The Mémoires also contained another paper by Rafn, Aperçu de l’ancienne géographie des régions arctiques de l’Amérique, selon les rapports contenus dans les Sagas du Nord (Copenhagen, 1847), which also concerns the Vinland voyages, and is repeated in the Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (1849), i. 277.
[632] Antiqvitates Americanæ sive scriptores septentrionales rerum ante-Columbianarum in America. Samling af de i nordens oldskrifter indeholdte efterretninger om de gamle nordboers opdagelsesreiser til America fra det 10de til det 14de aarhundrede. Edidit Societas regia antiquariorum Septentrionalium (Hafniæ, 1837). Contents: Præfatio.—Conspectus codicum membraneorum, in quibus terrarum Americanarum mentio fit.—America discovered by the Scandinavians in the tenth century. (An abstract of the historical evidence contained in this work.)—Pættir af Eireki Rauda ok Grænlendingum.—Saga Porfinns Karlsefnis ok Snorra Porbrandssonar.—Breviores relationes: De inhabitatione Islandiæ; De inhabitatione Grœnlandiæ; De Ario Maris filio; De Björne Breidvikensium athleta; De Gudleivo Gudlœgi filio; Excerpta ex annalibus Islandorum; Die mansione Grœnlandorum in locis Borealibus; Excerpta e geographicis scriptis veterum Islandorum; Carmen Færöicum, in quo Vinlandiæ mentio fit; Adami Bremensis Relatio de Vinlandia; Descriptio quorumdam monumentorum Europæorum, quæ in oris Grönlandiæ ocidentalibus reperta et detecta sunt; Descriptio vetusti monumenti in regione Massachusetts reperti; Descriptio vetustorum quorundam monumentorum in Rhode Island.—Annotationes geographicæ; Islandia et Grönlandia; Indagatio Arctoarum Americæ regionum.—Indagatio Orientalium Americæ regionum.—Addenda et emendanda.—Indexes. The larger works are in Icelandic, Danish, and Latin.
Cf. also his Antiquités Américaines d’après les monuments historiques des Islandais et des anciens Scandinaves (Copenhagen, 1845). An abstract of the evidence is given in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society (viii. 114), and it is upon this that H. H. Bancroft depends in his Native Races (v. 106). Cf. also Ibid. v. 115-116; and his Cent. America, i. 74. L. Dussieux in his Les Grands Faits de l’Histoire de la Géographie (Paris, 1882; vol. i. 147, 165) follows Rafn and Malte-Brun. So does Brasseur de Bourbourg in his Hist. de Nations Civilisées, i. 18; and Bachiller y Morales in his Antigüedades Americanas (Havana, 1845).
Great efforts were made by Rafn and his friends to get reviews of his folio in American periodicals; and he relied in this matter upon Dr. Webb and others, with whom he had been in correspondence in working up his geographical details (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., ii. 97, 107; viii. 189, etc.), and so late as 1852 he drafted in English a new synopsis of the evidence, and sent it over for distribution in the United States (Ibid. ii. 500; New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc., vi.; N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., 1853, p. 13). So far as weight of character went, there was a plenty of it in his reviewers: Edward Everett in the No. Amer. Rev., Jan., 1838; Alexander Everett in the U. S. Magazine and Democratic Review (1838); George Folsom in the N. Y. Review (1838); H. R. Schoolcraft in the Amer. Biblical Repository (1839). Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., viii. 182-3; Poole’s Index, 28, 928.
[633] Bohn’s ed., English transl., ii. 603; Lond. ed., 1849, ii. 233-36. Humboldt expresses the opinion that Columbus, during his visit to Iceland, got no knowledge of the stories, so little an impression had they made on the public mind (Cosmos, Bohn, ii. 611), and that the enemies of Columbus in his famous lawsuit, when every effort was made to discredit his enterprise, did not instance his Iceland experience, should be held to indicate that no one in southern Europe believed in any such prompting at that time. Wheaton and Prescott (Ferdinand and Isabella, orig. ed., ii. 118, 131) hold similar opinions. (Cf. Vol. II. p. 33.) Dr. Webb says that Irving held back from accepting the stories of the saga, for fear that they could be used to detract from Columbus’ fame. Rafn and his immediate sympathizers did not fail to make the most of the supposition that Columbus had in some way profited by his Iceland experience. Laing thinks Columbus must have heard of the voyages, and De Costa (Columbus and the Geographers of the North) thinks that the bruit of the Northmen voyages extended sufficiently over Europe to render it unlikely that it escaped the ears of Columbus. Cf. further an appendix in Irving’s Columbus, and Mallet’s Northern Antiquities, Bohn’s ed., 267, in refutation of the conclusions of Finn Magnusen in the Nordisk Tidsskrift. It has been left for the unwise and overtopped advocates of a later day, like Goodrich and Marie A. Brown, to go beyond reason in an indiscriminate denunciation of the Genoese. The latter writer, in her Icelandic Discoverers of America (Boston, 1888), rambles over the subject in a jejune way, and easily falls into errors, while she pursues her main purpose of exposing what she fancies to be a deep-laid scheme of the Pope and the Catholic Church to conceal the merits of the Northmen and to capture the sympathies of Americans in honoring the memory of Columbus in 1892. It is simply a reactionary craze from the overdone raptures of the school of Roselly de Lorgues and the other advocates of the canonization of Columbus, in Catholic Europe.
[634] This book is for the sagas the basis of the most useful book on the subject, Edmund Farwell Slafter’s Voyages of the Northmen to America. Including extracts from Icelandic Sagas relating to Western voyages by Northmen in the 10th and 11th centuries in an English translation by Nathaniel Ludlow Beamish; with a synopsis of the historical evidence and the opinion of professor Rafn as to the places visited by the Scandinavians on the coast of America. With an introduction (Boston, 1877), published by the Prince Society. Slafter’s opinion is that the narratives are “true in their general outlines and important features.”
[635] Island, Huitramannaland, Grönland und Vinland (Heidelberg, 1842).
[636] Die Entdeckung von Amerika durch die Isländer im zehnten und eilften Jahrhundert (Braunschweig, 1844). Cf. E. G. Squier’s Discovery of America by the Northmen, a critical review of the works of Hermes, Rafn and Beamish (1849).
[637] Cf. his paper in the Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Trans., 1865.
[638] Beauvois also made at a later period other contributions to the subject: Les derniers vestiges du Christianisme prêchés du Xe au XIVe siècles dans le Markland et le Grande-Irlande, les porte-croix de la Gaspésie at de l’Arcadie (Paris, 1877) which appeared originally in the Annales de philosophie Chrétiennes, Apr., 1877; and Les Colonies européennes du Markland at de l’Escociland au XIVe siècle et les vestiges qui en subsistèrent jusqu’aux XVIe et XVIIe siècle (Luxembourg, 1878), being taken from the Compte Rendu of the Luxembourg meeting of the Congrès des Américanistes.
[639] Prehistoric Man, 3d ed., ii. 83, 85. Cf. also his Historic Footprints in America, extracted from the Canadian Journal, Sept., 1864.
[640] Joseph Williamson, in the Hist. Mag., Jan., 1869 (x. 30), sought to connect with the Northmen certain ancient remains along the coast of Maine.
[641] He was rather caustically taken to account by Henry Cabot Lodge, in the No. Am. Review, vol. cxix. Cf. Michel Hardy’s Les Scandinaves dans l’Amérique du Nord (Dieppe, 1874). An April hoax which appeared in a Washington paper in 1867, about some runes discovered on the Potomac, had been promptly exposed in this country (Hist. Mag., Mar. and Aug., 1869), but it had been accepted as true in the Annuaire de la Société Américaine in 1873, and Gaffarel (Etudes sur les Rapports de l’Amérique avant Columbus, Paris, 1869, p. 251) and Gravier (p. 139) was drawn into the snare. (Cf. Whittlesey’s Archæol. frauds in the Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Tracts, no. 9, and H. W. Haynes in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., Jan., 1888, p. 59.) In a later monograph, Les Normands sur la route des Indes (Rouen, 1880), Gravier, while still accepting the old exploded geographical theories, undertook further to prove that the bruits of the Norse discoveries instigated the seamen of Normandy to similar ventures, and that they visited America in ante-Columbian days.
[642] There is an authorized German version, Die erste Entdeckung von Amerika, by Mathilde Mann (Hamburg, 1888).
[643] American in Iceland (Boston, 1876).
[644] Land of Desolation (New York, 1872). There is a French version in the Tour du Monde, xxvi.
[645] Lectures delivered in America (Philad., 1875),—third lecture.
[646] Europäer in Amerika vor Columbus, nach Quellen bearbeitet von P. Oswald Moosmüller (Regensburg, 1879).
[647] Larger History of the United States (N. Y., 1886).
[648] Discoveries of America (N. Y., 1884).
[649] Particularly Beauvois, already mentioned, and Dr. E. Löffler, on the Vinland Excursions of the Ancient Scandinavians, at the Copenhagen meeting, Compte Rendu (1883), p. 64. Cf. also Michel Hardy’s Les Scandinaves dans l’Amérique du Nord au Xe Siècle (Dieppe, 1874).
[650] R. G. Haliburton, in Roy. Geog. Soc. Proc. (Jan., 1885); Thomas Morgan, in Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans. iii. 75.
[651] E. N. Horsford’s Discovery of America by the Northmen (Boston, 1888); Anderson’s America not discovered by Columbus, 3d ed., p. 30; N. Y. Nation, Nov. 17, 1887; Mag. Amer. Hist., Mar., 1888, p. 223.
[652] Remarks of Wm. Everett and Chas. Deane in the society’s Proceedings, May, 1880.
[653] Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., Dec., 1887. The most incautious linguistic inferences and the most uncritical cartological perversions are presented by Eben Norton Horsford in his Discovery of America by the Northmen—address at the unveiling of the statue of Leif Eriksen, Oct. 29, 1887 (Boston, 1888). Cf. Oscar Brenner in Beilage zur Allgemeinen Zeitung (Munich, Dec. 6, 1888). A trustful reliance upon the reputations of those who have in greater or less degree accepted the details of the sagas characterizes a paper by Mrs. Ole Bull in the Mag. of Amer. Hist., Mar., 1888. She is naturally not inclined to make much allowance for the patriotic zeal of the northern writers.
[654] The best list is in P. B. Watson’s “Bibliog. of Pre-Columbian Discoveries of America,” originally in the Library Journal, vi. 259, but more complete in Anderson’s America not discovered by Columbus (3d ed., Chicago, 1883). Cf. also Chavanne’s Literature of the Polar Regions; Th. Solberg’s Bibliog. of Scandinavia, in English, with magazine articles, in F. W. Horn’s Hist. of the lit. of the Scandinavian North (1884, pp. 413-500). There is a convenient brief list in Slafter’s Voyages of the Northmen (pp. 127-140), and a not very well selected one in Marie A. Brown’s Icelandic Discoverers. Poole’s Index indicates the considerable amount of periodical discussions. The Scandinavian writers are mainly referred to by Miss Brown and Mrs. Bull.
[655] Forster finds a corruption of Norvegia (Norway) in Norumbega. Rafn finds the Norse elements in the words Massachusetts, Nauset, and Mount Hope (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., viii. 194-198). The word Hole, used as synonymous to harbor in various localities along the Vineyard Sound, has been called a relic of the Icelandic Holl, a hill (Mag. Amer. Hist., June, 1882, p. 431; Jos. S. Fay in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xii. 334; and in Anderson, America not discovered by Columbus, 3d ed.).
Brasseur de Bourbourg in his Nations civilisées du Méxique, and more emphatically in his Grammaire Quichée, had indicated what he thought a northern incursion before Leif, in certain seeming similarities to the northern tongues of those of Guatemala. Cf. also Nouv. Annales des Voyages, 6th ser., xvi. 263; N. Y. Tribune, Nov. 21, 1855; Bancroft’s Native Races, iii. 762.
[656] De origine gentium Americanarum (1642).
[657] Nouv. Ann. des Voyages, 6th ser., vols. iii. and vi.
[658] In Charnay’s Ruines, etc. (Paris, 1867).
[659] Découverte de l’America par les Normands (Paris, 1864).
[660] H. H. Bancroft, Nat. Races, v. 115-16, gives references on the peopling of America from the northwest of Europe.
[661] Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit., xiv. 1887; also printed separately as Mythology, legends and Folk-lore of the Algonquins. Cf. also his Algonquin Legends of New England (1885). Cf. D. G. Brinton in Amer. Antiquarian, May, 1885.
[662] Mr. Mitchell, of the U. S. Coast Survey, has attended to this part of the subject, and Horsford (p. 28) quotes his MS. He finds on the Massachusetts coast what he thinks a sufficient correspondence to the description of the sagas.
[663] So plain a matter as the length of the longest summer day would indubitably point to an absolute parallel of latitude as determining the site of Vinland, if there was no doubt in the language of the saga. Unfortunately there is a wide divergence of opinion in the meaning of the words to be depended upon, even among Icelandic scholars; and the later writers among them assert that Rafn (Antiq. Amer. 436) and Magnusen in interpreting the language to confirm their theory of the Rhode Island bays have misconceived. Their argument is summarized in the French version of Wheaton. John M’Caul translated Finn Magnusen’s “Ancient Scandinavian divisions of the times of day,” in the Mémoire de la Soc. Roy. des Antiq. du Nord (1836-37). Rask disputes Rafn’s deductions (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xviii. 22). Torfæus, who is our best commentator after all, says it meant Newfoundland. Robertson put it at 58° north. Dahlmann in his Forschungen (vol. i.) places it on the coast of Labrador. Horsford (p. 66) at some length admits no question that it must have been between 41° and 43° north. Cf. Laing’s Heimskringla, i. 173; Palfrey’s New England, i. 55; De Costa’s Pre-Columbian Disc., p. 33; Weise’s Discoveries of America, 31; and particularly Vigfússon in his English-Icelandic Dictionary under “Eykt.”
[664] “The discovery of America,” says Laing (Heimskringla, i. 154), “rests entirely upon documentary evidence which cannot, as in the case of Greenland, be substantiated by anything to be discovered in America.” Laing and many of the commentators, by some strange process of reasoning, have determined that the proof of these MS. records being written before Columbus’ visit to Iceland in 1477 is sufficient to establish the priority of discovery for the Northmen, as if it was nothing in the case that the sagas may or may not be good history; and nothing that it was the opinion entertained in Europe at that time that Greenland and the more distant lands were not a new continent, but a prolongation of Europe by the north. It is curious, too, to observe that, treating of events after 1492, Laing is quite willing to believe in any saga being “filled up and new invented,” but is quite unwilling to believe anything of the kind as respects those written anterior to 1492; and yet he goes on to prove conclusively that the Flatoyensis Codex is full of fable, as when the saga man makes the eider-duck lay eggs where during the same weeks the grapes ripen and intoxicate when fresh, and the wheat forms in the ear! Laing nevertheless rests his case on the Flatoyensis Codex in its most general scope, and calls poets, but not antiquaries, those who attempt to make any additional evidence out of imaginary runes or the identification of places.
[665] It must be remembered that this divergence was not so wide to the Northmen as it seems to us. With them the Atlantic was sometimes held to be a great basin that was enclasped from northwestern Europe by a prolongation of Scandinavia into Greenland, Helluland, and Markland, and it was a question if the more distant region of Vinland did not belong rather to the corresponding prolongation of Africa on the south. Cf. De Costa, Pre-Columbian Disc., 108; Hist. Mag., xiii. 46.
[666] He wrote “Here for the first time will be found indicated the precise spot where the ancient Northmen held their intercourse.” The committee of the Mass. Hist. Soc. objected to this extreme confidence. Proceedings, ii. 97, 107, 500, 505.
[667] Reproduction of part of the plate in the Antiquitates Americanæ, after a drawing by J. R. Bartlett. The engravings of the rock are numerous: Mem. Amer. Acad., iii.; the works of Beamish, J. T. Smith, Gravier, Gay, Higginson, etc.; Laing’s Heimskringla; the French ed. of Wheaton; Hermes’ Entdeckung von America; Schoolcraft’s Ind. Tribes, i. 114, iv. 120; Drake’s ed., Philad., 1884, i. p. 88; the Copenhagen Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes, p. 70, from a photograph. The Hitchcock Museum at Amherst, Mass., had a cast, and one was shown at the Albany meeting (1836) of the Am. Asso. for the Adv. of Science. The rock was conveyed by deed in 1861 to the Roy. Soc. of Northern Antiquaries (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., v. 226; vi. 252), but the society subsequently relinquished their title to a Boston committee, who charged itself with the care of the monument; but in doing so the Danish antiquaries disclaimed all belief in its runic character (Mag. Amer. Hist., iii. 236).
[668] De Costa, Pre-Col. Disc., 29; N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., xviii. 37; Gay, Pop. Hist., i. 41; Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., viii. 72; Am. Geog. Soc. Journal, 1870, p. 50; Amer. Naturalist, Aug. and Sept., 1879.
[669] Am. Ass. Adv. Science, Proc. (1856), ii. 214.
[670] Cf. paper on the site of Vinland in Hist. Mag., Feb., 1874, p. 94; Alex. Farnum’s Visit of the Northmen to Rhode Island (R. I. Hist. Tracts, no. 2, 1877). The statement of the sagas that there was no frost in Vinland and grass did not wither in winter compels some of the identifiers to resort to the precession of the equinox as accounting for changes of climate (Gay’s Pop. Hist., i. 50).
[671] E. G. Squier in Ethnological Journal, 1848; Wilson’s Prehist. Man, ii. 98; Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans., i. 392; Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes, iv. 118; Mém. de la Soc. royale des Antiq. du Nord, 1840-44, p. 127.
[672] Amer. Philos. Soc. Proc., May 2, 1884 (by Henry Phillips, Jr.); Numismatic and Antiq. Soc. of Philad., Proc., 1884, p. 17; Geo. S. Brown’s Yarmouth (Boston, 1888).
[673] Wilson’s Prehist. Man, ii. 98; Amer. Asso. Adv. Science, Proc., 1856, p. 214; Séance annuelle de la Soc. des Antiq. du Nord, May 14, 1859; H. W. Haynes in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., Jan., 1888, p. 56. The Monhegan inscription, as examined by the late C. W. Tuttle and J. Wingate Thornton, was held to be natural markings (Mag. Amer. Hist., ii. 308; Pulpit of the Revolution, 410). Charles Rau cites a striking instance of the way in which the lively imagination of Finn Magnusen has misled him in interpreting weather cracks on a rock in Sweden (Mag. Amer. Hist., ii. 83).
[674] N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., 1854, p. 185.
[675] Antiquitates Americanæ, 335, 371, 401; Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct., 1868, p. 13; W. J. Miller’s Wampanoag Indians.
[676] Cf. list of inscribed rocks in the Proceedings (vol. ii.) of the Davenport Acad. of Natural Sciences.
[677] The stone with its inscription early attracted attention, but Danforth’s drawing of 1680 is the earliest known. Cotton Mather, in a dedicatory epistle to Sir Henry Ashurst, prefixed to his Wonderful Works of God commemorated (Boston, 1690), gave a cut of a part of the inscription; and he communicated an account with a drawing of the inscription to the Royal Society in 1712, which appears in their Philosophical Transactions. Dr. Isaac Greenwood sent another draft to the Society of Antiquaries in London in 1730, and their Transactions in 1732 has this of Greenwood. In 1768 Professor Stephen Sewall of Cambridge made a copy of the natural size, which was sent in 1774 by Professor James Winthrop to the Royal Society. Dr. Stiles says that Sewall sent it to Gebelin, of the French Academy, whose members judged them to be Punic characters. Stiles himself, in 1783, in an election sermon delivered at Hartford, spoke of “the visit by the Phœnicians, who charged the Dighton Rock and other rocks in Narragansett Bay with Punic inscriptions remaining to this day, which last I myself have repeatedly seen and taken off at large.” Cf. Thornton’s Pulpit of the Revolution, p. 410. The Archæologia (London, viii. for 1786) gave various drawings, with a paper by the Rev. Michael Lort and some notes by Charles Vallancey, in which the opinion was expressed that the inscription was the work of a people from Siberia, driven south by hordes of Tartars. Professor Winthrop in 1788 filled the marks, as he understood them, with printer’s ink, and in this way took an actual impression of the inscription. His copy was engraved in the Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (vol. ii. for 1793). It was this copy by Winthrop which Washington in 1789 saw at Cambridge, when he pronounced the inscription as similar to those made by the Indians, which he had been accustomed to see in the western country during his life as a surveyor. Cf. Belknap Papers, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., ii. 76, 77, 81; Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., x. 114. In 1789 there was also presented to the Academy a copy made by Joseph Gooding under the direction of Francis Baylies (Belknap Papers, ii. 160). In the third volume of the Academy’s Memoirs there are papers on the inscription by John Davis and Edward A. Kendall; Davis (1807) thinking it a representation of an Indian deer hunt, and Kendall later, in his Travels (vol. ii. 1809), assigns it to the Indians. This description is copied in Barber’s Historical Collections of Mass. (p. 117). In 1812 a drawing was made by Job Gardner, and in 1825 there was further discussion in the Mémoires de la Société de Géographie de Paris, and in the Hist. of New York by Yates and Moulton. In 1831 there was a cut in Ira Hill’s Antiquities of America explained (Hagerstown, Md.) This was in effect the history of the interest in the rock up to the appearance of Rafn’s Antiquitates Americanæ, in which for the first time the inscription was represented as being the work of the Northmen. This belief is now shared by few, if any, temperate students. The exuberant Anderson thinks that the rock removes all doubt of the Northmen discovery (America not discovered by Columbus, pp. 21, 23, 83). The credulous Gravier has not a doubt. Cf. his Notice sur le roc de Dighton et le séjour des Scandinaves en Amérique au commencement du XIe siècle (Nancy, 1875), reprinted from the Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes, i. 166, giving Rafn’s drawing. The Rev. J. P. Bodfish accepts its evidence in the Proc. Second Pub. Meeting U. S. Cath. Hist. Soc. (N. Y., 1886).
[678] Pre-Columbian Discovery of America, p. lvii. The Brinley Catalogue, iii. 5378, gives Dammartin’s Explification de la Pierre de Taunston (Paris? 1840-50) as finding in the inscription an astronomical theme by some nation foreign to America. Buckingham Smith believed it to be a Roman Catholic invocation, around which the Indians later put their symbols (Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Apr. 29, 1863, p. 32). For discussions more or less extensive see Laing’s Heimskringla, i. 175; Haven in Smithsonian Contributions, 1856, viii. 133, in a paper on the “Archæology of the United States;” Charles Rau in Mag. Amer. Hist., Feb., 1878; Apr., 1879; and in Amer. Antiquarian, i. 38; Daniel Wilson’s Prehistoric Man, ii. 97; J. R. Bartlett in Rhode Island Hist. Soc. Proc., 1872-73, p. 70; Haven and others in Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc., Oct., 1864, and Oct., 1867; H. H. Bancroft’s Native Races, v. 74; Drake’s N. E. Coast; North American Rev., 1874; Amer. Biblical Repository, July, 1839; Historical Mag., Dec., 1859, and March, 1869; Lelewel’s Moyen Age, iii.; H. W. Williams’s transl. of Humboldt’s Travels, i. 157, etc.
[679] Schoolcraft wavered in his opinion. (Cf. Haven, 133.) He showed Gooding’s drawing to an Algonkin chief, who found in it a record of a battle of the Indians, except that some figures near the centre did not belong to it, and these Schoolcraft thought might be runic, as De Costa has later suggested; but in 1853 Schoolcraft made no reservation in pronouncing it entirely Indian (Indian Tribes, i. 112; iv. 120; pl. 14). Wilson (Prehist. Man, ii., ch. 19) is severe on Schoolcraft. On the general character of Indian rock inscriptions,—some of which in the delineations accompanying these accounts closely resemble the Dighton Rock,—see Mallery in the Bureau of Ethnology, Fourth Report, p. 19; Lieut. A. M. Wheeler’s Report on Indian tribes in Pacific Rail Road Reports, ii.; J. G. Bruff on those of Green River in the Sierra Nevada, in Smithsonian Rept. (1872); American Antiquarian, iv. 259; vi. 119; Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Tracts, nos. 42, 44, 52, 53, 56; T. Ewbank’s No. Amer. Rock Writing (Morrisania, 1866); Brinton’s Myths of the New World, p. 10; Tylor’s Early Hist. Mankind; Dr. Richard Andree’s Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche (Stuttgard, 1878). It is Mallery’s opinion that no “considerable information of value in an historical point of view will be obtained directly from the interpretations of the Pictographs in North America.”
[680] Palfrey, i. p. 57; Higginson’s Larger Hist., 44; Gay’s Pop. Hist., i. 59, 60; Laing’s Heimskringla, i. 183; Charles T. Brooks’s Controversy touching the old stone mill in Newport (Newport, 1851); Peterson’s Rhode Island; Drake’s New England Coast; Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes, iv. 120; Bishop’s Amer. Manufactures, i. 118; C. S. Pierce in Science, iv. 512, who endeavored by measurement to get at what was the unit of measure used,—an effort not very successful. Cf. references in Poole’s Index, p. 913.
Gaffarel accepts the Rafn view in his Etudes sur la rapports, etc., 282, as does Gravier in his Normands sur la route, p. 168; and De Costa (Pre-Columbian Disc., p. lviii) intimates that “all is in a measure doubtful.” R. G. Hatfield (Scribner’s Monthly, Mar., 1879) in an illustrated paper undertook to show by comparison with Scandinavian building that what is now standing is but the central part of a Vinland baptistery, and that the projection which supported the radiating roof timbers is still to be seen. This paper was answered by George C. Mason (Mag. Amer. Hist., iii. 541, Sept., 1879, with other remarks in the Amer. Architect, Oct. 4, 1879), who rehearsed the views of the local antiquaries as to its connection with Gov. Arnold. Cf. Reminiscences of Newport, by Geo. C. Mason, 1884.
[681] Hist. Mag., Apr., 1862, p. 123; N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg., 1865, p. 372; Abner Morse’s Traces of the Ancient Northmen in America (Aug., 1861), with a Supplement (Boston, 1887).
[682] Mémoires de la Soc. roy. des Antiq. du Nord, 1843; New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc., vi.; Stone’s Brant, ii. 593-94; Schoolcraft’s Ind. Tribes, i. 127; Smithsonian Rept., 1883, p. 902; Dr. Kneeland in Peabody Mus. Repts., no. 20, p. 543. The skeleton was destroyed by fire about 1843.
[683] Dawkins in his Cave Hunters accounts them survivors of the cave dwellers of Europe. Cf. Wilson’s Prehistoric Man. A. R. Grote (Amer. Naturalist, Apr., 1877) holds them to be the survivors of the palæolithic man.
[684] E. Beauvois’ Les Skroelings, Ancêtres des Esquimaux (Paris, 1879); B. F. DeCosta in Pop. Science Monthly, Nov., 1884; A. S. Packard on their former range southward, in the American Naturalist, xix. 471, 553, and his paper on the Eskimos of Labrador, in Appleton’s Journal, Dec. 9, 1871 (reprinted in Beach’s Indian Miscellany, Albany, 1877). Humboldt holds them to have been driven across America to Europe (Views of Nature, Bohn’s ed., 123). Ethnologists are not wholly agreed as to the course of their migrations. The material for the ethnological study of the Eskimos must be looked for in the narratives of the Arctic voyagers, like Scoresby, Parry, Ross, O’Reilly, Kane, C. F. Hall, and the rest; in the accounts by the missionaries like Egede, Crantz, and others; by students of ethnology, like Lubbock (Prehist. Times, ch. 14); Prichard (Researches, v. 367); Waitz (Amerikaner, i. 300); the Abbé Morillot (Mythologie et légendes des Esquimaux du Groenland in the Actes de la Soc. Philologique (Paris, 1875), vol. iv.); Morgan (Systems of Consanguinity, 267), who excludes them from his Ganowanian family; Irving C. Rosse on the northern inhabitants (Journal Amer. Geog. Soc., 1883, p. 163); Ludwig Kumlien in his Contributions to the natural history of Arctic America, made in connection with the Howgate polar expedition, 1877-78, in Bull. of the U. S. Naval Museum (Washington, 1879), no. 15; and his paper in the Smithsonian Report (1878). There are several helpful papers in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute (London), vol. i., by Richard King, on their intellectual character; vol. iv. by P. C. Sutherland; vol. vii. by John Rae on their migrations, and W. H. Flower on their skulls; vol. ix. by W. J. Sollars on their bone implements. For other references see Bancroft, Native Races, i. 41, 138; Poole’s Index, p. 424, and Supplement, p. 146.
[685] This evidence is of course rather indicative of a geological antiquity not to be associated with the age of the Northmen. Cf. Murray’s Distribution of Animals, 128; Howarth’s Mammoth and Flood, 285.
[686] Rink, born in 1819 in Copenhagen, spent much of the interval from 1853 to 1872 in Greenland. Pilling (Bibl. Eskimo Language, p. 80) gives the best account of Rink’s publications. His principal book is Grönland geographisch und statistisch beschrieben (Stuttgart, 1860). The English reader has access to his Tales and Traditions of the Eskimo, translated by Rink himself, and edited by Dr. Robert Brown (London, 1875); to Danish Greenland, its people and its products, ed. by Dr. Brown (London, 1877). Rink says of this work that in its English dress it must be considered a new book. He also published The Eskimo tribes; their distribution and characteristics, especially in regard to language. With a comparative vocabulary (Copenhagen, etc., 1887). He also considered their dialects as divulging the relationship of tribes in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute (xv. 239); and in the same journal (1872, p. 104) he has written of their descent. Rink also furnished to the Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes, a paper on the traditions of Greenland (Nancy, 1875, ii. 181), and (Luxembourg, 1877, ii. 327) another on “L’habitat primitif des Esquimaux.”
Dr. Brown has also considered the “Origin of the Eskimo” in the Archæological Review (1888), no. 4.
[687] Alaska and its Resources, p. 374; and in Contributions to Amer. Ethnology, i. 93.
[688] “On the origin and migrations of the Greenland Esquimaux” in the Journal Royal Geog. Soc., 1865; “The Arctic highlanders” in the Lond. Ethnol. Soc. Trans. (1866), iv. 125, and in Arctic Geography and Ethnology (London, 1875), published by the Royal Geog. Society.
[689] American Antiquarian, Jan., 1888. Cf. other papers by him in the Proc. Roy. Soc. of Canada, vol. v. “A year among the Eskimos” in the Journal Amer. Geog. Soc., 1887, xix. p. 383; “Reise in Baffinland” in the proceedings of the Berlin Gesellschaft für Erdkunde (1885). Cf. Pilling’s Eskimo Bibliog., p. 12; and for linguistic evidences of tribal differences, pp. 69-72, 81-82. Cf. also H. H. Bancroft’s Native Races, iii. 574, and Lucien Adam’s “En quoi la langue Esquimaude, deffère-t-elle grammaticalement des autres langues de l’Amérique du Nord?” in the Compte Rendu, Congrès des Amér. (Copenhagen), p. 337.
Anton von Etzel’s Grönland, geographisch und statistisch beschrieben aus Dänischen Quellschriften (Stuttgart, 1860) goes cursorily over the early history, and describes the Eskimos. Cf. F. Schwatka in Amer. Magazine, Aug., 1888.
[690] There is an easy way of tracing these accounts in Joel A. Allen’s List of Works and Papers relating to the mammalian orders of Cete and Sirenia, extracted from the Bulletin of Hayden’s U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey (Washington, 1882). It is necessary to bear in mind that Spitzbergen is often called Greenland in these accounts.
[691] His book, Det gamle Grönlands nye Perlustration, etc., was first published at Copenhagen in 1729. Pilling (Bibliog. of the Eskimo language, p. 26) was able to find only a single copy of this book, that in the British Museum. Muller (Books on America, Amsterdam, 1872, no. 648) describes a copy. This first edition escaped the notice of J. A. Allen, whose list is very carefully prepared (nos. 217, 220, 226, 230, 235). There were two German editions of this original form of the book, Frankfort, 1730, and Hamburg, 1740, according to the Carter-Brown Catalogue (ii. 448, 647), but Pilling gives only the first. The 1729 edition was enlarged in the Copenhagen edition of 1741, which has a map, “Gronlandia Antiqua,” showing the east colony and west colony, respectively, east and west of Cape Farewell. This edition is the basis of the various translations: In German, Copenhagen, 1742, using the plates of the 1741 ed.; Berlin, 1763. In Dutch, Delft, 1746. In French, Copenhagen, 1763. In English, London, 1745; abstracted in the Philosoph. Transactions Royal Soc. (1744), xlii. no. 47; and again, London (1818), with an historical introduction based on Torfæus and La Peyrère. Crantz epitomizes Egede’s career in Greenland.
The bibliography in Sabin’s Dictionary (vi. 22,018, etc.) confounds the Greenland journal (1770-78) of Hans Egede’s grandson, Hans Egede Saabye (b. 1746; d. 1817), with the work of the grandfather. This journal is of importance as regards the Eskimos and the missions among them. There is an English version: Greenland: extracts from a journal kept in 1770 to 1778. Prefixed an introduction; illus. by chart of Greenland, by G. Fries. Transl. from the German [by H. E. Lloyd] (London, 1818). The map follows that of the son of Hans, Paul Egede, whose Nachrichten von Grönland aus einem Tagebuche von Bischof Paul Egede (Copenhagen, 1790) must also be kept distinct. Pilling’s Bibliog. of the Eskimo language affords the best guide.
[692] An English translation by Macdougall was published in London in 1837 (Pilling, p. 38; Field, no. 619). A French version of Graah’s introduction with notes by M. de la Roquette was published in 1835. Cf. Journal Royal Geog. Soc., i. 247. After Graah’s publication Rafn placed the Osterbygden on the west coast in his map. Graah’s report (1830) is in French in the Bull. de la Soc. de Géog. de Paris, 1830.
[693] On the present scant, if not absence of, population on the east coast of Greenland, see J. D. Whitney’s Climatic Changes of later geological times (Mus. of Comp. Zoöl. Mem., vii. p. 303, Cambridge, 1882).
[694] The changes in opinion respecting the sites of the colonies and the successive explorations are followed in the Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes by Steenstrup (p. 114) and by Valdemar-Schmidt, “Sur les Voyages des Danois au Groenland” (195, 205, with references). Cf. on these lost colonies and the search for them Westminster Review, xxvii. 139; Harper’s Monthly, xliv. 65 (by I. I. Hayes); Lippincott’s Mag., Aug., 1878; Amer. Church Rev., xxi. 338; and in the general histories, La Peyrère (Dutch transl., Amsterdam, 1678); Crantz (Eng. transl., 1767, p. 272); Egede (Eng. ed., 1818, introd.); and Rink’s Danish Greenland, ch. 1.
[695] The original of Bardsen’s account has disappeared, but Rafn puts it in Latin, translating from an early copy found in the Faröe Islands (Antiquitates Américanæ, p. 300). Purchas gives it in English, from a copy which had belonged to Hudson, being translated from a Dutch version which Hudson had borrowed, the Dutch being rendered by Barentz from a German version. Major also prints it in Voyages of the Zeni. He recognizes in Bardsen’s “Gunnbiorn’s Skerries” the island which is marked in Ruysch’s map (1507) as blown up in 1456 (see Vol. III. p. 9).
[696] Hakluyt, however, prints some pertinent verses by Meredith, a Welsh bard, in 1477.
[697] Murphy Catal., no. 1489; Sabin, x. p. 322; Carter-Brown Catal. for eds. of 1584, 1697, 1702, 1774, 1811, 1832, etc.
[698] In the seventeenth century there were a variety of symptoms of the English eagerness to get the claims of Madoc substantiated, as in Sir Richard Hawkins’s Observations (Hakluyt Soc., 1847), and James Howell’s Familiar Letters (London, 1645). Belknap (Amer. Biog., 1794, i. p. 58) takes this view of Hakluyt’s purpose; but Pinkerton, Voyages, 1812, xii. 157, thinks such a charge an aspersion. The subject was mentioned with some particularity or incidentally by Purchas, Abbott (Brief Description, London, 1620, 1634, 1677), Smith (Virginia), and Fox (North-West Fox). Sir Thomas Herbert in his Relation of some Travaile into Africa and Asia (London, 1634) tracks Madoc to Newfoundland, and he also found Cymric words in Mexico, which assured him in his search for further proofs (Bohn’s Lowndes, p. 1049; Carter-Brown, ii. 413, 1166).
The Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld of Montanus (Amsterdam, 1671) made the story more familiar. It necessarily entered into the discussions of the learned men who, in the seventeenth century, were busied with the question of the origin of the Americans, as in De Laet’s Notæ ad dissertationem Hugonis Grotii (Paris, 1643), who is inclined to believe the story, as is Hornius in his De Originibus Americaniis (1652).
[699] Cf. Catlin’s No. Amer. Indians, i. 207; ii. 259, 262.
[700] Gentleman’s Magazine. It is reprinted in H. H. Bancroft’s Native Races, v. 119, and in Baldwin’s Anc. America, 286. Cf. John Paul Marana, Letters writ by a Turkish Spy, 1691, and later. The story had been told in The British Sailors’ Directory in 1739 (Carter-Brown, iii. 599).
[701] Warden’s Recherches, p. 157; Amos Stoddard’s Sketches of Louisiana (Philad., 1812), ch. 17, and Philad. Med. and Physical Journal, 1805; with views pro and con by Harry Toulmin and B. S. Barton.
[702] The book was reprinted by Sabin, N. Y., 1865, with an introduction by Horatio Gates Jones.
[703] An inquiry into the truth of the tradition concerning the discovery of America by Prince Madog (Lond., 1791), and Further Observations ... containing the account given by General Bowles, the Creek or Cherokee Indian, lately in London, and by several others, of a Welsh tribe of Indians now living in the western parts of North America (Lond., 1792,—Field’s Ind. Bibliog., nos. 1664-65). Carey’s American Museum (April, May, 1792), xi. 152, etc., gave extracts from Williams.
[704] The Welsh Indians, or a collection of papers respecting a people whose ancestors emigrated from Wales to America with Prince Madoc, and who are now said to inhabit a beautiful country on the west side of the Mississippi (London, 1797). He finds these conditions in the Padoucas. Goodson, Straits of Anian (Portsmouth, 1793), p. 71, makes Padoucahs out of “Madogwys”!
[705] Chambers’ Journal, vi. 411, mentioning the Asguaws.
[706] Letter on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the No. Amer. Indians (N. Y., 1842).
[707] He convinced, for instance, Fontaine in his How the World was Peopled, p. 142.
[708] On the variety of complexion among the Indians, see Short’s No. Amer. of Antiq., p. 189; McCulloh’s Researches; Haven, Archæol. U. S., 48; Morton in Schoolcraft, ii. 320; Ethnolog. Journal, London, July, 1848; App. 1849, commenting on Morton.
[709] Pilling, Bibliog. of Siouan languages (Washington, 1887, p. 48), enumerates the authorities on the Mandan tongue. The tribe is now extinct. Cf. Morgan’s Systems of Consanguinity, p. 181.
[710] See also Smithsonian Report, 1885, Part ii. pp. 80, 271, 349, 449. Ruxton in Life in the Far West (N. Y., 1846) found Welsh traces in the speech of the Mowquas, and S. Y. McMaster in Smithsonian Rept., 1865, heard Welsh sounds among the Navajos.
[711] Filson in his Kentucke has also pointed out this possibility.
[712] The bibliography of the subject can be followed in Watson’s list, already referred to, and in that in the Amer. Bibliopolist, Feb., 1869. A few additional references may help complete these lists: Stephens’s Literature of the Cymry, ch. 2; the Abbé Domenech’s Seven Years in the Great Desert of America; Tytler’s Progress of Discovery; Moosmüller’s Europäer in Amerika vor Columbus (Regensburg, 1879, ch. 21); Gaffarel’s Rapport etc., p. 216; Analytical Mag., ii. 409; Atlantic Monthly, xxxvii. 305; No. Am. Rev. (by E. E. Hale), lxxxv. 305; Antiquary, iv. 65; Southern Presbyterian Rev., Jan., April, 1878; Notes and Queries, index.
[713] This Ptolemy map is reproduced in Gravier’s Les Normands sur la route, etc., 6th part, ch. 1; and in Nordenskjöld’s Studien und Forschungen (Leipzig, 1805), p. 25. The Ptolemy of 1562 has the same plate.
[714] J. R. Forster’s Discoveries in the Northern Regions. His confidence was shared by Eggers (1794) in his True Site of Old East Greenland (Kiel), who doubts, however, if the descriptions of Estotiland apply to America. It was held to be a confirmation of the chart that both the east and west Greenland colonies were on the side of Davis’s Straits.
[715] Buache reproduced the map, and read in 1784, before the Academy of Inscriptions in Paris, his Mémoire sur la Frisland, which was printed by the Academy in 1787, p. 430.
[716] Dissertazione intorno ai viaggi e scoperte settentrionali di Nicolo e Antonio Fratelli Zeni. This paper was substantially reproduced in the same writer’s Di Marco Polo e degli altri Viaggiatori veneziani più illustri dissertazioni (Venice, 1818).
[717] Annales des Voyages (1810), x. 72; Précis de la Géographie (1817).
[718] Nordisk Tidsskrift for Oldkyndighed (Copenhagen, 1834), vol. i. p. 1; Royal Geog. Soc. Journal (London, 1835), v. 102; Annales des Voyages (1836), xi.
George Folsom, in the No. Amer. Rev., July, 1838, criticised Zahrtmann, and sustained an opposite view. T. H. Bredsdorff discussed the question in the Grönlands Historiske Mindesmæker (iii. 529); and La Roquette furnished the article in Michaud’s Biog. Universelle.
[719] Major also, in his paper (Royal Geog. Soc. Journal, 1873) on “The Site of the Lost Colony of Greenland determined, and the pre-Columbian discoveries of America confirmed, from fourteenth century documents,” used the Zeno account and map in connection with Ivan Bardsen’s Sailing Directions in placing the missing colony near Cape Farewell. Major epitomized his views on the question in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., Oct., 1874. Sir H. C. Rawlinson commented on Major’s views in his address before the Royal Geog. Society (Journal, 1873, p. clxxxvii).
Stevens (Bibl. Geographica, no. 3104) said: “If the map be genuine, the most of its geography is false, while a part of it is remarkably accurate.”
[720] I viaggi e la Carta dei Fratelli Zeno Veneziani (Florence, 1878), and a Studio Secondo (Estratto dall. Archivio Storico Italiano) in 1885.
[721] “Zeniernes Rejse til Norden et Tolkning Forsoeg,” with a fac-simile of the Zeni map.
[722] Nordenskjöld’s Om bröderna Zenos resor och de äldsta kartor öfner Norden was published at Stockholm in 1883, as an address on leaving the presidency of the Swedish Academy, April 12, 1882; and in the same year, at the Copenhagen meeting of the Congrès des Américanistes, he presented his Trois Cartes précolumbiennes, représentant une partie de l’Amérique (Greenland), which included facsimiles of the Zeno (1558) and Donis (1482) maps with that of Claudius Clavus (1427). This last represents “Islandia” lying midway alone in the sea between “Norwegica Regio” and “Gronlandia provincia.” The “Congelatum mare” is made to flow north of Norway, so as almost to meet the northern Baltic, while north of this frozen sea is an Arctic region, of which Greenland is but an extension south and west. The student will find these and other maps making part of the address already referred to, which also makes part in German of his Studien und Forschungen veranlasst durch meine Reisen im hohen Norden, autorisirte deutsche Ausgabe (Leipzig, 1885). The maps accompanying it not already referred to are the usual Ptolemy map of the north of Europe, based on a MS. of the fourteenth century; the “Scandinavia” from the Isolario of Bordone, 1547; that of the world in the MS. Insularium illustratum of Henricus Martellus, of the fifteenth century, in the British Museum, copied from the sketch in José de Lacerda’s Exame dos Viagens do Doutor Livingstone (Lisbon, 1867); the “Scandinavia” and the “Carta Marina” in the Venetian Ptolemy of 1548; the map of Olaus Magnus in 1567; the chart of Andrea Bianco (1436); the map of the Basle ed. (1532) of Grynæus’ Novis Orbis; that of Laurentius Frisius (1524). He gives these maps as the material possible to be used in 1558 in compiling a map, and to show the superiority of the Zeno chart. Cf. Nature, xxviii. 14; and Major in Royal Geog. Soc. Proc., 1883, p. 473.
[723] “Zeni’ernes Reiser i Norden” in the publication of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries (Copenhagen, 1883), in which he compares the Zeno Frislanda with the maps of Iceland. He also communicated to the Copenhagen meeting of the Congrès des Américanistes “Les voyages des frères Zeni dans le Nord” (Compte Rendu, p. 150).
[724] This also appeared in the Geog. Tidsskrift, vii. 153, accompanied by facsimiles of the Zeni map, with Ruscelli’s alteration of it (1561), and of the maps of Donis (1482), Laurentius Frisius (1525), and of the Ptolemy of 1548.
[725] Roy. Geog. Soc. Journal (1879), vol. xlix. p. 398, “Zeno’s Frisland is Iceland and not the Faröes,”—and the same views in “Nautical Remarks about the Zeni Voyages” in Compte Rendu, Cong. des Amér. (Copenhagen, 1883), p. 183.
[726] “Zeno’s Frisland is not Iceland, but the Faröes” in Roy. Geog. Soc. Journal (1879), xlix. 412.
[727] Géog. du Moyen Age, iii. 103.
[728] Discovery of Maine, 92.
[729] Dudley, Arcano del Mare, pl. lii, places Estotiland between Davis and Hudson’s Straits; but Torfæus doubts if it is Labrador, as is “commonly believed.” Lafitau (Mœurs des Sauvages) puts it north of Hudson Bay. Forster calls it Newfoundland. Beauvois (Les colonies Européenes du Markland at de l’Escociland) makes it include Maine, New Brunswick, and part of Lower Canada. These are the chief varieties of belief. Steenstrup is of those who do not recognize America at all. Hornius, among the older writers, thought that Scotland or Shetland was more likely to have been the fisherman’s strange country. Santarem (Hist. de la Cartographie, iii. 141) points out an island, “Y Stotlandia,” in the Baltic, as shown on the map of Giovanni Leardo (1448) at Venice.
In P. B. Watson’s Bibliog. of Pre-Columbian Discoveries of America there is the fullest but not a complete list on the subject, and from this and other sources a few further references may be added: Belknap’s Amer. Biography; Humboldt’s Examen Critique, ii. 120; Asher’s Henry Hudson, p. clxiv; Gravier’s Découverte de l’Amérique, 183; Gaffarel’s Etude sur l’Amérique avant Colomb, p. 261, and in the Revue de Géog., vii., Oct., Nov., 1880, with the Zeno map as changed by Ortelius; De Costa’s Northmen in Maine; Weise’s Discoveries of America, p. 44; Goodrich’s Columbus; Peschel’s Gesch. des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen (1858), and Ruge’s work of the same title; Guido Cora’s I precursori di Cristoforo Colombo (Rome, 1886), taken from the Bollettino della soc. geog. italiana, Dec., 1885; Gay’s Pop. Hist. U. S. (i. 76); Foster’s Prehistoric Races; Studi biog. e bibliog. soc. geog. ital., 2d ed., 1882, p. 117; P. O. Moosmüller’s Europäer in Amerika vor Columbus, ch. 24; Das Ausland, Oct. 11, Dec. 27, 1886; Nature, xxviii. p. 14.
Geo. E. Emery, Lynn, Mass., issued in 1877 a series of maps, making Islandia to be Spitzbergen, with the East Bygd of the Northmen at its southern end; Frisland, Iceland; and Estotiland, Newfoundland.
[730] Sabin, x., no. 42,675.
[731] There are editions with annotations by Robert Ingram, at Colchester, Eng., 1792; and by Santiago Perez Junquera, at Madrid, 1881. Theoph. Spizelius’ Elevatio relationis Montezinianæ de repertis in America tribubus Israeliticis (Basle, 1661) is a criticism (Leclerc, 547; Field, 1473). One Montesinos had professed to have found a colony of Jews in Peru, and had satisfied Manasseh Ben Israel of his truthfulness.
[732] Cf. collations in Stevens’s Nuggets, p. 728, and his Hist. Coll., ii. no. 538; Brinley, iii. no. 5463; Field, no. 1551, who cites a new edition in 1652, called Digitus Dei: new discoveryes, with some arguments to prove that the Jews (a nation) a people ... inhabit now in America ... with the history of Ant: Montesinos attested by Mannasseh Ben Israell. A divine, John Dury, had urged Thorowgood to publish, and had before this, in printing some of the accounts of the work of Eliot and others among the New England Indians, announced his belief in the theory.
[733] Cotton Mather (Magnalia, iii. part 2) tells how Eliot traced the resemblances to the Jews in the New England Indians.
[734] 2d ed., 1727. Cf. Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, ii. p. 361; Carter-Brown, iii. 401.
[735] The History of the American Indians, particularly those Nations adjoining to the Mississippi, East and West Florida, Georgia, South and North Carolina, and Virginia: Containing an Account of their Origin, Language, Manners, Religious and Civil Customs, Laws, Form of Government, etc., etc., with an Appendix, containing a Description of the Floridas, and the Missisipi Lands, with their productions (London, 1775). His arguments are given in Kingsborough’s Mex. Antiq., viii. Bancroft (Nat. Races, v. 91) epitomizes them. Adair’s book appeared in a German translation at Breslau (1782).
[736] Observations on the language of the Muhhekaneew Indians, in which ... some instances of analogy between that and the Hebrew are pointed out (New Haven, 1788). Cf. on the contrary, Jarvis before the N. Y. Hist. Soc. in 1819.
[737] Essay upon the propagation of the Gospel, in which there are facts to prove that many of the indians in America are descended from the Ten Tribes (Philad., 1799; 2d ed., 1801).
[738] A Star in the West, or an attempt to discover the long lost Ten Tribes of Israel (Trenton, N. J., 1816).
[739] View of the Hebrews, or the tribe of Israel in America (Poultney, Vt., 1825).