] Cf. Rosny in Archives paléographiques (Paris, 1869-71), pl. 117, etc.; and his Essai sur le dé chiffrement, etc., pl. viii., xvi.
[1138] [Mr. Markham made a special study of this point in the Journal of the Roy. Geog. Soc. (1871), xli. p. 281, collating its authorities. Cf. the views of Marcoy in Travels in South America, tr. by Rich, London, 1875.—Ed.]
[1139] Except those portions which Garcilasso de la Vega has embodied in his Commentaries.
[1140] It is, of course, necessary to consider the weight to be attached to the statements of different authors; but the most convenient method of placing the subject before the reader will be to deal in the present chapter with general conclusions, and to discuss the comparative merits of the authorities in the Critical Essay on the sources of information.
[1141] For special study, see Paz Soldan’s Geografía del Peru; Menendez’ Manual de Geografía del Peru; and Wiener’s L’Empire des Incas, ch. i.—Ed.
[1142] “Jusqu’à present on n’a pas retrouvé le maïs, d’une manière certaine, a l’état sauvage” (De Candolle’s Géographie botanique raisonnée, p. 951).
[1143] De Candolle, p. 983.
[1144] There is a wild variety in Mexico, the size of a nut, and attempts have been made to increase its size under cultivation during many years, without any result. This seems to show that a great length of time must have elapsed before the ancient Peruvians could have brought the cultivation of the potato to such a high state of perfection as they undoubtedly did.
[1145] Some years ago a priest named Cabrera, the cura of a village called Macusani, in the province of Caravaya, succeeded in breeding a cross between the wild vicuña and the tame alpaca. He had a flock of these beautiful animals, which yielded long, silken, white wool; but they required extreme care, and died out when the sustaining hand of Cabrera was no longer available. There is also a cross between a llama and an alpaca, called guariso, as large as the llama, but with much more wool. The guanaco and llama have also been known to form a cross; but there is no instance of a cross between the two wild varieties,—the guanaco and vicuña. The extremely artificial life of the alpaca, which renders that curious and valuable animal so absolutely dependent on the ministrations of its human master, and the complete domestication of the llama, certainly indicate the lapse of many centuries before such a change could have been effected.
[1146] [Cf. remarks of Daniel Wilson in his Prehistoric Man, i. 243.—Ed.]
[1147] The name is of later date. One story is that, when an Inca was encamped there, a messenger reached him with unusual celerity, whose speed was compared with that of the “huanaco.” The Inca said, “Tia” (sit or rest), “O! huanaco.”
[1148] Basadre’s measurement is 32 inches by 21.
[1149] Quoted by Garcilasso de la Vega, Pte. I. lib. III. cap. 1.
[1150] Basadre mentions a carved stone brought from the department of Ancachs, in Peru, which had some resemblances to the stones at Tiahuanacu. A copy of it is in possession of Señor Raimondi.
[1151] [Cf. plans and views in Squier’s Peru, ch. 24.—Ed.]
[1152] Cap. 94.
[1153] See page 238.
[1154] The name of the place where these remains are situated is Concacha, from the Quichua word “Cuncachay,”—the act of holding down a victim for sacrifice; literally, “to take by the neck.”
[1155] The names of this god were Con-Illa-Tici-Uira-cocha, and he was the Pachayachachic, or Teacher of the World. Pacha is “time,” or “place;” also “the universe.” “Yachachic,” a teacher, from “Yachachini,” “I teach.” Con is said to signify the creating Deity (Betanzos, Garcia). According to Gomara, Con was a creative deity who came from the north, afterwards expelled by Pachacamac, and a modern authority (Lopez, p. 235) suggests that Con represented the “cult of the setting sun,” because Cunti means the west. Tici means a founder or foundation, and Illa is light, from Illani, “I shine:” “The Origin of Light” (Montesinos. Anonymous Jesuit. Lopez suggests “Ati,” an evil omen,—the Moon God); or, according to one authority, “Light Eternal” (The anonymous Jesuit). Vira is a corruption of Pirua, which is said by some authorities to be the name of the first settler, or the founder of a dynasty; and by others to mean a “depository,” a “place of abode;” hence a “dweller,” or “abider.” Cocha means “ocean,” “abyss,” “profundity,” “space.” Uira-cocha, “the Dweller in Space.” So that the whole would signify “God: the Creator of Light:” “the Dweller in Space: the Teacher of the World.”
Some authors gave the meaning of Uira-cocha to be “foam of the sea:” from Uira (Huira), “grease,” or “foam,” and Cocha, “ocean,” “sea,” “lake.” Garcilasso de la Vega pointed out the error. In compound words of a nominative and genitive, the genitive is invariably placed first in Quichua; so that the meaning would be “a sea of grease,” not “grease of the sea.” Hence he concludes that Uira-cocha is not a compound word, but simply a name, the derivation of which he does not attempt to explain. Blas Valera says that it means “the will and power of God;” not that this is the signification of the word, but that such were the godlike attributes of the being who was known by it. Acosta says that to Ticsi Uira-cocha they assigned the chief power and command over all things. The anonymous Jesuit tells us that Illa Ticsi was the original name, and that Uira-cocha was added later.
Of these names, Illa Ticci appears to have been the most ancient.
[1156] Cieza de Leon and Salcamayhua.
[1157] Montesinos calls the ancient people, who were peaceful and industrious, Hatu-runa, or “Great men.” See also Matienza (MS. Brit. Mus.).
[1158] The anonymous Jesuit, p. 178. A work referred to by Oliva as having been written by Blas Valera also mentions some of the early kings by name. (See Saldamando, Jesuitas del Peru, p. 22.)
[1159] Cachi (“salt”) was the Inca’s instruction in rational life, Uchu (“pepper”) was the delight the people derived from this teaching, and Sauca (“joy”) means the happiness afterward experienced.
[1160] G. de la Vega.
[1161] Molina, p. 7.
[1162] Pirua?
[1163] Cieza de Leon; Herrera.
[1164] Salcamayhua.
[1165] Blas Valera allows a period of 600 years for the existence of the Inca dynasty, which throws its origin back to the days of Alfred the Great. Garcilasso allows 400 years, which would make its rise to be contemporary with Henry II of England. But twelve generations, allowing twenty-five years for each, would only occupy 300 years.
[1166] Erroneously called Aymaras by the Spaniards. The name, which really belongs to a branch of the Quichua tribe, was first misapplied to the Colla language by the Jesuits at Juli, and afterwards to the whole Colla race.
[1167] Don Modesto Basadre tells us that he sent an Indian messenger, named Alejo Vilca, from Puno to Tacna, a distance of 84 leagues, who did it in 62 hours, his only sustenance being a little dried maize and coca,—over four miles an hour for 152 miles.
[1168] Fray Ludovico Geronimo de Oré, a native of Guamanga, in Peru, was the author of Rituale seu Manuale ac brevem formam administrandi sacramenta juxta ordinem S. Ecclesiæ Romanœ, cum translationibus in linguas provinciarum Peruanorum, published at Naples in 1607.
[1169] Cf. Note 1, following this chapter.
[1170] Chucu means a head-dress; Huaman, a falcon; Huacra, a horn.
[1171] [Ramusio’s plan of Cuzco is given in Vol. II. p. 554, with references (p. 556) to other plans and descriptions; to which may be added an archæological examination by Wiener, in the Bull. de la Soc. de Géog. de Paris, Oct., 1879, and in his Pérou et Bolivie, with an enlarged plan of the town, showing the regions of different architecture; accounts in Marcoy’s Voyage à travers l’Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1869; or Eng. transl. i. 174), and in Nadaillac’s L’Amérique préhistorique, and by Squier in his Peru, and in his Remarques sur la Géographie du Pérou, p. 20.—Ed.]
[1172] It is related by Betanzos that one day this Inca appeared before his people with a very joyful countenance. When they asked him the cause of his joy, he replied that Uira-cocha Pachayachachic had spoken to him in a dream that night. Then all the people rose up and saluted him as Viracocha Inca, which is as much as to say,—“King and God.” From that time he was so called. Garcilasso gives a different version of the same tradition, in which he confuses Viracocha with his son.
[1173] Cieza de Leon, ii. 138-44.
[1174] Salcamayhua, 91.
[1175] Blas Valera says 42, Balboa 33, years.
[1176] [The ruins of Atahualpa’s palace are figured in Wiener’s Pérou et Bolivie, and in Cte. de Gabriac’s Promenade à travers l’Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1868), p. 196.—Ed.]
[1177] The meanings of the names of these Incas are significant. Manco and Rocca appear to be proper names without any clear etymology. The rest refer to mental attributes, or else to some personal peculiarity. Sinchi means “strong.” Lloque is “left-handed.” Yupanqui is the second person of the future tense of a verb, and signifies “you will count.” Garcilasso interprets it as one who will count as wise, virtuous, and powerful. Ccapac is rich; that is, rich in all virtues and attributes of a prince. Mayta is an adverb, “where;” and Salcamayhua says that the constant cry and prayer of this Inca was, “Where art thou, O God?” because he was constantly seeking his Creator. Yahuar-huaccac means “weeping blood,” probably in allusion to some malady from which he suffered. Pachacutec has already been explained. Tupac is a word signifying royal splendor, and Huayna means “youth.” Huascar is “a chain,” in allusion to a golden chain said to have been made in his honor, and held by the dancers at the festival of his birth. The meaning of Atahualpa has been much disputed. Hualpa certainly means any large game fowl. Hualpani is to create. Atau is “chance,” or “the fortune of war.” Garcilasso, who is always opposed to derivations, maintains that Atahualpa was a proper name without special meaning, and that Hualpa, as a word for a fowl, is derived from it, because the boys in the streets, when imitating cock-crowing, used the word Atahualpa. But Hualpa formed part of the name of many scions of the Inca family long before the time of Atahualpa.
[1178] All authorities agree that Manco Ccapac was the first Inca, although Montesinos places him far back at the head of the Pirhua dynasty, and all agree respecting the second, Sinchi Rocca. Lloque Yupanqui, with various spellings, has the unanimous vote of all authorities except Acosta, who calls him “Iaguarhuarque.” But Acosta’s list is incomplete. Respecting Mayta Ccapac and Ccapac Yupanqui, all are agreed except Betanzos, who transposes them by an evident slip of memory. Touching Inca Rocca all are agreed, though Montesinos has Sinchi for Inca, and all agree as to Yahuar-huaccac. It is true that Cieza de Leon and Herrera call him Inca Yupanqui, but this is explained by Salcamayhua when he gives the full name,—Yahuar-huaccac Inca Yupanqui. All agree as to Uira-cocha. As to his successor, Betanzos, Cieza de Leon, Fernandez, Herrera, Salcamayhua, and Balboa mention the short reign of the deposed Urco. Cieza de Leon and Betanzos give Yupanqui as the name of Urco’s brother; all other authorities have Pachacutec. The discrepancy is explained by his names having been Yupanqui Pachacutec. This also accounts for Garcilasso de la Vega and Santillan having made Pachacutec and Yupanqui into two Incas, father and son. Betanzos also interpolates a Yamque Yupanqui. All are agreed with regard to Tupac Inca Yupanqui, Huayna Ccapac, Huascar, and Atahualpa. [There is another comparison of the different lists in Wiener, L’Empire des Incas, p. 53.—Ed.]
[1179] [See an early cut of this sun-worship in Vol. II. p. 551.—Ed.]
[1180] At Pachacamac there was a temple to the coast deity, called locally Pachacamac, and another to the sun; but none to the supreme Creator, one of whose epithets was Pachacamac.
[1181] Spanish authors mention a being called Supay, which they say was the devil. Supay, as an evil spirit, also occurs in the drama of Ollantay. It may have been some local huaca, but no devil as such, entered into the religious belief of the Incas.
[1182] Acosta, Polo de Ondegardo, Garcilasso de la Vega.
[1183] The mummies were those of Incas Uira-cocha, Tupac Yupanqui, and Huayna Ccapac; of Mama Runtu (wife of Uira-cocha) and Mama Ocllo (wife of Tupac Yupanqui).
[1184] Mentioned by Calancha (471) and Arriaga as an oracle at the village of Tauca, in Conchucos. Brinton has built up a myth which he credits to the whole Peruvian people, on the strength of a meaning applied to the word Catequilla, which is erroneous. It is exactly the same grammatical error that those etymologists fell into who thought that Uira-cocha signified “foam of the sea.” (Myths of the New World, 154.)
[1185] A very interesting account of it, with a sketch, is given by Squier, p. 524.
[1186] Huatana means a halter, from huatani, to seize; hence the tying up or encircling of the sun.
[1187] Authorities differ respecting the names of the months, and probably some months had more than one name. But the most accurate list, and that which is most in agreement with all the others, is the one adopted by the first Council of Lima, and given by Calancha. It is as follows:—
1. Yntip Raymi (22 June-22 July), Festival of the Winter Solstice, or Raymi.
2. Chahuarquiz (22 July-22 Aug.), Season of ploughing.
3. Yapa-quiz (22 Aug.-22 Sept.), Season of sowing.
4. Ccoya Raymi (22 Sept.-22 Oct.), Festival of the Spring Equinox. Situa.
5. Uma Raymi (22 Oct.-22 Nov.), Season of brewing.
6. Ayamarca (22 Nov.-22 Dec.), Commemoration of the dead.
7. Ccapac Raymi (22 Dec.-22 Jan.), Festival of the Summer Solstice. Huaraca.
8. Camay (22 Jan.-22 Feb.), Season of exercises.
9. Hatun-poccoy (22 Feb.-22 March), Season of ripening.
10. Pacha-poccoy (22 March-22 April), Festival of Autumn Equinox. Mosoc Nina.
11. Ayrihua (22 April-22 May), Beginning of harvest.
12. Aymuray (22 May-22 June), Harvesting month. in Google’s copy
[1188] Judges xii. 39; 2 Kings iii. 27.
[1189] The sacrifices were called runa, yuyac, and huahua. The Spaniards thought that runa and yuyac signified men, and huahua children. This was not the case when speaking of sacrificial victims. Runa was applied to a male sacrifice, huahua to the lambs, and yuyac signified an adult or full-grown animal. The sacrificial animals were also called after the names of those who offered them, which was another cause of erroneous assumptions by Spanish writers. There was a law strictly prohibiting human sacrifices among the conquered tribes; and the statement that servants were sacrificed at the obsequies of their masters is disproved by the fact, mentioned by the anonymous Jesuit, that in none of the burial-places opened by the Spaniards in search of treasure were any human bones found, except those of the buried lord himself.
[1190] Prescott (I. p. 98, note) accepted the statement that human sacrifices were offered by the Incas, because six authorities, Sarmiento, Cieza de Leon, Montesinos, Balboa, Ondegardo, and Acosta—outnumbered the single authority on the other side, Garcilasso de la Vega, who, moreover, was believed to be prejudiced owing to his relationship to the Incas. Sarmiento and Cieza de Leon are one and the same, so that the number of authorities for human sacrifices is reduced to five. Cieza de Leon, Montesinos, and Balboa adopted the belief that human sacrifices were offered up, through a misunderstanding of the words yuyac and huahua. Acosta had little or no acquaintance with the language, as is proved by the numerous linguistic blunders in his work. Ondegardo wrote at a time when he scarcely knew the language, and had no interpreters; for it was in 1554, when he was judge at Cuzco. At that time all the annalists and old men had fled into the forests, because of the insurrection of Francisco Hernandez Giron.
The authorities who deny the practice are numerous and important. These are Francisco de Chaves, one of the best and most able of the original conquerors; Juan de Oliva; the Licentiate Alvarez; Fray Marcos Jofre; the Licentiate Falcon, in his Apologia pro Indis; Melchior Hernandez, in his dictionary, under the words harpay and huahua; the anonymous Jesuit in his most valuable narrative; and Garcilasso de la Vega. These eight authorities outweigh the five quoted by Prescott, both as regards number and importance. So that the evidence against human sacrifices is conclusive. The Quipus, as the anonymous Jesuit tells us, also prove that there was a law prohibiting human sacrifices.
The assertion that 200 children and 1,000 men were sacrificed at the coronation of Huayua Ccapac was made; but these “huahuas” were not children of men, but young lambs, which are called children; and the “yuyac” and “runa” were not men, but adult llamas. [Mr. Markham has elsewhere collated the authorities on this point (Royal Commentaries, i. 139). Cf. Bollaert’s Antiq. Researches, p. 124; and Alphonse Castaing on “Les Fêtes, Offrandes et Sacrifices dans l’Antiquité Peruvienne,” in the Archives de la Société Américaine de France, n. s. iii. 239.—Ed.]
[1191] The sacrificial llamas bore the names of the youths who presented them. Hence the Spanish writers, with little or no knowledge of the language, assumed that the youths themselves were the victims. (See ante, p. 237.)
[1192] Ñusta, princess; calli, valorous; sapa, alone, unrivalled.
[1193] Of the first class were the Tarpuntay, or sacrificing priests, and the Nacac, who cut up the victims and provided the offerings, whether harpay or bloody sacrifices, haspay or bloodless sacrifices of flesh, or cocuy, oblations of corn, fruit, or coca. Molina mentions a custom called Ccapac-cocha or Cacha-huaca, being the distribution of sacrifices. An enormous tribute came to Cuzco annually for sacrificial purposes, and was thence distributed by the Inca, for the worship of every huaca in the empire. The different sacrifices were sent from Cuzco in all directions for delivery to the priests of the numerous huacas. The ministering priests were called Huacap Uillac when they had charge of a special idol, Huacap Rimachi or Huatuc when they received utterances from a deity while in a state of ecstatic frenzy called utirayay, and Ychurichuc when they received confessions and ministered in private families. The soothsayers were a very numerous class. The Hamurpa examined the entrails of sacrifices, and divined by the flight of birds. The Llayca, Achacuc, Huatuc, and Uira-piricuc were soothsayers of various grades. The Socyac divined by maize heaps, the Pacchacuc by the feet of a large hairy spider, the Llaychunca by odds and evens. The recluses were not only Aclla-cuna, or virgins congregated in temples under the charge of matrons called Mama-cuna. There were also hermits who meditated in solitary places, and appear to have been under a rule, with an abbot called Tucricac, and younger men serving a novitiate called Huamac. These Huancaquilli, or hermits, took vows of chastity (titu), obedience (Huñicui), poverty (uscacuy), and penance (villullery).
[1194] [The general works on the Inca civilization necessarily touch these points of their religious customs, and Mr. Markham’s volume on the Rites and Laws of the Incas is a prime source of information. Hawk’s translation of Rivero and Von Tschudi (p. 151) gives references; but special mention may be made of Müller’s Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen; Castaing’s Les Système religieux dans l’Antiquité peruvienne, in the Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s., iii. 86, 145; Tylor’s Primitive Culture; Brinton’s Myths of the New World; and Albert Réville’s Lectures on the origin and growth of religion as illustrated by the native religions of Mexico and Peru. Delivered at Oxford and London, in April and May, 1884. Translated by Philip H. Wicksteed (London, 1884. Hibbart lectures).—Ed.]
[1195] The Quichua language was spoken over a vast area of the Andean region of South America. The dialects only differ slightly, and even the language of the Collas, called by the Spaniards Aymara, is identical as regards the grammatical structure, while a clear majority of the words are the same. The general language of Peru belongs to that American group of languages which has been called agglutinative by William von Humboldt. These languages form new words by a process of junction which is much more developed in them than in any of the forms of speech in the Old World. They also have exclusive and inclusive plurals, and transitional forms of the verb combined with pronominal suffixes which are peculiar to them. In these respects the Quichua is purely an American language, and in spite of the resemblances in the sounds of some words, which have been diligently collected by Lopez (Les Races Aryennes du Pérou, par Vicente F. Lopez, Paris, 1871) and Ellis (Peruvia Scythica, by Robert Ellis, B. D., London, 1875), no connection, either as regards grammar or vocabulary, has been satisfactorily established between the speech of the Incas and any language of the Old World. Quichua is a noble language, with a most extensive vocabulary, rich in forms of the plural number, which argue a very clear conception of the idea of plurality; rich in verbal conjugations; rich in the power of forming compound nouns; rich in varied expression to denote abstract ideas; rich in words for relationships which are wanting in the Old World idioms; and rich, above all, in synonyms: so that it was an efficient vehicle wherewith to clothe the thoughts and ideas of a people advanced in civilization.
[1196] Garcilasso, Com. Real., i. lib. i. cap. 24, and lib. vii. cap. 1.
[1197] Among several kinds of flutes were the chayña, made of cane, the pincullu, a small wooden flute, and the pirutu, of bone. They also had a stringed instrument called tinya, for accompanying their songs, a drum, and trumpets of several kinds, one made from a sea-shell.
[1198] Blas Valera wrote upon the subject of Inca drugs, and I have given a list of those usually found in the bags of the itinerant Calahuaya doctors, in a foot-note at page 186 in vol. i. of my translation of the first part of the Royal Commentaries of Garcilasso de la Vega. An interesting account of the Calahuaya doctors is given by Don Modesto Basadre in his Riquezas Peruanas, p. 17 (Lima, 1884).
[1199] In the church of Santa Anna.
[1200] [See pictures of Atahualpa in Vol. II. pp. 515, 516. For a colored plate of “Lyoux d’or péruviens,” emblems of royalty, see Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s., i. pl. v.—Ed.]
[1201] The truth of this use of gold by the Incas does not depend on the glowing descriptions of Garcilasso de la Vega. A golden breastplate and topu, a golden leaf with a long stalk, four specimens of golden fruit, and a girdle of gold were found near Cuzco in 1852, and sent to the late General Echenique, then President of Peru. The present writer had an opportunity of inspecting and making careful copies of them. His drawings of the breastplate and topu were lithographed for Bollaert’s Antiquarian Researches in Peru, p. 146. The breastplate was 5-3/10 inches in diameter, and had four narrow slits for suspending it round the neck. The golden leaf was 12-7/10 inches long, including the stem; breadth of the base of the leaf, 3-1/10 inches. The models of fruit were 3 inches in diameter, and the girdle 18¼ inches long.
[1202] “The stones are of various sizes in different structures, ranging in length from one to eight feet, and in thickness from six inches to two feet. The larger stones are generally at the bottom, each course diminishing in thickness towards the top of the wall, thus giving a very pleasing effect of graduation. The joints are of a precision unknown in our architecture, and not rivalled in the remains of ancient art in Europe. The statement of the old writers, that the accuracy with which the stones of some structures were fitted together was such that it was impossible to introduce the thinnest knife-blade or finest needle between them, may be taken as strictly true. The world has nothing to show in the way of stone cutting and fitting to surpass the skill and accuracy displayed in the Inca structures of Cuzco.”
[1203] Place of serpents.
[1204] An unmarried prince of the blood royal; a nobleman. Father, in the Colla dialect.
[1205] A married prince of the blood royal.
[1206] A married princess; a lady of noble family.
[1207] An unmarried princess.
[1208] At the conquest there were 594, but a great number had been killed in the previous civil war.
[1209] Chiefs.
[1210] Principal chiefs.
[1211] Balboa, Montesinos, Santillana.
[1212] The male members of a Chunca were divided into ten classes, with reference to age and consequent ability to work:—
1. Mosoc-aparic, “Newly begun.” A baby.
2. Saya-huarma, “Standing boy.” A child that could stand.
3. Macta-puric, “Walking child.” Child aged 2 to 8.
4. Ttanta raquisic, “Bread receiver.” Boy of 8.
5. Puclacc huarma, “Playing boy.” Boys from 8 to 16.
6. Cuca pallac, “Coca picker.” Age from 16 to 20. Light work.
7. Yma huayna, “As a youth.” Age 20 to 25.
8. Puric ——, “Able-bodied.” Head of a family; paying tribute.
9. Chaupi-ruccu, “Elderly.” Light service. Age 50 to 60.
10. Puñuc ruccu, “Dotage.” No work. Sixty and upwards.
A Chunca consisted of ten Purics, with the other classes in proportion. The Puric was married to one wife, and, while assisted by the young lads and the elderly men, he supported the children and the old people who could not work. The Peruvian laborer had many superstitions, but he was not devoid of higher religious feelings. This is shown by his practice when travelling. On reaching the summit of a pass he never forgot to throw a stone, or sometimes his beloved pellet of coca, on a heap by the roadside, as a thank-offering to God, exclaiming, Apachicta muchani! “I worship or give thanks at this heap.” Festivals lightened his days of toil by their periodical recurrence, and certain family ceremonials were also recognized as occasions for holidays. There was a gathering at the cradling of a child, called quirau. When the child attained the age of one year, the rutuchicu took place. Then he received the name he was to retain until he attained the age of puberty. The child was closely shorn, and the name was given by the eldest relation. With a girl the ceremony was called quicuchica, and there was a fast of two days imposed before the naming-day, when she assumed the dress called aucalluasu.
[1213] The tupu was a measure of land sufficient to support one man and his wife. It was the unit of land measurement, and a puric received tupus according to the number of those dependent on him. In parts of Peru, especially on the road from Tarma to Xauxa, these small square fields, or tupus, may still be seen in great numbers, divided by low stone walls.
[1214] The shares for the Inca and Huaca varied according to the requirements of the state. If needful, the Inca share was increased at the expense of the Huaca, but never at the expense of the people’s share.
[1215] From Taripani, I examine.
[1216] It should probably be Apunaca: Apu is a chief, and naca the plural suffix in the Colla dialect.
[1217] Hatun, great, and uilca, sacred. This official held a position equivalent to a Christian bishop.
[1218] [On the use of guano see Markham’s Cieza de Leon, p. 266, note.—Ed.]
[1219] [Max Steffen, in his Die Landwirtschaft bei den Altamerikanischen Kulturvölkern (Leipzig, 1883), gives a list of sources.—Ed.]
[1220] [The llamas were used in ploughing. Cf. Humboldt’s Views of Nature, p. 125.—Ed.]
[1221] A bronze instrument found at Sorata had the following composition, according to an analysis by David Forbes:—
| Copper | 88.05 |
| Tin | 11.42 |
| Iron | .36 |
| Silver | .17 |
| –—— | |
| 100.00 |
Humboldt gave the composition of a bronze instrument found at Vilcabamba as follows:—
| Copper | 94 |
| Tin | 6 |
| –— | |
| 100 |
[1222] Fifteenth Report of the Trustees of the Peabody Museum of Ethnology, vol. iii. 2, p. 140 (Cambridge, 1882).
[1223] [Cf. the plates in the Necropolis of Ancon, and De la Rada’s Les Vases Péruviens du Musée Archéologique de Madrid, in the Compte Rendu (p. 236) of the Copenhagen meeting of the Congrès des Américanistes.—Ed.]
[1224] It is believed that some of the heads on the vases were intended as likenesses. One especially, in a collection at Cuzco, is intended, according to native tradition, for a portrait of Rumi-ñaui, a character in the drama of Ollantay.
[1225] Prehistoric Man, i. p. 110. A great number of specimens of Peruvian pottery are given in the works of Castelnau, Wiener, Squier, and in the atlas of the Antigüedades Peruanas. [Cf. also Marcoy’s Voyage; Mémoires de la Soc. des Antiquaires du Nord (two plates); J. E. Price in the Anthropological Journal, iii. 100, and many of the books of Peruvian travel.—Ed.]
[1226] [The narratives of the Spanish conquest necessarily throw much light, sometimes more than incidentally, upon the earlier history of the region. These sources are characterized in the critical essay appended to chapter viii. of Vol. II., and embrace bibliographical accounts of Herrera, Gomara, Oviedo, Andagoya, Xeres, Fernandez, Oliva, not to name others of less moment.—Ed.]
[1227] See Note II. following this essay.
[1228] Vol. II. p. 573.
[1229] Cf. Vol. II. p. 546.
[1230] Suma y narracion de los Incas, que los Indios llamaron Capaccuna que fueron señores de la ciudad del Cuzco y de todo lo á ella subjeto. Publícala M. Jiménez de la Espada (Madrid, 1880).
[1231] We learn from Leon Pinelo that one of the famous band of adventurers who crossed the line drawn by Pizarro on the sands of Gallo was an author (Antonio, ii. 645). But the Relacion de la tierra que descubrió Don Francisco Pizarro, by Diego de Truxillo, remained in manuscript and is lost to us. Francisco de Chaves, one of the most respected of the companions of Pizarro, who strove to save the life of Atahualpa, and was an intimate friend of the Inca’s brother, was also an author. Chaves is honorably distinguished for his moderation and humanity. He lost his own life in defending the staircase against the assassins of Pizarro. He left behind a copious narrative, and his intimate relations with the Indians make it likely that it contained much valuable information respecting Inca civilization. It was inherited by the author’s friend and relation, Luis Valera, but it was never printed, and the manuscript is now lost. The works of Palomino, a companion of Belalcazar, who wrote on the kingdom of Quito, are also lost, with the exception of a fragment preserved in the Breve Informe of Las Casas. Other soldiers of the conquest, Tomas Vasquez, Francisco de Villacastin, Garcia de Melo, and Alonso de Mesa, are mentioned as men who had studied and were learned in all matters relating to Inca antiquities; but none of their writings have been preserved.
[1232] But not dedicated to the Conde de Nieva, as Prescott states, for that viceroy died in 1564.
[1233] B, 135.
[1234] Report by Polo de Ondegardo, translated by Clements R. Markham (Hakluyt Society, 1873).
[1235] [See Vol. II. p. 571.—Ed.]
[1236] [See Vol. II. p. 567-8, for bibliography.—Ed.]
[1237] [See Vol. II. p. 542.—Ed.]
[1238] Additional MSS. 5469, British Museum, folio, p. 274. See Vol. II. p. 571.
[1239] See ante, p. 6.
[1240] National Library at Madrid, B, 135.
[1241] The fables and rites of the Incas, by Christoval de Molina, translated and edited by Clements R. Markham (Hakluyt Society, 1873).
[1242] [See. Vol. II. p. 576.—Ed.]
[1243] For the bibliography of Acosta, see Vol. II. p. 420, 421.
[1244] Notices of the life and works of Acosta have been given in biographical dictionaries, and in histories of the Jesuits. An excellent biography will be found in a work entitled Los Antiquos Jesuitas del Peru, by Don Enrique Torres Saldamando, which was published at Lima in 1885. See also an introductory notice in Markham’s edition (1880).
[1245] Thus his lists of the Incas, of the names of months and of festivals, are very defective; and his list of names of stars, though copied from Balboa without acknowledgment, is incomplete.
[1246] Acosta was the chief source whence the civilized world of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, beyond the limits of Spain, derived a knowledge of Peruvian civilization. Purchas, in his Pilgrimage (ed. of 1623, lib. v. p. 869; vi. p. 931), quotes largely from the learned Jesuit, and an abstract of his work is given in Harris’s Voyages (lib. i. cap. xiii. pp. 751-799). He is much relied upon as an authority by Robertson, and is quoted 19 times in Prescott’s Conquest of Peru, thus taking the fourth place as an authority with regard to that work, since Garcilasso is quoted 89 times, Cieza de Leon 45, Ondegardo 41, Acosta 19.
[1247] Of whose parentage a pleasing story is told. He was a native of Truxillo, of French parents, his father being a metal-founder. When he was a small boy his father said to him, “Study, little Charles, study! and this bell that I am founding shall be rung for you when you are the bishop.” (“Estudiar, Carlete, estudiar! que con esta campana te han de repicar cuando seas obispo.”) Dr. Corni rose to be a prelate of great virtue and erudition, and an eloquent preacher. At last he became Bishop of Truxillo in 1620, and when he heard the chimes which were rung on his approach to the city, he said, “That bell which excels all the others was founded by my father.” (“Aquella campana que sobresale entre las demas le fundio mi padre.”)
[1248] Papeles Varios de Indias. MS. Brit. Mus.
[1249] This last work is devoted to the Spanish conquest.
[1250] In the series entitled Coleccion de libros Españoles raros ó curiosos, tom xvi. (Madrid, 1882.) [The original manuscript is in the library of the Real Academia de Historia at Madrid. Brasseur de Bourbourg had a copy (Pinart Catalogue, No. 638; Bibl. Mex. Guat., p. 103), which appeared also in the Del Monte sale (N. Y., June, 1888,—Catalogue, iii. no. 554). Cf. the present History, II. pp. 570, 577.—Ed.]
[1251] Relacion de las costumbres antiquas de los naturales del Peru. Anónima. The original is among the manuscript in the National Library at Madrid. It was published as part of a volume entitled Tres Relaciones de Antigüedades Peruanas. Publícalas el Ministerio de Fomento (Madrid, 1879).