bill passed, 409.

Mint, establishment of.—See Index, vols. 1, 2.

Miranda's Expedition.—In the House, petition of thirty-six American citizens confined at Carthagena, in South America, under sentence of slavery, 37;
referred, 39;
report of committee, 46;
resolution of committee considered, 95;
postponement moved, 95;
lost, 95;
an agreement on the resolution would involve the government in difficulty without answering any good purpose, 95;
it would tend to prove that the government had connection with the expedition, 95;
the persons had engaged themselves in foreign service, 95;
had been taken and condemned for piracy, 95;
appeal to humanity, 95;
such an appeal could not involve the government, 95;
the men had been deluded, 95;
they had been sufficiently punished, 95;
resolution lost, 96.

Resolution offered, that the President take measures to effect their liberation if satisfied they were involuntarily drawn into the enterprise, 142;
in this case to lean to the side of humanity is an act of great injustice and cruelty to society, 142;
it is not a question like redeeming our brethren from slavery in Tripoli, but whether this government would lend its countenance to the class of men concerned in the expeditions of Miranda and Aaron Burr, 142;
in passing this resolution we hold up a premium to vice, 142;
no justice in the proposed interference, 143;
a bounty should be allowed on the exportation of every man of similar principles, 143;
the Spanish government never would release them until the government interfered, 143;
the only money necessary was to defray the expense of bringing them back, 143;
if the President has the power he has not chosen to exercise it, 143;
did not knowingly engage in this expedition, 143;
they declare they did not understand the nature of the expedition, 143;
reasons to show this, 144;
a judicial investigation was had in New York previous to embarkation, 144;
those who enlisted the men declare they were not informed of the object of the expedition, 144;
embarrassment of their situation, 144;
if the men were guilty they should not receive the benefit of the interposition of government, 144;
these appeals for mercy would apply better to the Spanish government, 145;
subject of the greatest delicacy for the United States to interfere, 145;
statement of a lawyer, 145;
we should place the President in a very unpleasant situation, 146;
what has the British Government done? 146;
have not the British subjects been liberated? 146;
what has been the situation of Great Britain to Spain? 146;
what connection exists between the statements that have been made and the merits of the case? 147;
question lost, 147.

Mississippi Territory.—Memorial of Legislative Council 264;
report on petition of citizens, 465.
See Territories.

Mississippi, free navigation of.—See Index, vol. 2.

Missouri Territory.—See Territories.

Mitchell, John, letters relative to American prisoners, 705.

Mitchill, Samuel L., Senator from New York, 3;
on the repeal of the embargo act, 16;
Representative from New York, 315, 424, 577;
on the ratio of representation, 317;
makes a report on the Spanish American colonies, 436;
on the bill to enable the people of Mississippi to form a State Government, 521;
on imposing additional duties, 539;
on the temporary embargo bill, 550;
reports on an astronomical observatory, 705.
See Index, vols. 2, 3.

Monroe, James, number of votes for, as Vice President, 27.
See Index, vols. 1, 2.

Montgomery, Daniel, jr., Representative from Pennsylvania, 36.

Montgomery, John, Representative from Maryland, 36, 125, 187, 315;
on non-intercourse with Great Britain and France, 159;
on remission of certain fines on emigrants from Cuba, 164;
against granting petition of Elizabeth Hamilton, 215;
reports on Bank of the United States, 215;
against the claim of Jared Shattuck, 352.
See Index, vol. 3.

Moore, Andrew, Senator from Virginia, 5;
on the repeal of the embargo act, 11.
See Index, vols. 2, 3.

Moore, Nicholas B., Representative from Maryland, 36, 125, 187, 315.
See Index, vol. 3.

Moore, Thomas, Representative from South Carolina, 53, 125, 187, 315, 425, 577.
See Index, vols. 2, 3.

Morgan, James, Representative from New Jersey, 424, 580.

Morrow, Jeremiah, Representative from Ohio, 36, 125, 187, 315, 425, 577;
reports on the claim for military services in the old French war, 319.
See Index, vol. 3.

Morrow, John, Representative from Virginia, 36.
See Index, vol. 3.

Mosely, Jonathan O., Representative from Connecticut, 36, 124, 187, 315, 424, 577;
on an additional military force, 614.
See Index, vol. 3.

Mounted Troops.—In the House, resolution presented to authorize an expedition of mounted volunteers against certain hostile Indian tribes, 579;
the people have the will and power to extirpate these tribes or compel their surrender, 579;
duty of Congress to organize this power and direct this will, 579;
since the defeat of Braddock no campaign had been carried on with them suitable to bring them to reason, 579;
experience of the past, 579;
the work has been begun and should be completed, 580;
subject considered, 650;
resolutions relative to, offered, 651;
laid on the table, 651.

Mumford, Gurdon S., Representative from New York, 36, 212, 316;
on submission to the late edicts of England and France, 49;
opposes laying up of the frigates, 229;
on commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain, 378.
See Index, vol. 3.


N

National University.—See Index, vol. 2.

Naturalization Laws.—In the House, resolution relative to amending the law, offered, 543;
by the law the courts are prohibited naturalizing foreigners since the declaration of war, 543;
to persons who have taken their first papers the Government is pledged, 543;
resolution referred, 543;
supplementary bill introduced, 594;
amendments offered, 594.

In the House.—Motion to amend considered, 715;
motion lost, 715;
section depriving of his right any one who leaves the country for two years, lost, 715;
bill ordered to be engrossed, 715;
passage opposed, 715;
bill recommitted, 715.
See Index, vols. 1, 2.

Naturalized Citizens.—Petition for protection, 574.

Naval Establishment.—Bill relative to, read third time in the Senate, 176.

In the House.—Bill to employ an additional number of seamen and marines, considered; amendments propose immediate arming and manning all the armed vessels, 97;
President already authorized to fit out these vessels when the public service requires, 97;
if no occasion exists, the expense is a sufficient argument against it, 97;
take six months to prepare our ships, 97;
they are rotting now at the docks, 97;
if out at sea they might be useful, 97;
a naval force, the most effectual protection to our seaports, 97;
however small our naval force it should not be undervalued, 97;
a war with Great Britain could be carried on only by distressing her trade, 97;
if we had a navy it would furnish the strongest temptation to attack our seaports, 98;
moved to refer amendments of the Senate to a committee of the whole, 98;
motion lost, 98;
no estimate accompanies this bill, 98;
this House as much right to judge of the force requisite as any other department, 98;
advantages that will accrue to the nation from a few fast-sailing frigates, 98;
what defence a few frigates would be could not be understood, 98;
our power of coercion is not on the ocean, 98;
sufficient evidence in history to warn the United States against a naval force, 98;
facts bearing on the case, 98;
economy is good in time of peace, but not for war, 99;
it is shocking doctrine that this country ought to have a navy competent to cope with a detachment of the British navy, 99;
England now sole mistress of the ocean, 99;
as well think of embarking a hundred thousand men to attack France on her soil, as of building ships enough to oppose the British navy, 99;
the question is whether we will call into actual service the little navy we possess, 99;
those attempting to argue in favor of this measure involve themselves in absurdities, 99;
these absurdities exposed, 99;
not wealth enough in this whole nation if each should give his all, to maintain our rights against Great Britain, 100;
at the close of the Revolutionary war we had but one frigate, and the best thing we did was to give that away, 100;
the insult at Savannah, 100;
would it be good policy to let our means of carrying on war on the ocean rot at our docks? 100;
why then should they not be manned? 100;
the expense of this measure will compel Congress to borrow money, 100;
disadvantages of loans, 100;
on the score of protection to trade it is not proper to fit out a navy, 101;
this proposition a mere entering wedge, 101;
causes an extension of Executive patronage which should be limited, 101;
nothing in the nature of the Government or foreign relations to require a navy, 101;
not now discussing the propriety of raising a naval force for offensive purposes, 101;
an invasion, whether on land or water, touches equally the life-blood of every man, 101.

In the House.—Bill to reduce the naval force read in committee, 227;
moved to strike out so much as provides that all the frigates but three shall be sold, 228;
moved to strike out the whole section, 228;
the navy should be put on the footing of the peace establishment, 228;
reform in the expenditure desired, 228;
other amendments proposed, 228;
motion to insert Washington as a place for a navy yard carried, 229;
indefinite postponement moved, 229;
withdrawn, 229;
question to strike out so much as orders the sale of all the gunboats, 229;
mortifying to witness the events unfolding in the Old World, and the paralyzing system going on in this country, 229;
some system should be adopted for the protection of our commerce, 229;
"millions for defence, not a cent for tribute," 229;
the vessels should be fitted out, 230;
motion to place the navy on the footing of 1806, 230;
the system of the navy yards requires a thorough reform, 230;
mode of equipment referred to, 230;
a reform in the expense, not the abolition of the navy, was the great desideratum, 230;
what appearance would the passage of this bill present to the world, after the resolutions adopted at the commencement of the session? 230;
the terrapin policy, 231;
no one can be insensible to the necessity of protection, 231;
consider the immense space exposed, 231;
the navy is at present sufficiently reduced, 231;
it is asked, what has the navy done? 231;
not that want of system at the navy yards which is complained of, 232;
the smaller vessels are in perfect repair, 232;
what mighty good has the army done by land? 232;
the effects of a naval force upon Cornwallis, 232;
the people of the United States are destined to become a great naval power, 232;
object of the present reduction is to enable the Government to dispense with loans and taxes, 233;
nothing can so tend to strangle the infant Hercules of the American navy, as the injudicious manner in which that power has been attempted to be brought into action, 233;
the revenue necessary for a naval establishment is founded on commercial greatness, 233;
but we have changed and perverted all this, 233;
whence come these proceedings which we find? 233;
the reduction will not do any effectual service, 234;
comparative expenses of the navy under the several administrations, 235;
expenses of the marine corps, 236;
expenses of the navy yards, 236;
annual cost of a seaman, 236;
arguments considered, 237;
is it necessary to continue this establishment in its present state? 238;
when the United States had forty sail afloat and eight thousand seamen, they had no navy yards, 238;
our duty to commence a thorough investigation, 239;
examinations of the committee, 239;
repairs of the vessels, 239;
naval equipments, 239;
motion to strike out so much as orders the sale of all the frigates but three, lost, 240;
section relative to dismissal of seamen lost, 240.

Motion to strike out the section which reduces the marine corps considered, 240;
former price of rations, 240;
proportion of mariners to seamen, 240;
who are the true friends of the Administration? 240;
section stricken out, 242;
motion to amend so as to disband the master commandants, 242;
reasons asked for, 242;
the proposition is preposterous, 242;
never been any reason assigned for the creation of these officers, 242;
this amendment called submission to the belligerents, 242;
our situation requires a war speech against somebody, 243;
well if our relative expenditures could be brought back to Mr. Adams' Administration, 243;
amendments proposed, 244;
save an expenditure of near a million dollars, 244;
the original bill in a different form, 244;
amendment proposed to limit the number of seamen to fifteen hundred, 245;
this retrenchment in the navy will end in smoke, 245;
Adams' Administration made the only reform ever made in the naval establishment, 245;
reduction made by the act of 1801, 245;
proceedings in 1806, 245;
further debate, 246;
amendment moved, 247;
lost, 247;
original amendment passed, 247.

In the Senate.—The bill relative to an increase of the navy considered, 405;
amendment proposed, authorizing the President to cause to be built, as soon as possible, a blank number of frigates, 405;
offered from a sense of duty to support the dignity, protect the rights, and advance the best interests of the country, 406;
if it be not the purpose of the Government to engage in an open, actual, efficient war, or to place the nation in such a complete state of defence as to avert war from our readiness to meet it, then some of the measures of the present session are not only inexcusable, but nearly treasonable, 406;
what was the consequence of the course of the Government in 1793? 406;
look at the case of the war with Tripoli, 406;
then followed the decrees, 406;
commerce has been abandoned, 406;
what was the leading object of the adoption of the Federal Constitution in the northern parts of the Union? emphatically to protect commerce, 406;
the only money paid into the Treasury which can justly be placed to the exclusive credit of the commerce, is the sum retained in commerce; how, then, has she done every thing for the Government? 407;
who are most interested in commerce; the growers of the articles, or the factors, or freighters employed in their exchange? 407;
exports of foreign productions constitutes a commerce which is the legitimate offspring of war, and expires with the first dawnings of peace, 408;
it is prosecuted chiefly by commercial cities east and north of the Potomac, 408;
a navy can injure commerce, but cannot afford it protection, unless it annihilates the naval force of the adverse nation, 408;
these frigates are to be employed in destroying the commerce of the enemy, and not in fighting her armed vessels, according to the representations of gentlemen, 408;
bill concerning the Naval establishment considered, 477;
moved to fill the blank of the first section with $480,000; a great question, involving, in this subject, to a considerable extent, the fate of a species of national defence, the most essential and necessary, 478;
if the infant Naval establishment is put down, the majority of this House run a great risk of becoming the minority, 478;
it has been said this country is a great land animal, which should not venture into the water, 478;
the ocean is the farm of a great portion of our people, 478;
we are now going to war, to protect their rights, 478;
if Great Britain had not the Canadas on our border, how could we attack or resist her? 478;
the Naval establishment has been too much neglected, 478;
the committee ask what this House will do, principally toward establishing and perpetuating a respectable naval force, for the protection of the rights of the people exposed on the ocean, 478;
the adoption of a respectable Naval establishment is deemed improper on the grounds of its enormous expense, and the inability of the nation to resist with effect, the immense naval power of Great Britain, 478;
its expense during eighteen years, 479;
an examination of the figures and statements, 479;
the average annual expense is little more than twice the amount of our economical civil list, 479;
less expensive than the military establishment, 479;
compare the service of the army with that of the navy, 479;
if the expenses have been extravagant, there is an opportunity through experience, to reform the abuse, 479;
a naval force the cheapest defence, 479;
compare its expense with that of permanent fortifications, 479;
the force proposed is sufficient to protect us on our own seas, and defend our ports and harbors against the naval power of Great Britain, 479;
such is the opinion of naval men, 479;
a triple force will be required by the enemy to put himself on a footing of equality with that of the United States, 480;
the force sent here must be relieved every three months, 480;
Halifax is the only suitable port Great Britain has on this coast, 480;
great misconception on the subject of the British naval force, 480;
this force examined, 480;
only a limited number of ships can be directed by her towards a given point, 480;
her seamen, also, are limited, 480;
her pecuniary resources are limited, 480;
what number of vessels is she practically able to keep in commission? 480;
some oppose this bill, lest we should become too great a naval power, 481;
but a navy is said to be anti-republican, 481;
we are told that navies have ruined every nation that has employed them, 481;
objections to the bill, 481;
after the war is over, the navy will remain, 482;
the army will be disbanded, 482;
it is inexpedient to commence a permanent naval establishment, 482;
we are unprepared for it, 482;
we cannot protect our commerce on the ocean, 482;
the expenses of a Naval establishment exceed the profits which arise from the commerce it protects, 483;
these expenses are a serious objection, 483;
what has the nation benefited for the past enormous expenditure? 483;
details of the expenditure at the Washington Navy Yard, 483;
a navy will be the means of exciting many wars, 483;
consider the fate of all nations who have been famous for their navies, 483;
Great Britain must sink under the heavy pressure, 484;
our vessels may only tend to swell the present catalogue of the British Navy, 484;
small ships are proper for the service of the United States, 484;
if we proceed to build a Naval establishment, it may affect the destinies of this nation to the latest posterity, 484;
this nation is not inevitably destined to become a great naval power, 484;
reasons why a permanent establishment will prove ruinous, 484;
the proposed establishment cannot be maintained, without permanent internal taxes and a constant increase of public debt, 484;
navies have never been considered adequate to the complete protection of commerce, 484;
the situation of Europe is in all respects different from ours, 485;
instructions of the Virginia Legislature to their Senators in Congress, in 1801, 485;
establish a navy and this country may bid farewell to peace, 485;
our little navy has already contributed much towards the irritation which exists between us and England, 486;
the object in view is as ruinous to the finances of the people as it will be destructive to the peace of the nation, 486;
since the political revolution in 1801, the question of building a navy has never before been presented directly to the consideration of Congress, 486;
the United States cannot maintain a navy without oppression to the great mass of the community in the persons of tax-gatherers, 486;
the system as well as the expense objected to, 486;
note, 486;
the people will not support such a naval establishment, 487;
the advocates of a navy need not expect to cover the deformity and danger of the system, by telling the people they are the friends to the protection of commerce, 487;
the division of sentiment in the delegations from different States, 487;
search for examples in ancient and modern history, 487;
has the navy of Britain ever been confined to the protection of her lawful commerce? 488;
the report has assumed principles as erroneous as they are novel, 488;
maritime commerce has only a coeval right of protection with other objects; still the greatest means and resources of the Government have been devoted to its protection, 488;
it is asked how we shall contend with a maritime nation, without a navy? objections to the object in view answered, 489;
the nature of commerce, 489;
the value of commerce has been strangely misunderstood, 489;
but we have determined to defend it, 490;
we must employ the cheapest and most efficacious means of hostility we possess, 490;
if it is absurd to protect commerce by a navy, how much more so by an army, which costs more than a navy, 490;
the strongest recommendation of a navy to free governments has been that it was capable of defending, but not of enslaving, 490;
a navy, it is said, would terminate in an aristocracy or a minority, 490;
the constitution was formed by the union of independent States, that the strength of the whole might be employed for the protection of every part, 490;
an army the States can have without the Union, but an adequate navy they cannot, 490;
the experience of the world, 491;
expenses of the navy, 491;
it is said our resources are insufficient for its equipment, 491;
the bill embraces two objects, 492;
one relates to the repairs and equipment of the ships in service; the other contemplates building ten additional frigates, and laying the foundation of a new Naval establishment, 492;
as an abstract question, it is for the interest of the United States to begin the establishment, 492;
this proved by its connection with the great and essential interests of the country, 492;
commerce springs from our agriculture, and must be protected, 493;
while England and France have been contending for the mastery, we, with a suitable naval force and strict neutrality, might have pursued a gainful trade, 493;