"The 'Argus,' Albany, 7 Decr., 1867.
"Dear Tilden,—The convention is going on, after a fashion, with the judiciary; New York is absent, except Daly, who has confessed judgment for the judicial partnership in New York, upon which execution is to issue and the corrupt concern to be closed. Opdyke is ready to adjourn if there is Democratic strength enough to accomplish it. Let the New York delegates be on hand on Tuesday and Wednesday, and we can accomplish it; either adjourn till spring or to New York, for a winter month. Do you notify the city members confidentially to be on hand. I will write also.
"Schev, according to Warren's account, is not to blame for the protested draft. He spent $1000, and it was arranged in State committee that I was to go to the 8th dist. You need not come up to abolish him!
"Seymour is here, and is most anxious to commence the propaganda of Democracy, in tracts and newspapers, under the auspices of the State committee. You are unwell. Give up railroads and take to politics exclusively. The alternative will be as good as rest.
"Yours ever,
"William Cassidy."
"The 'Argus,' Albany, 12 Decr., 1867.
"Dear Tilden,—I received your check for $500, which was welcome, because we were hard up for money at this Argus office. The convention will owe us some $10,000, but we must wait for the Legislature and the Campbells to pay us in the spring. For the same reason, if you have not placed the $3000 belonging to Mrs. C., I will take it. She can pay part of it on the house she bought, and then I want to buy in Richmond's shares in the Argus. I ought to have them at half price, in view of a certain indebtedness of the late chn. of a State committee.
"We will adjourn the convention till spring, in spite of you. Unless the weather is too cold I will be down to New York. I want to talk of the Presidency, the Cabinet, the Governorship, and of yourself first and last.
"Yours ever,
"William Cassidy."
"Utica, Dec. 13, 1867.
"My dear Sir,—This is a bitter cold morning, and I have made up my mind to keep by the bright wood fire which is blazing on the hearthstone in my farm-house. I shall make use of the time to write to you a political letter. It is seven years since the Democratic party went out of power. Seven years of war or of discord, of corruption, of hate, of taxation and tyranny. In that time, how many who have enjoyed the honors and profit given to them by the Democratic party have turned against it and have proved to be its bitterest foes! How few were left to stand up against the storms of insult, scorn, and threats which beat upon any man who cared for principles of liberty, humanity, and rights! But there were those who did this, and they live to see the day dawning when right and truth will conquer.
"But all conditions have their dangers. The time-servers and spoil-hunters are seeking to come back to our party, not as penitents, but as leaders. They may in time forgive us for not joining in their treachery, but it will always be counted against us that we did not go out with them to gather spoils. There is danger that these men may divide those who stood together in the years of trial and of trouble. They hatch schemes to draw off some who have strength, and thus break up the band that held together in the dark days.
"What should we do to counteract these plans? We have in New York a great party. It is fresh, vigorous, and united. It is animated by a sense of past wrongs and of future victories. We have but a few leaders, for none but men of nerve and of truth could stand the tests of the last seven years. Those leading men are well placed in different parts of the State, so that neither their numbers nor positions make them clash. All fair and honorable ambitions can be gratified—could we be more fortunately organized. Let us in a generous spirit train up as many new men as we can and fit them for places of honor and trust, but do not suffer those who come in sunshine and leave us in storms to walk into our councils and shape our policy with a view to their own gain. We who have held to the cause of constitutional liberty have not always agreed in our views. At times there may have been irritation. But surely past trials have made a groundwork of an attachment and confidence which cannot be felt towards those who turned against us or who shrank away in our times of trouble. Those generals without troops who want to come back into leadership will bring no strength, but much discord. To my mind it is clear that policy and duty alike demand that we should stand, as to organization and counsellors, where we are. We do not want more leaders. We have the public with us. But something must be done to let all of our friends feel that we are to act together in the spirit that should be, and I think has been, nurtured in trials we have passed through. We must have the whole matter frankly talked over. In the mean while each one should keep clear of all entanglements. I have written to Sandford E. Church on this subject in the way I write to you. I wish you would let me know your views. I think eight or ten men should meet at Albany as soon as the Legislature gets under way. You should see four or five in New York—say, Sweeny, Tweed, Brennan, Hoffman, etc., etc. The rival candidates for the Presidency will all try to get men drawn into their interests. Let us keep our power by holding ourselves free.
"Truly yours, &c.,
"Horatio Seymour."
"Clearfield, Penna.
"30 Decr., 1868.
"Hon. S. J. Tilden.
"Dear Sir,—I have yours of 24th inst. I have received responses from several gentlemen to whom I addressed letters similar to that to which you reply, and I have been awaiting your reply before proceeding to name a time and place for our meeting. I am still of opinion that good will result from a meeting of the chairmen of the executive committees of the Northern and border States, by securing unanimity of sentiments or discovering the points of difference, as well as from discussing the general plan of campaign. I have thought of suggesting Washington as the place of meeting, and about Febry. 1st as the time. If the time and place suit you, and you will so advise me, I will proceed to notify the chairmen of all of the Democratic committees and invite their attendance.
"Very respy. yrs.,
"Wm. A. Wallace."
[31] Mr. Lincoln was elected President on the 7th Nov., 1860.
[32] A kind man and enjoying the confidence of Mr. Marcy who had been Secretary of War under President Pierce.
[33] Mr. O'Sullivan had been appointed, by President Buchanan, Minister to Portugal.
[34] It is presumed that the work here referred to is an account from Van Buren's pen of the administrations of President Jackson and his own. It is greatly to be regretted that Mr. Van Buren did not, to that extent, at least, become his own biographer.
[35] Mr. Gillett was a neighbor, a friend, and the authorized biographer of Silas Wright. His letter is only interesting as another illustration of the diversities of opinion among the spectators, about the first thing to do when the neighbor's house is on fire.
The letter of Mr. Tilden to Judge William Kent first appeared in the Evening Post in 1860, and was republished in the New York World in 1863.
[36] Mr. Taylor was appointed Harbor Master of New York, in Jan'y, 1873, by Governor Hoffman.
[37] Mr. Hogeboom was a lawyer in Hudson, Columbia County, of which county Mr. Tilden also was a native.
[38] A lawyer from Watertown, Mass., who settled in New York city, and was the author of Several Studies of the Federal Constitution, of The Last Years of Daniel Webster, and The Law of Copyright. In the Civil War his sympathies were with the insurgent States. He died in 1894.
[39] Martin Van Buren had died in July, 1862.
[40] Mr. Eames took the first honors of his class at Harvard University; studied law in New York; married the eldest daughter of Judge Campbell, then Surrogate of New York city. On the election of Polk he took up his residence in Washington, and during the Civil War was much employed by the government in the Supreme Court, as counsel of the Navy Department, in resisting illegal claims.
[41] The difference in the amounts received by General Grant and the amounts subscribed was doubtless cash from the donors whose names were withheld.
"Private.
"1868.
"My dear Mr. Tilden,—Unless Indiana breaks from Pendleton, as I told you last evg., he will have all the Southern votes, including Tennessee, this morning, and then Indiana cannot leave him, and he will be nominated.
"I hear that in no case will more than half of the Indiana vote be given for Hendricks. If this is so, it seems to me that a better selection can be made. It is awkward to put a candidate in nomination who gets no vote out of his own State, and in leaving him to go for one who has but half his own State. But you know better about the facts than I, and I may be misinformed as to Indiana's probable course.
"But in no case is it probable that Hendricks can be nominated, and for success he should not be.
"S. L. M. Barlow.
"Wednesday."
"Thursday, 10 A. M. [1868.]
"My dear Sir,—At this juncture is it not wise for the N. Y. delegation to ask the Pendleton men whom they will support? If they answer Seymour, he must not decline. But I am confident it won't do to take up Gov. Chase until the Pendleton men have been consulted.
"Faithfully yours,
"Clarkson N. Potter."
"Clearfield, Pa., Feb. 3d, 1868.
"My dear Sir,—The time is rapidly approaching when we must select a candidate for the Presidency, and so far as the State is concerned we are all at sea. The judgment of our political friends seems to be in favor of the nomination of Gov. H. Seymour, and unless some objection be presented to him of which we have not heretofore heard I think our State will declare for him on the 20th proximo. We regard his declination as simply a manifestation of his personal desires on the subject, and not as denying his name and services to the country; at all events, we deny his right to control his friends to that extent, and unless his home friends deem it inexpedient we shall urge his nomination.
"I do not regard his chances of success as in the least impaired by what has occurred in the West. Mr. Pendleton is a good man, of high attainments, but I fear he has started an issue on which we cannot unite; at all events, it cannot be made the leading issue. The restoration of the ten absent States to the Union, with the rights and privileges of the other States, and with their local governments in the hands of their white population, must be the absorbing question. All else must be subordinate and secondary. The Democratic party will protect the good faith and honor of the nation as well in reference to the public debt as in reference to all other questions.
"What is the prevailing sentiment in your State? Is it in favor of Gov. Seymour; if not, to whom does it tend? Gen. Hancock would do right well for the second place, but I do not think our people are inclined to go for him for the first.
"Be kind enough to reply to this note, and address me at the Merchants Hotel, Phila. What you have to say shall be strictly confidential, and I shall go over to see you if you desire me so to do.
"Very truly, Your Obt.,
"Wm. Bigler."
"Feb. 10, 1868.
"Dear Sir,—I saw the Great Mogul,[42] agreeably to your suggestion, and, finding him in very good humor, had a pretty long, full, and free chat with him.
"He is all for the cause, and cares not for any man living relatively to the result itself. He deems a failure fraught with indescribable misery.
"I am sure that he speaks the truth and is honest. He repeated that so far from having any antipathy against your man, he rather likes him; used some strong terms of commendation, and says that unless by some slip nothing will appear to his personal disadvantage. Indeed, he seemed to agree to my hint that he might best avoid sneering at any one who was a favorite with any so as to keep all in good humor. He would like very well to get your man in. The whole question is, Who's most likely to win?
"He is in trouble about the feud in Ohio; thinks Vallandigham more of a man than Pendleton. Wishes something done to reconcile the feud.
"He says the Democrats will deserve a thrashing if they nominate one day earlier than the last day to which the act can be postponed.
"Train all your men, keep all their friends in hope till it's too late to back out, and then try to nominate, with a sole view to victory, is his advice.
"Y'rs,
"O'C."
"Private.
"New York, 10 Feb., '68.
"Dear Sir,—I have been reflecting on the subject of next Presidential nomination suggested by you the other evening, and am seriously of opinion that I know of no one more able, or who would nearer meet all the requirements of the present crisis than yourself. The selection of any such names as those you mentioned would bring up old issues and prejudices, and insure defeat; no one doubts your ability or integrity; you, I think, could cut loose from such old associations (for they will be fatal to any candidate on our side who can't do it); you have not been worn out on antiquated platforms. Why can't such a nomination be made? I believe it would [be] acceptable to the country.
"If you ask me if I think that you could be elected against Grant, I say yes, if the party won't force on you a platform that says too much—(if the devil ever possessed a sensible man, it is in getting up 'platforms'); not more than three or four cardinal points, viz.:
"1. Cheerfully accord freedom to the negro, and equality before the law; but no universal negro suffrage, nor domination of the negro over the white man.
"2. No cavilling about the national debt, however incurred; that is sacred as honor, and must be paid, principal and interest.
"3. No further patching of the Constitution of the country, nor curtailing the independence of the Supreme Court.
"4. The present erroneous expenditures of the genl. government shall be reduced, and taxes equalized and diminished, and tax-gatherers shall no longer be suffered to pry into domestic affairs nor count the spoons.
"If such a platform could be put out and stuck to, not dragged out into side issues, or dead issues, success would be sure; so it appears to me; but if I am only another instance of the side allusion above, it would not be strange; but I would like such a nomination as proposed—there could be none better.
"Y'rs, &c.,
"R. C. Root."
"New York, Feb. 28th, 1868.
"My dear Sir,—Two successive absences, between which I was in town but one day and passed that ill in bed, have prevented an earlier answer to your letters.
"I concur in your judgment that the paramount issue in the coming election would be 'the restoration of the ten absent States to the Union, with all the rights and privileges of the other States, and with their local government in the hands of the white population; and that all else must be subordinate and secondary.'
"Our position must be condemnation and reversal of negro supremacy in the ten States (added to that in Tennessee), created by the measures of the Federal government—first, by disfranchising the whites and overawing them by military force, and, secondly, by admitting the blacks and organizing them through the Freeman's Bureau, not only involving us in a partnership in self-government with a mass of voters (in all the U. S. over 900,000), confessedly incompetent at the present time to exercise the suffrage wisely or safely, and without any of the training, habits, or aspirations of freemen, but, by thus obtaining control of nearly one-third of the Senate and nearly one-quarter of the House, establishing a practical dominion of the same character over the great free States of the North and over the whole country.
"Associated with this issue are all those measures by which the Senate is to be packed by the admission of new States—the subdivision of the present States—added to the control of 20 from the ten States and others constituting a Senatorial dynasty of long tenure, and the usurpation by the Senate thus constituted of the opportunity, power, and the absorption by it and the House of the rightful authorities of the Executive and of the Judiciary.
"In my judgment, if we obscure or weaken this issue, we shall not only fail to meet the necessities of the present condition of the country, but we shall commit a great political blunder.
"On no other question can we be so unanimous among ourselves. On no other question can we draw so much from the other side and from the undetermined. It appeals peculiarly to the adopted citizens, whether Irish or Germans; to all the working-men; to the young men just becoming voters. The Republican party contains large numbers who are naturally hampered by its position on this issue; and large numbers of old Federal and old Whig antecedents, who do not think that any poor man, white or black, ought to vote; and though they may go along with their party on the theory that the blacks are a counterpoise to the adopted citizens, their hearts misgive them. The pride of a superior race and self-esteem, well founded in this case, are a universal power.
"The more we concentrate the public attention on this issue, so that the people will act with reference to it, the better our chance of success will be.
"Subordinate, but next in importance, is the financial question.
"The best aspect of that is its connection with the other issue. It is now costing the country, directly and indirectly, 100 millions a year—perhaps as much even as the whole interest on the public debt—to carry on the reconstruction system and the measures associated with it. The army expenses are now about 144 millions, exclusive of pensions.
"The best policy on the finances is a general attack on the prodigality and corruption of the present governing power. Our promises should be purification—reduction of the army and navy, diminution of expenses, and remission of taxes.
"I inquired into the state and prospects of the finances when in Washington, and am satisfied that the expenditures are now running at a rate much larger than the public are aware of. And the tendency is to a fall of the revenues. I do not—"(the rest wanting).
"Harrisburg, Pa., March 4th, 1868.
"My dear Sir,—Your letters came to hand, but I have made but a very limited use of them. So soon as the diversity of feeling in the State was apparent I determined that it was true policy to avoid naming a candidate, and none will be named. On the Western border the Pendleton fever had some start. In the East and interior the friends of Gen. Hancock were disposed to present his name, and on the Southern tier of counties there was a disposition to compliment Judge Black.
"The only name on this list, however, seriously mentioned was that of Gen. Hancock. But at the bottom of all this, so far as civilians are concerned, is the feeling and purpose I expressed to you.
"But the Young Democracy are making some trouble on our hands about delegates at large, and may defeat some of the older men, perhaps myself. Woodward is almost certain to fail. Packer will be chosen (not the Gov., but Asa), and I think I shall be also; but whether in or out, my usefulness in arranging matters would be about the same. I shall inform you by telegraph.
"Your Obt. St.,
"Wm. Bigler."
"Utica, March 4, 1868.
"My dear Sir,—I think Hendricks will be as good a candidate for the Presidency as we can get. I have thought the thing over and looked through the country, and I do not now see we can do better.
"I will try to meet you in Albany.
"Truly yours, &c.,
"Horatio Seymour."
"Utica, March 7, 1868.
"My dear Sir,—Yours of the 5th is rec'd. 'Mayor Spriggs and the younger Kernans' all pleased with your congratulations and commendations; and think they at the next election can do better even than at the last.
"Gov. Seymour is all right as to health. If he is the next Presidential candidate there need be no fear, in my judgment, in reference to his health.
"The Governor is not in our district, and I have not seen him for several weeks, as I have been mostly from home at court; but I do not think he should or will be a delegate at the approaching State convention. Nor should he, in my opinion, be a delegate in the national convention. We should not allow him to be a delegate to the national convention. This would be regarded as evidence that he was not to be our Presidential candidate in any contingency.
"Mr. D. C. Grove, editor of the Observer, is the delegate to the State convention from this district. He will be disposed to do whatever our friends shall deem best. Mr. Spriggs and I mean to be in Albany Tuesday night to aid, if we can, in consultation.
"In my judgment we should not in the State convention lay down anything like a platform of principles; leave this to the national convention.
"We might very properly in brief and well-considered resolutions denounce the revolutionary schemes and measures of the Radicals; declare our convictions that our institutions and the peace and prosperity of the country are in danger; and call upon the people at the coming election to elect men and declare in favor of principles who and which will restore the country to peace and prosperity and preserve American constitutional liberty.
"I do not think that as a party we should take any part in the struggle now going on between President Johnson and the men who elected him.
"In reference to the candidate for President. I think we should select as delegates our wisest and most patriotic men—men whose character will give them weight in the national convention, and who will not be influenced in their action by the views of any clique of interested politicians.
"Believing myself that Gov. Seymour is our best man for the times and our strongest man for the canvass, I hope the delegation will be composed of men friendly to his nomination.
"It seems to me also that the State convention should, in proper terms, in reference to other States and other candidates, give expression to the confidence in and preference for Governor Seymour as the Presidential nominee.
"I have made above suggestions in haste, and will be happy to compare views with you and others at Albany. Let us try to act wisely, for in my judgment everything depends upon our success in the next election. This country cannot stand another four years of the Sumners, Weeds, etc.
"Your Truly,
"Francis Kernan."[43]
"S. J. Tilden."
"Private.
"Clearfield, Pa., March 16th, 1868.
"My dear Sir,—The newspapers report Gov. Seymour as saying that under no circumstances would he consent to become a candidate for the Presidency. I sincerely hope this report is not literally correct. Such a determination would be a great misfortune for the country, and, in my judgment, a wrong to the reputation of Gov. S. The whole country understands and respects his aversion to the attitude of a candidate for the nomination, but it will never do for him to say that he will not run if nominated, or serve if elected. He may think that there is no inclination to nominate him; if so, he is mistaken. As the case now stands, he would certainly be selected, and his late speech will add greatly to his strength. Mr. Pendleton, it is true, seems to have strength by reason of his greenback issue, but that issue will not live till the 4th of July, nor will it bear examination at any time. I perceive that Mr. McMaster, of your city, who attended our convention, intimates that our vote will be cast for Mr. P. He is totally mistaken. One 5th or 6th of the delegates may, at present, prefer Mr. P., but I am convinced that by the time of the convention he will have no party at all. But the friends of Gov. Seymour desire to talk about him, and the almost unbroken reply is that he is the right man; but he declines, and we must look for some one else. Now, we must not be left in this position. Your letter is enough, but it is dated prior to his last declination and before the State convention, and as he was not presented it may be said that the Democracy of your State are not for him. There has been, as you may be aware, an attempt to make a movement for Mayor Hoffman, at Phila., but I do not think it will extend, even with Seymour out of the way. The delegates from the South will seek to act with N. Y. and Pa., and will do what these States desire. I know this to be the general sentiment, and when Gov. Seymour's late speech is circulated it will awaken much enthusiasm for his nomination.
"I had intended to visit you after our convention, but I was unwell and had to return home. We had things our own way. The young Democracy yielded the convention to the older men of the party.
"May I hope to hear from you at your convenience?
"Very truly, Your Obt. St.,
"Wm. Bigler."
"Utica, March 24, 1868.
"My dear Sir,—I was struck with your speech[45] when I heard it in the convention, but I was weary at the time from my own speaking, and I did not feel the full force of what you said. I read it this morning by my fireside, and I wish to tell you how much it impressed me. It is not only original and philosophical, but it has the higher merit of being suggestive. It not only gives views and facts, but sets men upon trains of thought which they will work out for themselves. This gives to a speech its highest value. But a few things can be said in a speech, and if it fails to be suggestive to the hearers or readers it does but little good. Beyond anything I have read in a long time your words at Albany have not only given me new ideas, but they have also led me into pathways of thought, where I have found many views for myself. Many of its suggestions will be worked out by our speakers into full speeches.
"I am still at my humble farm-house, cut off from learning much that is going on. I shall try to go to New York soon. It will give me pleasure to hear from you at all times.
"Truly yours, &c.,
"Horatio Seymour."
"Hon. S. J. Tilden."
"April 6, '68.
"Dear Tilden,—I intended to have consulted you further in regard to the Drew and Vanderbilt controversy, but did not see you after the symposium at the Manhattan.
"The struggle has got to be one of mere money. Last Sunday Drew was at Vanderbilt's house, and yesterday the interview may have been renewed. At any time the two chiefs may compromise at the expense of their followers.
"State Engineer Bristol, Senators Morris, Nichols, Hubbard, and others are interested in the Erie, and deprecate the adverse criticism of the Argus. Cagger thinks with you that I should keep out of the controversy. There are certainly some aspects of the controversy with which a Democratic organ should not be identified. I have denounced the illegality of the over-issue and the attempt to whitewash it, and will stand by that position; but perhaps it is unwise to go further. Our political capital is as important to us as Vanderbilt's money to him.
"I want you to write me on the subject.
"Your friend, &c.,
"William Cassidy."
"Private.
"Paris, 15 May, 1868.
"My dear Sir,—Your letters by Mr. Cutting, Dean Richmond's friend, were duly recd., and I did what I could for him during his brief stay in Paris.
"Though withdrawn from politics, I have not lost my interest in things at home, and therefore I write a few lines confidentially.
"I notice a disposition in some quarters—how extensive it is I have no means of knowing—to confine the approaching contest to a single issue—constitutional or unconstitutional government. It would be a fatal error. The contest will be severe; and, if the conservative men of the country are faultless in their tactics, it will nevertheless be close. They cannot afford to dispense with the strength they would derive from opposition to practical abuses, which are apart from constitutional questions—the financial and commercial mismanagement, and the reckless expenditure by Congress. To ignore these issues would be to dishearten all the friends of honest reform in the administration of the government and make them passive spectators of the contest.
"The power of the old Albany regency consisted in the frankness and intrepidity with which they met all public questions. The people never give their confidence to artful dodgers. Nothing will save you but a bold, manly policy. You ought to take ground in language not to be misunderstood:
"1. In favor of bringing back the Southern States on the same terms as the others.
"2. Of maintaining inviolate the public credit.
"3. Of returning as speedily as possible to specie payments, and of reducing forthwith the paper circulation.
"4. Of repealing, simultaneously with the resumption of specie payment, the act of Congress making paper a legal-tender.
"5. Of reducing the enormous duties on imports, which are destroying our commerce, and will ultimately react most injuriously on our agriculture and manufactures; and
"6. Of reducing the public expenditure by a rigid system of economy and lightening the burden of taxation.
"Nor will this be sufficient, unless you present to the people, as the exponents of these principles, men who are known to be their tried advocates, and who in the late Civil War were active and unqualified supporters of the government. With every advantage on the other side, Gen. Grant will be a hard man to beat. It is but a few months since the Democracy thought seriously of making him their candidate; and there are multitudes who do not believe, and cannot be made to believe, that he will favor ultra measures of government, under whatever auspices he may be elevated to power.
"Having given you all this good advice unasked, it only remains for me to say that I am glad to hear you are to be a candidate for Governor next fall, and that I am, as ever,
"Very truly Yours,
"John A. Dix.[46]"
"Hon. Saml. J. Tilden.
"P. S.—What a folly it was to talk about paying in paper a bonded debt (5/20) not due for years to come! We should hold our tongues and settle the question by resuming specie payments."
"N. Y., May 22, '68.
"Hon. S. J. Tilden.
"My dear Sir,—I returned from W. this A.M., having left there last evening. I did not see the President, as Randall thought it best that I should not. Had two conversations with Randall—one in the morning, the other in the afternoon. Between the two conferences the Governor had an interview with the President in relation to the future action of the administration. Randall said no action could be taken in regard to consolidating against Grant until after the 26th. The Johnson men would be glad to have a conference with you and your friends in New York at any time you would name after the 26th here in N. Y. The first name he mentioned, upon which a consolidation could be effected, was Hancock. Afterwards mentioned Chase, as upon him more Senators could be brought than upon the former. He mentioned the names of several Senators who would support Chase beside the Republican non-impeachers. He asserted positively that Chase would accept a nomination from the Democrats and Conservatives. That Chase's negro antecedents could be got along with by adopting a plank in the platform giving each State, or rather conceding to each State, the management of the franchise question. He also said that should Chase be nominated there would be no lack of 'material aid' to carry on the campaign successfully.
"My opinion is that if our convention could be brought to nominate Chase, with Hancock, we would sweep the country, and on the fourth of March next have a working majority in the Senate.
"Randall also suggested that you get some of your commercial men to write to the acquitting Senators, thanking them in the name of the great interests of N. Y. for their votes, and especially Senator Grimes.
"I hope that the proposed conference will be held, believing, as I do, that it will result in the overthrow of the political ascendency of the Radicals; at all events, it can do no harm, as I am entirely satisfied that the Johnson interest would see the Democracy succeed rather than the Rads, even if they are not recognized.
"The Times of this morning copies an article from the Argus, and, if I can read the article and understand it aright, it is a feeler in this very direction.
"I shall publish a leader, when I return home, of the same import, but a little plainer, without mentioning any names, and we will see what comes of it.
"One other thing. Randall intimated to me that the President and Smythe were not on as good terms as they might be. The President did not take his last offer to do a certain thing, provided he would give him the mission to Australia. The President thought it would have been better in Smythe to have paid up arrearages before asking further favors.
"Randall said other Senators would have voted for acquittal had it been necessary.
"Confidentially Yours,
"Wm. S. Hawley."
"Private.
"Rochester, June 10, 1868.
"Dear Sir,—What about the military organizations being represented on the 4th of July? Is it to be general? If so, a call from some military man in this State should be issued at once. In whose interest is this military representation called? With such a body in session asking for a military man, can you refuse putting one on, either at the head or tail of the ticket? Some of our military friends in this section of the State are anxious to know about it, and if it is gone into we had better direct it. Please give this attention. I don't expect an answer.
"Yours truly,
"S. E. Church."
"Chase is out of the question. He would be the weakest man we could have. We will use him well, but must not think of nominating him.
"The more I consider the question the more I am inclined to favor Hendricks. He would make a good candidate.
"I think we cannot fail to succeed at the election. The other side are dying with the dry-rot, and the people are looking to us for relief. Let us not fritter it away. We rely on you and some of our discreet friends to keep things steady."
"Little Falls, June 8, 1868.
"Hon. Samuel J. Tilden:
"Public opinion is being rapidly formed in relation to the candidate for the Presidency at the next election. Your position is potential in influence. I take the liberty of addressing you in advance of the convention to urge upon you and through you upon our Democratic friends to insist, with all our State and Democratic pride, prestige, and weight of influence upon the nomination of Gov. Seymour unless fairly overruled. Gov. Seymour's course during the war was so nobly sound and Democratic that he attained a very strong hold upon the confidence and affections of the Democracy of this and of all Northern and Western States. His name will, I assure you, develop a hearty enthusiasm among Democrats that can be drawn out by no other. The hope of winning friends from our adversaries by taking up a man who has been identified with the other party finds little encouragement in our past experience. Those who do not hate the Radicals worse than they do Democrats will continue to vote with them. It will not be love, but its opposite, that will control their action. Let us stand by our principles and by those who have maintained them when trampled under foot by the despotism inspired and prompted by war. Chase's record is not a good one; it has great defects. Ambitious politicians may deem his acquisition a bargain; but I tell you his name has no strength with Democrats. That pride, in and for the men and for the principles which he has assisted us to sustain in dark times, which Seymour's name would command, will be thrown away without him, and especially with a candidate so recently a leading man in the administration of Mr. Lincoln. The election of Lincoln, taken with all its consequences, was about the greatest calamity that ever befell a great nation. The Democracy all over the land, though hushed to silence by the war spirit, feel it to be so. They ache for an opportunity to show their zeal and their strength. I have no doubt but that Seymour's scruples may be overcome if he deems the interests of the country at stake. I must say that I think his unqualified declension has been injurious to his success in being nominated, but not in being elected if nominated.
"In my judgment, Pendleton's name stands next to Seymour, though I suppose N. Y. city thinks otherwise. His theory, as he himself explained it, was not so very objectionable as some of the N. Y. financiers seem to suppose, but the answer and cure of all that question between greenbacks and gold will be settled under a Democratic administration very shortly by the resumption of specie payments, and this is and should be the only answer to it. With Seymour at the head, take Hendrix for vice. With Pendleton, take, possibly, C. F. Adams, or, better still, our own Church. I believe the Democracy have the power and the will to restore the government to common-sense and the Constitution to its position as the fundamental law of the land, and I believe it must [be] done through the agency [of] men who have not swerved from their principles, whether in peace or War.
"With Great Respect, Yours, &c.,
"Arphaxed Loomis."[47]
"Comptroller's Office, Albany, May 25, 1868.
"My dear Sir,—Is it not about time that you were instructing the faithful how to vote in convention on the 4th of July? I feel that I have been kept in ignorance about long enough. I would like to know now who I am expected to hurrah for then, so that I can make affidavit that he is the spontaneous choice of the people, and is to be elected by acclamation. It is no great thing to be nominated by acclamation, but if we can shout our man into office it will be a 'big thing.'
"I fear that we are to be embarrassed by the want of a candidate to oppose Mr. Pendleton. Gov. Seymour should have consented to the open using of his name, or else we should have agreed upon some other man. Is it possible at this late day to unite upon a man with whom we can head off Pendleton? I fear that we cannot go into the fight with great confidence and enthusiasm with him as our standard-bearer.
"Can we not nominate some one who will be acceptable to the Evening Post and those who are denounced by the Radicals as unsound on the impeachment? I think Bryant would be satisfied with yourself, or some one else that you could name?
"Has Farragut been heard from, and what of him? I am for a fight to win.
"Truly Y'rs,
"W. F. Allen."
"New York, June 21, 1868.
"My dear Sir,—I am more impressed even than when I saw you as to the necessity of you seeing Mr. Chase, as I have just seen some influential Democrats, one of them practically representing a State, who tell me that they are for Chase first, last, and all the time, because:
"1. They believe he can win.
"2. Because it is a necessity for them, by their political action this fall, to show that there is no practical barrier between the races, and that this can be done in no way so well as by Chase's nomination. They are in earnest, and will not yield their convictions lightly.
"If he will answer for Carolina on the negro question, I do not know but we could take him.
"Y'rs,
"S. L. M. Barlow."
"Friday."
"Washn., June 5th, '68.
"My dear Tilden,—I send another missive from Frank by which you will see his hopes are revived. You asked me to keep you posted, and therefore I send these advices, as they come to me intended only for me. I think the Chase fever will die out and will help Frank in the end. I wrote Barlow yesterday, who seems, by the way, to be enthused about it, that it was regarded here as an attempt like Pendleton's to subordinate the great constitutional questions involved in the reconstruction measures—a question which is fundamental and will determine whether this is to be a free govt. or not—and the subordinate one of whether the debt was to be paid in gold or greenbacks. It is impossible that the public mind shall make such a diversion, and those who attempt it are swayed by personal, not public, interests, and can have no real hold on the country, and no comprehension of the serious mood in which the people are at this moment. You, who really believe in the people and have faith, a real faith, in the Democratic philosophy, can comprehend how dangerous it is for the leaders of a great party to trifle with this subject, and that it is trifling with it to set up a man as the representative of a cause who has no heart in it, and only because he has quarrelled with his own party for their daring to prefer another man.
"The Chase spasm will help Frank by loosening up of the party feeling and antagonizing Pendleton. If any Democrat can go for Chase a priori they can go for Blair, and Frank[49] will carry just 10 Republican votes for every one that Chase can carry; for Chase has not the slightest influence with the only class of Republicans who are disposed to go with us, viz., the Lincoln men. He was an active Radical, and the Lincoln men would delight to have him beaten. He was the only human being that I believe Lincoln actually hated. Our running Chase would fix thousands to Grant, who would certainly go for us with Frank as a leader, Frank being really the true heir to Lincoln. Lincoln sent for him from the army to defend him and to assail Chase on the floor of the House of Representatives, and Lincoln, you remember, published his letter to me requesting my brother to leave his command and take his seat in the House of Reps., promising to restore him his commission as soon as military operations were resumed, which he did to the chagrin of all Chase men.
"I had a great contest to get into the convention. The B. & O. R. R. and Pendletonians exerted themselves to the utmost to defeat me, but by the sheer pressure of public opinion in Baltimore I was carried through. At every mention of my name in the convention the immense hall rang with the applause of the people, and I got 18 of 21 city delegates, altho' every man of them had been pledged against me.
"Y'rs truly,
"M. Blair."
"Confidential.
Washington, D. C., May 30, 1868.
"Dear Sir,—When you were last in Washington you were pleased to ask my views as to the candidate who ought to be nominated by the Democratic convention for the Presidency. I gave you my opinions then very briefly, but the great events which have transpired since that period have, in my judgment, settled the question conclusively. Our strongest man, and the only one who can certainly be elected, is Genl. W. S. Hancock.
"My reasons are as follows:
"1st. Pennsylvania is the most doubtful State in the Union, and has always decided contested Presidential elections. The reason is not only the closeness of her vote and the great number of her electors, but that her State elections precede by three weeks those in other States, and thus influence beyond calculation the result of the Presidential election. Hancock is the only man who can carry that State. His nomination from that moment would give us the prestige of certain success there, and a probable majority of 50,000 in our favor in the October election, which would immensely influence other States in November following. He is a Pennsylvanian by birth and education, and by far the most popular of her soldiers. He commanded in person more of her troops than any other man, leading them always to victory, especially at Gettysburg, to Pennsylvania the decisive battle of the war.
"2nd. About one-third of all the voters of the North were soldiers during the recent war. Recognizing this, the radical party have nominated Grant. We must receive a large proportion of that vote in the coming contest or we are defeated. No Democratic candidate can receive anything like so large a proportion of this vote as Hancock. From the commencement to the close of the war he has commanded, in person, over three hundred thousand troops, and both officers and men were greatly attached to him. His military record during the war was most brilliant, and will bear the closest scrutiny and the most favorable comparison with that of Grant.
"3rd. He would be more acceptable to the South than any other military candidate, many prominent Southern leaders and newspapers having announced their preference for him. Especially is this the case with her wisest men, because, whilst recognizing his sound Democratic principles, success is to them a necessity, and they believe that his nomination would make our victory certain. They do not support him with reluctance, but with enthusiasm. His humane, able, and statesmanlike administration of the affairs of the 5th military district, at a time when all seemed lost, when every other military leader had either gone over to the enemy or concealed his views, gained him their respect and admiration.
"4th. Hancock has from his youth up always been a Democrat. In taking him we do not rely upon a man of doubtful or vacillating principles, but one of our faith, with the firmness and the courage to maintain it.
"5th. Hancock, I believe, would make a President of whom not only our party, but our country, would be proud. He would unite and strengthen the party, and his firmness, good judgment, and total disregard of political trickery would lead us safely through the coming crisis of our national affairs.
"6th. No man can foreshadow the events of the next four years. Are they to be peaceful or warlike? And how is the latter condition to be avoided? We must nominate a man who can certainly be elected, and whose name at the head of our Presidential ticket, whilst giving us the prestige of certain success in that campaign, will give us strength to carry the Congressional elections. Has any such man been thought or spoken of except Hancock? I have heard of none. Besides, you will recollect that, by unconstitutional legislation, Grant has been made the virtual commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States. We must have for his commander-in-chief a man who has the ability, the courage, and the firmness to command him. Such a man is Genl. Hancock.
"This will be the great struggle for the supremacy of one or the other great party of the country. A written Constitution against a popular, if not a military, despotism. If we fail now we may be lost forever, for a civil war alone could tear down the barriers which the Radical party would erect against our liberties. They would then have, as now, the Senate and the House, the legislative departments. Then, as now, by similar intimidation, carried to a greater excess by their victory, they would suspend the functions, as they pleased, of the Supreme Court, the judicial department. They would have also the executive department, thus securing substantially all the departments of the government. Do you doubt the extent to which they would carry their revolutionary doctrines? And would the Senate any longer be a curb upon the frenzy of the House, with an addition of 20 members from the negro-ized South? We must start out, casting aside all personal preferences and prejudices, determined to succeed. We must select the man who can secure the most votes, and who will be supported with enthusiasm by every Democrat, war or peace, so-called, by every conservative Democrat or Republican soldier, and by the thousands of new recruits and conservative Republicans. I think that Genl. W. S. Hancock is the only man who would receive the combined, enthusiastic support of the people South and North.
"I know that, if you concur with me in these views, you will not hesitate to use every effort to secure by this means the success of that party which is dear to us both. I have written you because I knew that you would not misconstrue my motives, and because I believe that you can exert great influence for the good of our country. If there be reasons which I may have overlooked, in forming a deliberate judgment upon a subject which has caused me much anxious thought, I should be very much pleased to hear them from a friend like yourself. Let us have harmony in our councils, and with wisdom success is ours.
"Very truly your friend,
"R. J. Walker."
"July, 1868.
"Gentlemen,—Regretting that I cannot personally attend the celebration of the Fourth of July by the Tammany Society, to which you have invited me, I nevertheless concur most cordially in the patriotic sentiments so eloquently expressed in the address of the sachems.
"Your venerable society may well felicitate itself upon its political retrospect. It did everything in its power to avert civil strife by a policy which was represented as too conciliatory by those who did not comprehend the danger. When the conflict of arms came it cordially maintained the nationality of our people in a confederated republic, which Jefferson and Madison and Jackson always held to be incapable of being dissolved except by a revolutionary destruction of the Constitution. And now that peace has once more happily returned, it claims that constitutional rights shall be restored throughout our whole country; that every State shall be replaced in its constitutional orbit; that we shall once more present to the world a continental system of States, bound together by a constitutional union—founded on the twin principles of local self-government and industrial liberty, and sustained by the voluntary action of a people among whom government is everywhere carried on by the consent of the governed.
"Alas! that this benign work of peace should be more difficult than the fierce struggle of war. But so it is.
"Multitudes of our fellow-citizens are so infatuated with fear of the danger of disunion, which has now passed, that they create a danger of centralism fatal to all liberty—to all constitutional government—and at last by inevitable reaction to the Union itself.
"Instead of restoring the system of our fathers, the purpose to do which alone consecrated our cause against secession as righteous, they would erect upon this fair continent eleven Polands, eleven Hungaries, eleven Irelands!
"And the same principles of despotism which they would apply to our recent enemies they freely extend to the whole Northern people.
"I say the principles of despotism. For centralism is despotism. Was centralism ever before so rampant as now? The distinguishing characteristic of the controlling element of the so-called Republican party which now sways the two Houses of Congress is a total disregard of all limitations of power established by our written Constitution; an overwhelming contempt for all fundamental law, whether State or Federal.
"No right of localities or of individuals is deemed sacred.
"The principles which underlie our whole political system are not respected; they do not seem to be even comprehended.
"The present Congress and the advanced Republican party are a rule unto themselves. Their own opinion of what it is convenient or expedient they should do, is the only limitation of power which they acknowledge; and it is their opinion that they should do pretty much everything, in all places and with respect to everybody.
"Of course, such a false system of political philosophy does now, as it has in all ages, immediately degenerate into selfish rapacity. Congress is mainly occupied in putting new manacles on the trade and industry of the country; and the more respectable representatives of the prevalent political ideas are voting money out of everybody's pockets into their own.
"In this condition of things nothing but the principles of the Democratic party, as maintained by Jefferson and Jackson, can save the country. There is no organized agency which can give effects to these principles except the Democratic party, with such alliances as it may form in the cause of liberal government.
"From the day of the accession of President Johnson I have felt renewed confidence that the American people would not only maintain our national unity, but would reconstruct our political institutions on their ancient foundations.
"The political ideas of Jefferson and Jackson in which President Johnson was educated, and which have become incarnated in his very nature—the character of the work he was providentially called to undertake in bringing back into our system the people of eleven States lately in revolt, which he could only do by addressing the intellects and sentiments of that people—were guarantees that he would recur to the original fountains of our American principles of government.
"As for us, we could not but accept what we had sought when we endeavored to elect McClellan: first, the re-establishment of national unity; secondly, the starting the restored government in its new career upon its original and true principles.
"The situation controls. Not the plans or wishes of individuals.
"In my judgment, neither President nor the Democratic party could stop what events so clearly commanded.
"Last year, at your Fourth-of-July celebration, I promised him in your name, in the name of the Democratic party, and of your acclamations, a liberal co-operation in the great work; and afterwards repeated that assurance in person.
"The time has now come when all parties who favor President Johnson's plan of pacification must act with reference to the election of the next Congress.
"President Johnson will now be under the necessity of appealing to the whole body of the people, accepting all who come to him on the issue he has made, and separating from all who go against him on that issue.
"If he should attempt the narrow and futile scheme, urged upon him by those who are neither his friends nor the friends of his cause—of carrying out his policy through the exclusive agency of the Republican party, in case he can capture it and convert it to his purposes—he will find his machine turned against him in the hour of his need. He will find himself, like the unfortunate object of Turkish jealousy, tied up in a bag, to be silently strangled. I do not doubt that he will act on the larger policy which would have governed Andrew Jackson or Henry Clay under like circumstances. He will cast himself upon the whole body of our people, leaving parties and organizations to take care of themselves. He will be triumphantly sustained.
"The Democratic party should pursue a liberal policy in all its action, and accept as brethren all who stand with it on the present issue. It is too powerful to be jealous. It has too great a motive in the restoration of its own traditional principles of government to an ascendency in the councils of the country, which they made great, prosperous, and happy, to think of anything less grand or less noble.
"With much respect, I remain, gentlemen,
"Y'rs truly,
"S. J. Tilden."