Yeas.—Messrs. Bradley, Condit, Crawford, Dana, German, Gilman, Goodrich, Gregg, Horsey, Hunter, Lambert, Lloyd, Pope, Reed, Robinson, Smith of New York, Turner, and Worthington—18.
Nays.—Messrs. Anderson, Bibb, Brent, Campbell of Tennessee, Cutts, Gaillard, Giles, Howell, Leib, Smith of Maryland, Tait, Taylor, and Varnum—13.
So the motion was carried.
Maritime Defence.
Mr. Pope asked and obtained leave to bring in a bill more effectually to protect the commerce and coasts of the United States; and the bill was read, and passed to the second reading.
Rhode Island Resolutions.
Mr. Hunter presented the resolutions of the Legislature of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, instructing their Senators and Representatives in Congress, to use their endeavors to avert the evils of war, to put our maritime frontier in a state of defence, and for the repeal of the embargo and restrictive system; and the resolutions were read.
New York Memorial.
Mr. Smith of New York, presented the following petition of sundry inhabitants, merchants, and others, of the city of New York, praying that the embargo and non-importation laws be continued as a substitute for war against Great Britain:
To the honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, the memorial of the subscribers, merchants, and others, inhabitants of the city of New York, respectfully showeth:
That your memorialists feel, in common with the rest of their fellow-citizens, an anxious solicitude for the honor and interest of their country, and an equal determination to assert and maintain them.
That your memorialists believe that a continuation of the restrictive measures now in operation will produce all the benefits while it prevents the calamities of war. That when the British Ministry become convinced that a trade with the United States cannot be renewed, but by the repeal of the Orders in Council, the distress of their merchants and manufacturers, &c., their inability to support their armies in Spain and Portugal, will probably compel them to that measure.
Your memorialists beg leave to remark, that such effects are even now visible; and it may be reasonably hoped that a continuance of the embargo and non-importation laws a few months beyond the fourth day of July next, will effect a complete and bloodless triumph of our rights.
Your memorialists therefore respectfully solicit of your honorable body the passage of a law continuing the embargo, and giving to the President of the United States power to discontinue the whole of the restrictive system on the rescinding of the British Orders in Council.
The conduct of France in burning our ships, in sequestrating our property entering her ports, expecting protection in consequence of the promised repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees, and the delay in completing a treaty with the American Minister, has excited great sensation, and we hope and trust will call forth from your honorable body such retaliatory measures as may be best calculated to procure justice.
After the memorial had been read,
Mr. Taylor said, that the respectability of the subscribers to a petition presented to this body, and the importance of the matter therein contained, had, on various occasions, been used as inducements to us to give such petition a respectful disposition in the course of our proceedings. He recollected a case in point. It was the case of the petition of an eminent merchant of Massachusetts, presented by an honorable Senator from that State, and which at the suggestion of that honorable gentleman was, by the Senate, ordered to be printed. He was of opinion that the petition just read ought not to be treated with less attention. That he had seen the petition, and had inquired into the character of its subscribers—and had been informed that the fifty-eight signers to it were among the most respectable, wealthy, and intelligent merchants of the city of New York. There are to be found in that list the names of two presidents of banks; three presidents of insurance companies; thirteen directors of banks: besides other names of pre-eminent standing in the mercantile world. They had all united in the sentiments contained in the petition, notwithstanding that there existed among them a difference in political opinions—for he understood that of the petitioners forty-two were federal and sixteen republican. Mr. T. added, that he considered some of the sentiments contained in the petition as of the highest importance. He hailed it as an auspicious occurrence, that these honorable merchants, in praying that the evils of war might be averted from them and from the nation, had nevertheless held fast to the principle of resistance to the aggressions and unhallowed conduct of Great Britain towards our nation—and had exercised the candor and firmness to bear testimony to the efficiency of the restrictive system for obtaining a redress of our wrongs, and of course to the integrity and honor of those who had imposed this system for that purpose. He hoped that the example of these petitioners would tend to counteract those strenuous and unremitting exertions of passion, prejudice, and party feeling, which had attempted to stamp upon the majority in Congress the foul and unjust censure of being enemies to commerce. That, however unfashionable and obstinate it might appear, he still believed that the embargo and non-importation laws, if faithfully executed, were capable of reaching farther than our cannon. We were at this very time tendering an urgent argument, to be felt by each city, village and hamlet in England. This touching to the quick the vital interests of that empire, would demonstrate to the people at least the folly and absurdity of the Orders in Council. The ordeal of the twenty weeks of scarcity, which the people of that unhappy country are undergoing, to relieve which, but for the madness and folly of their rulers, every yard of American canvas would be spread to the gales: the thousands of starving manufacturers thrown out of employ for want of our custom, which custom, but for the injustice of their masters, we were willing to give, now feel the efficiency of the restrictive system. These matter-of-fact arguments want no sophistry nor long speeches to give them weight. But Great Britain is proud, and will never yield to this sort of pressure. Hunger has no law. Where was her pride during the last year when she exported to her enemy on the continent more than eleven millions of pounds sterling for provisions; and meanly truckling to her enemy, consented to buy the privilege of laying out her guineas for bread; and actually submitted on the compulsion of Napoleon to buy the wines, brandies, and silks of France, which she did not want! This restrictive system, when commenced under the former embargo law, encountered every opposition among ourselves, which selfish avarice, which passion and party rage could suggest; and so successful were its assailants that while it was operating with its fullest effects, (which the prices current of that day will show,) some of its greatest champions in the National Legislature abandoned it—yes, sir, in the tide of victory they threw down their arms. How were the mighty fallen, and the shield of the mighty vilely cast away! The disavowal of Erskine's arrangement was the consequence of this retreat. But it may be said that the sentiments in their petition were extorted by the apprehension of a greater evil—war. In all our trials, those who had not predetermined to submit to Great Britain must have anticipated this alternative. Let those who by their acrimony, sneers, and scoffs, have thrown away this chief defence of our nation, be held responsible for the compulsion they have imposed on us to take this dire alternative. He said that although he was unwilling to abate a single pang which we might legally inflict upon our enemy, and might at the proper time oppose any thing like the swap proposed of one system for another, when we had the power and the right to impose upon our enemy both the one and the other, he nevertheless thought the petition was deserving of the attention which he now moved it should receive. He moved that the petition should be printed.
The motion was agreed to; and the Senate then adjourned.
General Wilkinson's Accounts.
The Senate resumed the consideration of the resolution reported by the committee on the memorial of General James Wilkinson, which is as follows:
Resolved, That the proper accounting officer of the Department of War be directed, in the settlement of General Wilkinson's account, to place to his credit the sum of four thousand and thirty-six dollars seventy-seven cents.
And the resolution was agreed to, and recommitted to the original committee, with instruction to bring in a bill accordingly.
Massachusetts Memorial.
Mr. Lloyd presented a resolution of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, passed June 2d, instant, expressing their opinion "that an offensive war against Great Britain, under the present circumstances of this country, would be in the highest degree impolitic, unnecessary, and ruinous;" also, a memorial of the said House of Representatives, passed by a majority of one hundred and sixty-six, on the same subject; and the resolution and memorial were read, and ordered to be printed for the use of the Senate.
They are as follows:
Commonwealth of Massachusetts:
In the House of Representatives,
June 2, 1812.
Resolved, As the opinion of this House, that an offensive war against Great Britain, under the present circumstances of this country, would be in the highest degree impolitic, unnecessary, and ruinous; that the great body of the people of this Commonwealth are decidedly opposed to this measure, which they do not believe to be demanded by the honor or interests of the nation; and that a committee be appointed to prepare a respectful petition to be presented to Congress, praying them to arrest a calamity so greatly to be deprecated, and, by the removal of commercial restrictions, to restore, so far as depends on them, the benefits of trade and navigation, which are indispensable to the prosperity and comfort of the people of this Commonwealth.
TIMOTHY BIGELOW, Speaker.
Injunction of Secrecy on War Measures removed.
The injunction of secrecy thereon having been removed, on motion, by Mr. Anderson, twelve hundred copies of the confidential Message of the President of the United States of the first of June instant, were ordered to be printed for the use of the Senate.
A confidential Message was received from the President of the United States, as follows:
[For this Message, see the Supplemental Journal of the Proceedings of the House of Representatives, under the date of June 1, 1812, post.]
Declaration of War against Great Britain.
A confidential Message was received from the House of Representatives, by Messrs. Macon and Findlay, two of their members—Mr. Macon, chairman:
Mr. President: The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled "An act declaring War between Great Britain and her Dependencies, and the United States and their Territories;" in which they ask the concurrence of the Senate; and request that the bill be considered confidentially.
An act declaring War between Great Britain and her Dependencies, and the United States and their Territories.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That war be and the same is hereby declared to exist between Great Britain and her Dependencies, and the United States and their Territories; and that the President of the United States is hereby authorized to use the whole land and naval force of the United States to carry the same into effect; and to issue to private armed vessels of the United States commissions or letters of marque and general reprisal, in such form as he shall think proper, and under the seal of the United States, against the vessels, goods, and effects of the Government of Great Britain, of its subjects, and of all persons inhabiting within any of its territories or possessions.
On motion, the bill was twice read by unanimous consent; and, on motion by Mr. Leib, it was referred to the committee appointed the 1st instant, on the confidential Message of the President of the United States of the same date, to consider and report thereon.
On motion by Mr. Anderson, the bill entitled "An act declaring War between Great Britain and her Dependencies, and the United States and their Territories," was considered as in Committee of the Whole. Mr. Gaillard was requested to take the Chair; and, after debate, a motion was made by Mr. Gregg, that the bill be recommitted, for further amendment, to the committee who have under consideration the Message of the President of the United States of the 1st June. And, after debate, the President resumed the Chair, and the Senate adjourned.
Mr. Gaillard was requested to take the Chair.
The Senate resumed, as in Committee of the Whole, the bill, entitled "An act declaring War between Great Britain and her Dependencies, and the United States and their Territories."
Mr. Gregg, by permission, amended his motion for recommitting the bill to the committee appointed on the confidential Message of the President of the United States, of the 1st of June, as follows:
Resolved, That the bill entitled "An act declaring War between Great Britain and her Dependencies, and the United States and their Territories," be recommitted to the committee to whom was committed the Message of the President, of the 1st instant, with instructions to modify and amend the same, in such manner that the President of the United States shall have power to authorize the public armed ships and vessels of the United States to make reprisals upon the public and private ships and vessels, goods, and merchandise, belonging to the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or to the subjects thereof; and also to grant letters of marque and reprisal, under suitable regulations, to be provided in the bill, to private armed ships and vessels to make like reprisals.
Mr. Gaillard was requested to take the Chair.
On motion by Mr. Anderson, the bill from the House of Representatives, entitled "An act declaring war between Great Britain and her Dependencies, and the United States and their Territories," was resumed, and considered as in Committee of the Whole, together with the motion yesterday submitted by Mr. Gregg; and on the question to agree to the motion, it was determined in the affirmative—yeas 17, nays 13, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Bayard, Condit, Dana, German, Giles, Gilman, Goodrich, Gregg, Horsey, Howell, Hunter, Lambert, Leib, Lloyd, Reid, Smith of New York, and Worthington.
Nays.—Messrs. Anderson, Bibb, Campbell of Tennessee, Crawford, Cutts, Franklin, Gaillard, Pope, Smith of Maryland, Tait, Taylor, Turner, and Varnum.
Whereupon, Mr. Crawford resumed the Chair; and, on motion by Mr. Anderson, it was ordered that the committee to whom this bill is recommitted have leave to sit immediately.
Reprisals on British Commerce.
Mr. Anderson, from the committee to whom was recommitted the bill, entitled "An act declaring War between Great Britain and her Dependencies, and the United States and their Territories," with instructions to modify and amend the same, in such manner that the President shall have the power to authorize the public armed ships and vessels of the United States to make reprisals upon the public and private ships and vessels, goods, and merchandise, belonging to the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and to the subjects thereof; and also to grant letters of marque and reprisal, under suitable regulations, to be provided in the bill, to private ships and vessels to make reprisals, agreeably to said instructions.
Declaration of War.
Mr. Gaillard was requested to take the Chair; and on motion, by Mr. Anderson, the consideration of the bill, entitled "An act declaring war between Great Britain and her Dependencies, and the United States and their Territories," was resumed, as in Committee of the Whole; and having agreed to sundry amendments, the President resumed the Chair; and Mr. Gaillard reported the bill with amendments, which were considered in Senate and agreed to.
A motion was made by Mr. German, to postpone the further consideration of the bill to the first Monday in November next.
Mr. German addressed the Chair as follows:
Mr. President: I made the motion to postpone the consideration of the bill now before us, from a conviction that it will be extremely injurious to the country to pass it at this time. I feel, sir, that the State I have the honor to represent has a peculiar interest in the event of this question; and I also feel the weight of the interest which the nation at large has at stake, in the event of the passage of this bill. I therefore consider it a duty I owe my constituents, to use every reasonable exertion in my power to prevent the object of that bill, until the country is better prepared to carry it into effect.
As I presume the war, if declared, is intended to be an offensive one, I will, to establish the propriety of my motion, take a general view of the situation of this country; of its means to carry on offensive operations, as well as to defend itself, and of the situation and relative strength also of the country we are required to make war upon.
I am ready to allow, Mr. President, that both Great Britain and France have given us abundant cause for war; on this occasion, therefore, I shall dispense with using any argument which might serve to show, that if we were even in a state of preparation, and possessed the means of insuring a favorable issue, it would be bad policy for this country, at the present time, to enter into war with Great Britain, although perhaps many weighty reasons might be adduced in support of such argument.
I will first call the attention of the Senate to the ability and strength of the nation we are about, by this bill, to declare war against. Gentlemen ought to recollect, that Great Britain has been almost constantly engaged in war for twenty years past against one of the most powerful nations that ever existed; and for a considerable part of that time, the energies of her enemy have been directed by war's favorite genius—Napoleon, who has succeeded in uniting nearly the whole force of the Continent of Europe against her: against that very nation which we are about to assail; and what has been the effect? Is Great Britain less powerful now, than she was twenty years ago? No, sir, this constant warfare has increased her powers instead of diminishing them. At the commencement of the war, France was nearly her equal on the ocean, and several other nations of Europe maintained a powerful naval force. But what is their situation at present? Has not Great Britain driven them all from the ocean? And does she not remain sole mistress? I ask gentlemen, if her ability to carry on a distant war by land or sea, has diminished? The answer must be that it has increased with her navy, and extended with her dominion. Great Britain now commands the strength and resources of most of the West India Islands, and many of the islands in the Indian Ocean. She controls the destinies of more than thirty millions of people on the Continent of Asia. And she has, at this time, or will have, if we engage in a war with her, the exclusive benefit of the trade of the world; and under these circumstances possesses the ability to carry on a war in distant countries across the ocean, beyond any nation ever heard of.
These considerations, Mr. President, lead me to the view of our situation and means of defence, and of our ability to carry immediate war into the colonies of Upper and Lower Canada. I will first consider the situation of our maritime frontier, beginning at New Orleans, and examine the situation of that place. We learn from the War Office that there is little rising of one hundred regular troops stationed near the city for its defence. Now I will ask any gentleman if that paltry force is sufficient for that object; and if it will not be in the power of the British to take possession of that city within sixty days after your declaration of war against them? If gentlemen calculate on the goodness and forbearance of the enemy, I think they will be deceived. Great Britain is a wily, active nation. She has been trained to war. She will not measure her steps and movements by ours; if we are not prepared to defend our seaports, she will not wait until we are; and should she get possession of New Orleans, it will cost much blood and treasure to dislodge her. Passing northerly along our coast, let us see what is the situation of our most valuable cities. Charleston and Norfolk, as well as many other places of less consequence, are found exposed to maritime attacks. And when we reach the city of New York (the nation's great emporium of trade) do we, on viewing its situation, and strength of the public works for its defence, find it in a perfect state of security? No, sir, unless the greatest part of your frigates are stationed there, to aid your fortifications, and gunboats, it will fall a prey to the enemy. It can be assailed by a small fleet, with every prospect of success. The only resistance they would meet with would be in passing the fortifications on Staten Island, and perhaps a few shots from Bedlow's and Ellis's Islands. They might soon place themselves abreast the works at the upper end of the city, the weakest of them all. And I have no doubt two seventy-fours might silence this work in twenty or thirty minutes. They would then meet with no other resistance than from travelling guns on the shore and from the docks. The result would probably be, that the city would be set on fire, or a contribution extorted from its inhabitants. I will now pass on to Rhode Island. Does the prospect of security there flatter us? No, sir. I am told by competent judges that nothing short of a force of from three to five thousand men can defend that island. Boston, it is said, can be defended, and is, perhaps, the only secure place of considerable consequence on the seaboard. In viewing the situation along the province of Maine, and our northern frontier up the river St. Lawrence, and the Lakes to Fort Malden, and from thence to the Mississippi, do we not find almost every point and place where there are inhabitants, subject to the incursions of the enemy? Have they not more troops on and near the line than we have? Yes, sir, they have ten to our one, and a militia which the Government of Canada have been fully vigilant in training. I understand that ever since the prospect of war began to thicken in the political horizon, they have trained their militia three or four times a month, and have paid them daily wages for their services. Not so, sir, with our militia—they have, it is true, been called into the public service to do the duty of regular troops; and what is now their situation? Sixteen hundred of the militia of the State of New York have been ordered into public service, on the frontiers of that State, and have, as I am informed, marched to their place of destination. There we find exhibiting a spectacle that would wound the feelings of the most callous man—without hats, without blankets to cover them, without camp-kettles to cook the miserable provisions furnished them by the Government contractors or any one necessary for camp equipage. Their officers with the utmost difficulty preventing their marching home for self-preservation. Here, Mr. President, I wish to call the attention of the Senate to the propriety and constitutionality of calling out this detachment of militia at a time when no enemy menaced an invasion. The constitution only authorizes the General Government to call out the militia to suppress insurrection, enforce the laws, and repel invasion. And I would ask whether either of these events had happened when this corps of militia were ordered out? No. It is well known that no such emergency existed. But they have this miserable consolation, that they are to receive six dollars and two-thirds a month for their services, finding their own clothes, arms and accoutrements. I do not mention these things with a wish to discourage the militia from serving their country when necessary, nor do I believe defending them in their constitutional rights will have that effect, for I am fully aware that there is no class of citizens more patriotic or willing to defend their country than they are, and will be so found when the safety of it shall really demand their services.
I will now resume the consideration of our situation upon the Lakes to Detroit and Fort Malden. Here it must be remembered that the British command the Lakes. We are told that Governor Hull is marching to the defence of Detroit with twelve hundred militia from the State of Ohio, together with four hundred regular troops, formed and disciplined for action by the brave Colonel Boyd. These troops, I hope, will be better supplied and provided for than those on the frontier of New York. It is whispered by some of the favorites who are suffered to know the projects of our Government, that the British have sent a part of their regular troops, together with a number of Indians, from Fort Malden to Fort Erie, near the Falls of Niagara; and this is taken as certain evidence of the weakness of the garrison at Fort Malden, and that that fort may consequently be surprised and taken by Governor Hull with little difficulty. Now, I draw the exact contrary conclusion from this circumstance; for the British must have known that Governor Hull was on his march to Detroit; and if they had been weak at Fort Malden they never would have detached part of their force and sent it to the aid of Fort Erie. But presuming they had not heard of Governor Hull's march, and that they had left that fort comparatively defenceless, they will assuredly learn it soon enough to have the detachment return by water before Governor Hull can reach Malden. And if in the attempt to take Fort Malden, Governor Hull should meet with a defeat, the consequences will be alarming; for no reinforcement can be sent him, nor any assistance afforded soon enough to prevent a disastrous termination of the expedition. In that case the British, with a partial aid from the Indians, might cross the river and take possession of Detroit; and if they should then obtain the assistance of the Indians generally, it will be in their power to drive in all the frontier settlements of Ohio; and there can be little doubt when this war is once commenced that nearly all the Indians will flock to the British standard.
The Senate resumed the consideration of the bill, entitled "An act declaring War between Great Britain and her Dependencies, and the United States and their Territories," together with the motion made by Mr. German to postpone the further consideration thereof until the first Monday in November next:
And on the question to agree to the motion, it was determined in the negative—yeas 10, nays 22, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Bayard, Dana, German, Gilman, Goodrich, Horsey, Hunter, Lambert, Lloyd, and Reed.
Nays.—Messrs. Anderson, Bibb, Brent, Campbell of Tennessee, Condit, Crawford, Cutts, Franklin, Gaillard, Giles, Gregg, Howell, Leib, Pope, Robinson, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Tait, Taylor Turner, Varnum, and Worthington.
On motion, by Mr. Leib, to amend the bill, as follows:
[The amendment was to authorize privateering both against Great Britain and France.]
On the question. Shall this bill pass to a third reading as amended? it was determined in the affirmative—yeas 19, nays 13, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Bibb, Brent, Campbell of Tennessee, Condit, Crawford, Cutts, Franklin, Gaillard, Giles, Gregg, Leib, Robinson, Smith of Maryland, Smith of New York, Tait, Taylor, Turner, and Varnum.
Nays.—Messrs. Bayard, Dana, German, Gilman, Goodrich, Horsey, Howell, Hunter, Lambert, Lloyd, Pope, Reed, and Worthington.
Declaration of War.
The amendments to the bill from the House of Representatives, entitled "An act declaring War between Great Britain and her Dependencies, and the United States and their Territories," were reported by the committee correctly engrossed.
Mr. Bayard moved to postpone the further consideration of the bill to the thirty-first day of October next.
The motion did not oppose or deny the sufficiency of the causes, or the policy of the war. It went only to affirm what he trusted the course of his observations would render very evident, that this was not a time at which war ought to be declared.
He indulged a confidence, that upon so great an occasion the Senate would not be impelled to act by any little passions, nor by any considerations which did not arise out of an extended and distinct view of the interests of the country. It is not enough that we have cause of war; we must see that we are prepared, and in a condition to make war. You do not go to war for the benefit of your enemy, but your own advantage; not to give proofs of a vain and heedless courage, but to assert your rights and redress your wrongs. If you commence hostilities before you are prepared to strike a blow, and while your cities, your territory, and your property on the ocean, are exposed to the mercy of a Government possessing vast resources of war, what can you expect but to add new distresses, defeat, and disgrace to the wrongs of which you complain? It is a strange motive for war—a wish to gratify the rapacity, to swell the triumphs, and to increase the insolence of the enemy.
Mr. B. said, that neither the Government nor the people had expected, or were prepared for war. Even at this moment, the general opinion abroad was, that there would be no war, the mercantile and trading world had continued to act upon that opinion. Nor could people be persuaded that an unarmed nation was about to attack a nation armed cap-a-pie. No man had laid out his account for this war, and every one would be taken by surprise and unprepared for its shock.
You have at this moment an immense property abroad, a great portion of it in England, and part floating on the ocean and hastening to your ports. The postponement proposed might save a great portion of this property, and bring home the seamen now absent from the country. Gentlemen would remember the number of ships which left our ports on the eve of an embargo. These vessels had not had time to perform their voyages, and the greater part of them were still abroad. He knew that some members had no commiseration for the merchant who had dared to escape the embargo, and who had disregarded the salutary precautions, designed, as it was said, for his security. But he did not think it surprising, nor culpable, that those whose property consisted in ships, should be averse to seeing them rotting at the wharves, and even disposed to incur risks to find employment for them abroad.
Even, however, if it should be thought that the merchants had acted with indiscretion and folly, it is the part of a parental Government, such as this ought always to be, not to punish the citizens for their misfortunes, but to guard them against the effect of their errors. Besides, a loss of individual property was a loss to the State, as the public strength was derived from individual resources.
He stated that the question of war had been doubtful till the present moment. He did not believe that the President himself expected war at the opening of the session, nor for a long time after. A menacing language was held out; but the hopes of an accommodation were far from being abandoned. Much was expected from the Prince Regent's accession to his full powers. A change of Ministry was not doubted, and it was thought that in the change of men, there would have been found such a change of principles and measures, that the differences between the two Governments might be compromised and settled. This expectation was protracted till it became plainly evident that the Prince did not intend to change his father's Ministers, nor to depart from their principles or measures. When this discovery was made, the Administration had proceeded too far to recede.
Desperate as the course was which now alone remained to be pursued, they supposed they were obliged to advance or become the object of reproach and scorn both to friends and foes. This necessity they had brought upon themselves, but it was too late to consider whether the condition might have been avoided; they were pledged in this state of events to attempt to extort from Great Britain by force the concession of those points which their arguments had failed in persuading her to yield. He had no doubt but that, some months past, the Cabinet had seriously determined upon resorting to hostilities. But the concurrence of Congress was to be obtained, and whether a majority of both Houses could be brought to take the daring and hazardous step, no man in or out of the Government, without the gift of prophecy, could have predicted.
The public mind had been so repeatedly distracted and deceived by boisterous speeches, and bold but ephemeral resolutions, that it had sunk into a state of apathy, and was no longer excited even by the sound of war echoed in the ministerial paper from the proceedings of Government. When the bill before us was first brought up from the other House, it was the opinion of very few that it would obtain the support of a majority of this body; and, even now, it was likely to pass, not because it was approved by a majority, but of the differences of opinion which existed among gentlemen as to other courses which had been proposed.
If, with the light and information possessed in this body as to the views and designs of the Cabinet and of Congress, it has been doubtful among ourselves whether the Government would resort to war, how was it to be known by our merchants, or any other class of society unacquainted with the intentions and secret proceedings of those exercising the powers of the Government, that the nation would be wantonly plunged into a sudden war?
He had heard it said, that the embargo was a sufficient notice of the design of the Government to resort to hostilities upon its expiration, and that the people must be infatuated, who, after such warning, were not apprised of the approaching crisis. But it is too recently and deeply in our recollection to be forgotten, that this is not the first embargo we have experienced, and which, though of longer duration, we saw pass away without being followed by war.
The language held there, as to people out of doors who have doubted of the war, is retorted by the public voice with equal confidence and on better grounds. They rely upon your integrity and wisdom, and say that Congress cannot be so infatuated, destitute as they are of the means of aggression or defence, to draw upon themselves a war with one of the most powerful and formidable nations on the globe. If a war with Great Britain be thought unavoidable, yet, as she leaves to us the time of commencing it, surely we ought to select that time when the first shock shall be least disastrous, and can best be resisted. Why should we hurry into a war from which nothing but calamity can be expected? There is no danger that the redress of our wrongs, or the assertion of our rights, will be barred by the limitation of time. No time has existed for years past when we had less cause to complain of the conduct of Great Britain. Her vessels of war had all been withdrawn from our coast, as he presumed, in order to avoid collisions and hostility. If the war be suspended till November, the Government and the people will both be better prepared to sustain it. He was not a friend to the restrictive system, but with a choice out of evils, he should prefer the embargo to war. Postpone the war, and we will submit to the embargo till November. This will furnish time for the return of your ships and seamen; and if, at the same time, you will abandon the non-importation act, you will replenish your Treasury with at least twelve millions of dollars, and restore to your citizens sixty millions now abroad, and in danger of being lost. It appeared to him that the course which had been pursued was the most preposterous imaginable. For eighteen months past, we had been sending our property out of the country, and not suffering it to return; and, while contemplating a war with Great Britain, we saw our effects to an immense amount accumulating in that kingdom, liable at any moment, to fall a prey to the Government, and to be employed in support of the war against us. He asked, why rush with this precipitancy into the war? Are you provided with means to annoy the enemy, or to defend yourselves? Have you an army or navy which can make any impression? Are your exposed towns fortified and garrisoned? Was any nation ever less prepared for war? It would require the whole military force that you now possess to constitute an adequate defence for New Orleans, New York, and Newport. It is very well known that the General who will command at New Orleans has declared to the Government, that he will not be answerable for the security of the place with less force than ten thousand men, which is equal to all the effective troops yet raised. It would be natural to suppose that no Government would declare war till it was prepared to attack its enemy. In peace we require no defence, and shall we declare war in order to defend ourselves? But what blow are you prepared to strike? Were you able in the summer to recruit your army of twenty-five thousand men, could it be employed in any service in the course of this year? A soldier is not made in a day. The authority of a foreign officer, now in this country, of the highest military reputation, he had heard frequently cited, that it required at least fourteen months to form a soldier of a recruit. This remark applied to France, where the officers have generally received a military education, and where there are so many models to imitate, and so many instructors to teach. But here the officer is to form as well as the soldier. The officer has to learn his lesson first, before he can prescribe the task of the soldier. You may possibly have a herd of men, but you can have no army to lead into service this season; and if this herd be led against disciplined troops, you can expect nothing but defeat and disgrace.
But you have not got, nor can you get the men during the present year. These are not the days of Cadmus. It will require great patience and industry, and a considerable length of time, to collect twenty-five thousand men. Have you the least prospect, if you declare war, of attacking Canada this season? It is impossible that you can do it with effect. You will be sufficiently occupied in defending your frontiers against the savages.
It is not on land then that you expect immediately to assail your enemy. Is it on the ocean that the impression is to be made? You have twenty vessels of war—Britain upwards of a thousand. What will avail the activity or gallantry of your officers and seamen against such disparity of force? Your little Navy must fall immediately, or be driven from the ocean. Some gentlemen indulge great expectations from privateers; but has Great Britain any unarmed or unprotected trade which they can attack? Privateers have no other object than plunder and booty. They avoid armed vessels—and, defended as is the British commerce in every part of the world by her great naval force, it is little to be expected that privateering will be attended with much success or encouragement. But while we are searching for the means of annoying the commerce of Britain, does it become us to overlook at this moment the condition of our own? A valuable part of the trade from beyond the Cape of Good Hope has not yet arrived. Of the numberless vessels which sailed upon the eve of the embargo, few have returned. Your merchant vessels are without convoy and utterly defenceless. Your condition, therefore, is, that with more commerce exposed, your adversary will possess greater means of annoyance, and the consequence must be, that we shall lose infinitely more than we can expect to gain.
Under such circumstances, what should hurry us into the war? Are gentlemen afraid if they wait till November the world will not last long enough to afford them time to gratify in war their mighty resentment against Britain? He believed, as he hoped, that there was no honorable gentleman on the floor who would not live long enough to have a complete surfeit of the war, though it should be postponed for a few months.
The question on postponement was determined in the negative—yeas 11, nays 21.
On motion, by Mr. Bayard, to postpone the further consideration of the bill to the third day of July next, it was determined in the negative—yeas 9, nays 23.
On motion by Mr. Bayard, to postpone the further consideration of the bill to Monday next, it was determined in the negative—yeas 15, nays 17.
On motion, that the Senate adjourn, it was determined in the affirmative—yeas 18, nays 14.
So the Senate adjourned to 11 o'clock to-morrow.
On motion, by Mr. Varnum,
Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy, in relation to the confidential Message of the President of the United States of the first instant, and also in relation to the private and confidential proceedings of the Senate since that date, be removed.
[End of the confidential proceedings.]
Treasury Notes.
The amendment to the bill, entitled "An act authorizing the issuing of Treasury Notes," was reported by the committee correctly engrossed, and the bill was read a third time as amended.
On the question, Shall this bill pass as amended? it was determined in the affirmative—yeas 23, nays 8, as follows: