"315 Lex. Avenue, New York, Feb. 27th, 1875.
"My dear Governor,—I regret that your kind intentions were so fruitless of effect. I am pleased, however, to find that the intended appointment of McLaughlin is generally approved. I am gratified, too, that Stemmler still is in the land of the living.
"I met your nephew, Mr. Pelton, at Marble's, as I presume he has so informed you, and there told him of Stemmler's death and advised a speedy appointment to fill the vacancy. My information was from the County Clerk's office; one of the principal clerks employed there gave me the information, and handed me at the same time the Daily News, which contained an account of the death of Stemmler. I enclose you herein a scrap cut from that paper, and one, too, referring to the matter afterwards.
"'Death of Judge Stemmler.—Judge Stemmler of the Fourth District Civil Court died this morning at his residence in Seventy-first Street. Mr. Stemmler has long been an invalid. A short time ago an abscess on his right side was operated upon, and he was greatly benefited. Soon afterward he began to fail and took to his bed. Deceased was 63 years of age.'
"'The Man Who Will Fill Judge Stemmler's Place, Provided the Latter Dies.—Mr. J. Fairfax McLaughlin, who was yesterday appointed to fill the supposed vacancy in the judgeship of the Seventh District Court, is a native of Maryland, where he practiced law for ten years before coming to New York, which he did about four years ago. He has practiced law in this city, but is at present a clerk in the County Clerk's office. He has the reputation of being an elegant gentleman and scholar, speaking several languages. Judge Stemmler, however, is still alive.'
"I did not suppose that you would act promptly, and regret that the affair has occurred.
"Permit me to thank you for your well-disposed intention to do this kind favor.
"Wm. Dunham informs me that the bill authorizing the Board of Supervisors, or rather empowering them to remunerate him for the care and maintenance of prisoners committed to the debtor's gaol is now in your hands awaiting your signature.
"I have had some experience in the care of the gaol, and was paid a per capita for maintaining the prisoners. It's unjust, then, to Dunham that he should not be paid. It appears that the gaol has always been supported by the county, yet there was no law authorizing it to be done. This was discovered when the predecessor of Dunham sued for his money on Green having refused to pay him. Dunham would not have taken the place if he had known that there was doubt about the remuneration. This law, then, as you have evidently seen, simply allows the Board of Supervisors to pay him what is just and proper for services rendered, and for which he has not been paid by the county.
"Fort Washington, Feb. 25, 1875.
"Dear Gov.,—I have perused the substitute. As a matter of course my first thought was that of a Yankee. I set to work guessing what could be the motive of the change.
"The substitute is so much more broadly comprehensive than I feared the 'toned-down' document would be that this conjecturing process led me into what, even to myself, seems a strange dance.
"The substitute proposed is very good, nay, it is as good and as perfect as the original, save in one single point. It covers every ground I ever had in view, save one.
"And, who beneath the sun, can stand in the gap opposing that?
"Now let me explain to you my thoughts and mental processes.
"The swindlers have removed their property, i. e., the plunder, out of the State of New York. When the infamous decision was made in the State's own court that it, i. e., this State itself, had no title, that judicial point was thenceforth law in all foreign courts. If the State should bring an action in any foreign court, such court would be bound to decide against the plaintiff on the strength of that decree, substantially made by such plaintiff itself. But when the county or city or any like entity brought its action, the maintainability of that action would be a judicial question, determinable by the foreign judges according to their own views derived by them from the general principles of jurisprudence. These principles taught me, and should teach them, that as to most of these fraudulent abstractions the subordinate local entity had no title.
"When conferring with you concerning this subject prior to your message I distinctly stated this consideration.
"Though this may seem the product of a jurisprudent's recondite studies, it was born of practical common sense, and what is, perhaps, more to the point of my next observation, and to which it is preliminary, this idea is of a nature to be eminently popular. It might fairly be thought somewhat sensational.
"I was amazed to miss it from the lines of your message. If the thought that you could have any hesitation about pursuing the plunderers and their plunder to the ends of the earth presented itself to me at all—as I must suppose was not the case—it was, of course, instantly rejected as fanciful and silly.
"But now, after a long pause for thought, forth comes the substitute for your own original conception, so long and so faithfully nurtured and cherished by me. And what is the difference between the original and the substitute? Nothing whatever, except this one thing.
"The title to and ownership of the money or cause of action is to remain unchanged!! Since that title was Allenized it is not in the State.
"In all the courts of this State your substitute will be just as good as the original. For any future local frauds I do not see but it is likely to answer every purpose. The single effect wrought by the alteration is that the stolen funds now in 'Belgium or Brittany' will be safe for the enjoyment of the thieves.
"To Dick Connolly it presents perfect immunity.
"Perhaps on this point you may say simply that I am mistaken; but such a remark never convinces any one. The mistake may exist, but the child of error never can see his mistake until some one takes the trouble of dissecting it and showing by adequate explanations that it is a mistake.
"I have done as to this substitute. No further observations upon it seem needful.
"The Tweed spirit is rampant here. It is determined to possess itself of unrestrained power over all the offices as avenues to plunder. The local suits against Tweed et al. will no doubt be pushed; but if any judgments shall be rendered which the gang shall dislike, their friends in the Refugium Peccatorum, as in duty bound, will reverse. Meantime the Statute of Limitations will do its kindly work.
"Yours, &c.,
"Ch. O'Conor."
"The Union League Club, New York, Tuesday, 1875.
"My dear Governor,—I fully intended to drop in upon you to-day for an hour or two, but found myself this morning without a voice, and with a sore throat and headache. I wanted to say what I know it is unnecessary to say, but might be cheering and strengthening to you, that in this struggle with Tweed's scattered forces, led by the Mayor, to recover possession of the city treasury, you will be sustained if you are, as I am sure you will be, firm and defiant. You have only to inspire the public with confidence that you cannot be seduced or bullied into any concessions to the predatory class which is 'trying it on' with you, and you will find all of this city worth having are your friends. I am told that the Senate is likely to squelch the Costigan bill. If so, they will do wisely for themselves, no doubt, but they will deprive you of an excellent opportunity in a veto message to give Wickham his coup de grace.
"There is nothing you ever did that went so to the heart of the New-Yorkers as the way you doubled up Tweed and his pals. This movement against Green is the secondary symptoms of the same disease, and offers you an opportunity of which, I take it for granted, you will avail yourself of strengthening the public confidence in your chieftainship.
"You do not need to be told that nothing would be so fatal to you as the friendship of the Ring who are trying to force you into their intrigues to plunder the city. Green's defence has produced a fine effect here, and while the war lasts his position will improve.
"Very truly Yours,
"John Bigelow."
Mr. Green had not been long in the office of Comptroller, to which he was appointed for the purpose of rendering its records accessible to Mr. Tilden, before he had alienated pretty much every one who had business with his department. He doubtless supposed that that was the necessary result of doing his duty. But such was not the impression left upon the Governor's friends, and the following letter from Mr. Hewitt was not the first indication of a public sentiment which made his nomination for that office, at the expiration of Connolly's term, which he was serving, impossible.
"9 Lexington Avenue, New York, Feb. 23rd, 1875.
"My dear Governor,—You will be glad to learn that I am getting stronger, and the doctor recommends me to go to Washington for a few days.
"You may be sure that I have followed the Wickham controversy with great interest, and was delighted at the perfect ease with which you applied an extinguisher to his farthing candle.
"If your brain keeps on softening for a few months longer, I think you will arrive at a development which will leave no doubt in the public mind as to your entire fitness for a much higher position than you now fill.
"Power told me yesterday that Kelly would be in Albany this week; let me urge that you have the frankest of free talks with him. I am satisfied that he will meet your views on every point except the retention of Green. Now you cannot afford to let Green be slaughtered, but Green can very well afford, in view of the momentous consequences to you involved in a disruption of the party machinery here, to solve the difficulty by placing his resignation in your hands, to be used only when a successor satisfactory to you and to Kelly can be agreed upon. I had a long talk with Green on Sunday night. He believes his position to be impregnable, and he is not at all conscious of the intense disgust with which he is regarded by the Tammany organization. He even thinks that the general committee might be got to indorse him. I told him very frankly that in my judgment it would be destruction to those who are really his friends to make any such issue in the committee, and I tell you that it is no use to try it. Your position and character will be with me the first consideration, and after that it seems to me that Kelly's position should be made as easy for him as the circumstances will admit. I think he understands Wickham now, and you and he ought never to be lacking in a perfect understanding with each other. I have not seen Kelly, as I would have been glad to do, but you are at perfect liberty to show him this letter if you choose, as there is nothing in my mind that I would not be willing to say to him personally on these topics, if he were to think it worth while to consult with me.
"Mr. Ruggles has been to see me with regard to the Davis canal bill, which he thinks is a blunder; he is quite clear, and I agree with him, that the canal can only be properly administered by a general superintendent, nominated by the Governor, and approved by the Senate. The Governor should have the power to suspend or remove the general superintendent for cause. In this way the Governor will have the direct control of the canal, and the canal commissioners be relegated to their proper duties of auditing the expenditures, and seeing that the general superintendent does his duty.
"It seems to me that the position in which Davis has placed himself in regard to the Tammany delegation affords an unusually favorable opportunity for getting this legislation. It might be brought in as a counter-proposition to Davis's bill. If you had a proper understanding with Davis in advance, and he would agree to make not more than a nominal opposition to the substitute, the canals could thus be rescued from the corrupt ring which has plundered the revenues for so many years. If your administration could accomplish any such result it would be a great triumph, as well as a priceless benefaction to the people of this State.
"Faithfully yours,
"Abram S. Hewitt."
"Feb'y 23, 1875,
"Hon. Samuel J. Tilden,
"Albany, N. Y."
"Fort Washington, February 11, 1875.
"Dear Sir,—I wrote you yesterday. You will have probably seen, ere this can reach you, a partisan opinion in the Herald pronouncing your authority in the matter of removals limited to a Delphic response whether the 'reasons' or the 'causes' are sufficient. This, too, to be pronounced in the Mayor's specification of his reasons, without any authority on your part to look out of it.
"This is unsound. Your power of approval is just like the Mayor's power of removal—absolutely discretionary. You are not bound to pass upon the 'causes' assigned nor the 'reasons' communicated. The grammatical import of the law and the good sense of the thing show that your approval is to apply to the removal, i. e., the act itself.
"This journalist's reasoning would tie you up very closely. If the Mayor were to remove Comptroller on the ground that he had shown himself quite unworthy of confidence by kicking his wife in a church on Sunday, in the face of the whole congregation during divine service, the only point before you would be whether such a cause—assuming the fact to be as asserted—was in point of law sufficient ground of removal. Though Green had no wife, was sick in bed at home on the designated Sunday, and that, owing to bad weather or some accidental cause, there was no service in his church on that day, you must approve his removal and let him be kicked out unless you were prepared to say that, in point of law and reason, such misconduct was not objectionable in a public officer.
"The truth is, the Democratic branch of the Tweed Ring is no better than the Republican branch of the same. The former and the latter have the same aims. Either from weakness or something else, the Mayor goes with 'our friends.'
"You must make up your mind to go with that interesting party or to go against it. I am against it; nothing will persuade me to withhold any little power I possess from the anti-swindler-ism party.
"Yours truly,
"Ch. O'Conor."
"His Excellency, Samuel J. Tilden,
"Albany, N. Y."
"Personal.
"New York, 21 Park Row, Feb. 8th, '75.
"Hon. Saml. J. Tilden, Governor, &c.
"My dear Sir,—I am satisfied that the choice of Corporation Counsel, in place of Mr. E. Delafield Smith, lies between Mr. E. R. Robinson and Mr. Wm. C. Whitney. There is no doubt about this.
"I am, furthermore, pretty sure that Mr. Wickham would be glad of an influential pressure which would counterbalance the pressure of Wm. C. Barrett, Thos. Boise, and others in favor of Whitney, and authorize him (the Mayor) to appoint Robinson.
"You know what the influences of Barrett et al. are, and I am sure you would not think them desirable advisers of a corporation counsel, as they certainly would be of Whitney.
"I write to beg you to help, if you can, Robinson. I am sure he is far more in accord with Mr. O'Conor, Peckham, etc., than Whitney would be, though, of course, I am only able to speak for myself.
"I hope earnestly that you will be able to further the cause of public justice, for which you have done so much, by bringing about, so far as the matter comes before you, the appointment of Robinson.
"Yours Very Respectfully,
"Francis C. Barlow."
"State of New York, Executive Chamber, Albany,
"Monday Morning.
"Gov. Tilden.
"My dear Governor,—I had intended to see you before or when I delivered the enclosed and satisfy you of my reasons.
"But the storm yesterday prevented, and I do not find you here this morning, and must go down. Fearing you may want to act at once, I leave it.
"I will see you and justify soon as possible.
"Yours with respect,
"Saml. Hand."
"Albany, Jany. 30th, 1875.
"His Excellency, Governor Tilden.
"My dear Sir,—When I received your note to-day by Mr. Pelton I had already spoken to my partners of the suggestion you had made to me yesterday that you might, in certain contingencies, ask me to accept the appointment of judge, and of my promise to you to consider the subject.
"After talking with them, and upon careful consideration, I have concluded that at this time it would hardly be possible for me to undertake the duties of the office of judge of the Supreme Court.
"In thus declining your very complimentary offer, I am and shall always remain deeply grateful to you personally for the kindness of your intentions towards me.
"I assure you that my present action is not from lack of due appreciation of the dignity and importance of the office, and of the high honor, especially coming from your hands, it would confer upon me.
"Yours, with the sincerest regard and respect,
"Samuel Hand."
"Fort Washington, Jany. 7, 1875.
"My dear Sir,—Perhaps I am too suspicious or too prone to evil constructions, but I cannot resist the belief that there is a complete conspiracy. And for aught I see, it may succeed.
"At the outset, Curtis and Porter were called in and gave a written avowal of their doubts whether there was any remedy. When the reform Mayor, a Republican, was coming in, Smith was substituted for O'Gorman. Now recently, counting in some way on favor or folly or softness in Wickham, Smith arranged it to dismiss Peckham and Barlow and substitute Porter and Curtis!! All the scamps have fled except Tweed. Field is hurrying up Tweed's criminal case, and the moment he gets a reversal, which is pretty sure, Tweed will fly. No civil process of arrest being out against him, this is easy.
"What are we to do?
"Yrs., &c.,
"Ch. O'Conor."
"Little Falls, Jany. 6, 1875.
"Dear Sir,—The usurpation by the military arms of the United States of the entire government of the late State of Louisiana has been consummated by the forcible expulsion of members of the Legislature from their seats by United States soldiers.
"This occurrence demands, in my judgment, an expression of public opinion in relation to it more efficient than editorial denunciations, however emphatic. The press exerts a wonderful influence, but there are exigencies in which its efforts to arrest abuses may be greatly strengthened by public opinion expressed in more authentic form.
"In Louisiana the executive branch has for some time past been kept in place only by soldiers under the orders of the Commander-in-Chief of the United States armies. The judges hold their offices by favor of the same Presidential commander. Now he has taken possession of the only remaining branch of the State government, the Legislature, by direct military force. The usurpation is complete. The State government is extinct. One State in the Union has ceased to be. The atrocious despatch of General Sheridan, commander at New Orleans, to the Secretary of War, illustrates the arbitrary spirit and thirst for unlimited martial power that inspires the orders under which he holds the State in subjection, and exhibits in true colors himself a willing and dangerous instrument of ambitious aspirations.
"Under this crisis I beg respectfully to suggest for your consideration whether some official demonstration ought not to be made by the government of this State—an expression of strong reprehension and warning—in the hope that it may aid in recalling to their proper duties those who are now lending their official influence to the overthrow of our republican institutions. A special message by you to the Legislature and a prompt and energetic protest by the Assembly, and I should hope by the Senate also, may be a timely measure of far-reaching benefit. It seems to me that something of this nature is demanded by the exigency, and would be an act worthy of the chief magistrate of the State of New York.
"Very Respectfully,
"Yours, &c.,
"A. Loomis."
"Personal.
"18 Wall Street, New York, Jan. 2, 1875.
"My dear Sir,—In speaking of the Albany judgeship, or rather that of the 3d district, you always said that you would consider it after the first of Jan.
"I left with you at your house some papers on the subject, including the petition of almost the entire Albany bar and letters from many persons and our firm myself.
"I have nothing to call me to Albany now, and I am very busy here, but if there exist any conditions as to which I could properly say anything, or as to which I might present facts or suggestions with respect to this appointment, I know I may rely on you to advise me thereof and to give me a hearing.
"There is nothing in which I take so deep an interest—nothing, I mean, of a personal character—and you can excuse any apparent over-persistence. I am not much given to expressing emotions, but all I have are concentrated in this.
"E. D. Smith has 'discontinued' retainers of Genl. Barlow and myself, and, I suppose, of Mr. Carter. He says it is pursuant to his correspondence with Vause.
"As the local prosecutions stand now, the defts. might as well appoint the counsel to prosecute.
"Unless some one has charge of them very different from Smith and his friends, the prosecutions might as well be abandoned.
"Yours truly,
"Wheeler H. Peckham."
"Utica, January 1, 1875.
"My dear Sir,—I do not think I shall be able to see you before you send in your message. Upon one point I am anxious—that is the canal question. The constitutional amendment, the state of the country, and the condition of commerce makes this the leading question of the day. It has, since you dealt with it, taken new forms and aspects. There are some facts which may not be known to you. This subject cannot be treated by you in your annual message in a clear, full way. It needs a message for itself. If you will simply give the return of last year's business, and then, without indicating any policy upon any point, say you will send in a special communication with regard to it, you will be able at your own time to treat the subject in a way which [will] interest the whole country. You can neither do yourself nor the canals justice by speaking about them without making a long message, which must be avoided. There will be another advantage in this. You will have a rod over those whose purposes and plans are yet to be disclosed. I have my fixed and settled opinion about the canals to which I am publicly committed, and I do not like to clash with yours, etc.
"My health is not good, and I do not know when I can go away from home.
"I am truly yours, &c.,
"Horatio Seymour."
"Fort Washington, February 10, 1875.
"My dear Gov. Tilden,—Your favor of the 8th is this instant received. I have never met the Mayor but once. I then discovered that his prime object seemed to be the removal of Green. This is the prime object of all the swindlers, whatever political banner they sail under. Our friend Marble is also hostile to him. They are determined to get him out.
"I drew the impeachment of the counsel. As drawn it contained what more prudent men than myself might pronounce an injudicious paragraph against the appeals majority. In a council, consisting of Marble, Burton N. Harrison, and perhaps others, this was stricken out, and perhaps rightly. The keystone to the arch imparting favor to Tweed was the story of the substitution of Curtis and Porter for Barlow and Peckham. But I had to acquiesce in omitting that. The letters on this subject are in the New York papers about 30th and 31st December.
"The Mayor sent to Barlow, Peckham, and myself for our suggestions on the council's answer. Peckham's and mine contain all that is needful on this subject. Mine, unwisely, you will say, opens fire on the judicial majority, and states with suitable words of characterization the Porter and Curtis substitution. This you will probably not disapprove.
"To understand this branch of the case precisely you should know a few facts. I had all my life greatly aided and befriended this man. But this was not strange; I always aid the needy and never strike any one willingly. He thought me very amiable, but took good care to keep out of my way from the moment he took office until he was accused. Then he could scarcely believe his senses; so, near midnight, he visited me, cried, implored, etc., etc. I gave him no hope, and to his face condemned him, observing courtesy to be sure in the choice of words. I commented in terms as apt as this duty would permit, on his Porter and Curtis affair. This will serve to account for his subsequent attempt to reinstate Barlow and Peckham. No more need be stated. I have requested Peckham to send you a copy of his reply to Smith; a copy of mine will reach you as soon as it can be made.
"I am quite sure the power that is bent on removing Green will not improve the Corporation Counsel's office; consequently, I cannot desire that the Mayor should be free to fill it.
"I suppose you know that the only political sentiment in which I indulge is hostility of official thieves. This, like my hostility to the negro war, places me almost alone. Some degree of circumspection in my movement is therefore necessary; and, perhaps, some little caution on the part of political men how far they permit themselves to be seen in my company, or to be suspected of being influenced by me, is desirable to them.
"Hence I doubt the expediency for either of us of my putting up at the Governor's mansion for a day or two.
"I may say very little, and will probably do very little to testify my dissent; but I will see better reasons than have yet been exhibited before I will in any way assent to Judge Allen's standing as the law of the land.
"Were I Governor I would not assent to Smith's removal without an assurance as to the successor. But this, of course, should have no influence with you; for, as far as you have indicated a choice to me, you have not named any one who would impart to that office the needed vigor. At least such is my belief.
"I am morally certain that the majority in the 'hybrid body' will on some impalpable technicality defeat any civil suit that can now be brought against the Ring. Nothing but the clearing up bill now in your hands will draw their teeth."
"Confidential.
"New York, March 2d, 1875.
"My dear Governor,—The enclosed will show you how I employ a leisure hour. Although I have not been editor of Frank Leslie's since I left it after the campaign of '72 I occasionally write for it, and my articles are always published. My feelings towards you have already been shown in the columns of that paper, and anything I can do in the future will be most cheerfully done.
"I hope and expect to see you our nominee for President next year; and therefore, assuming the privilege of old friendship, I give you my views on a few points, even at the risk of appearing to offer unasked-for, and perhaps unwelcome, advice. It was said, and I think truly, that a President, when in office, knew less of the true state of public opinion than any ordinary observer. Perhaps the rule may hold good in a modified degree as to a Governor. If so, I trust you may be an exception.
"I believe I reflect the opinion of a large portion of our citizens at the present moment when I say that Mayor Wickham is thought to be drifting in the direction of 'personal government,' with a very strong leaning, in the distribution of the most important places, towards his former associates in Apollo Hall. The gentleman said to have been fixed upon by him for Corporation Counsel, Mr. Whitney, is entirely unknown either by the bar or the general public, except by the fact that he ran for District Attorney on the Jimmy O'Brien ticket. His appointment would give satisfaction to no one but those immediately benefited by it, while the selection of O'Conor (if he would accept it), or Peckham, or, indeed, any well-known lawyer, would give assurance to the public that the promises of reformed Tammany really meant something.
"It is probably apparent to you that a dead set is being made for the scalp of our old friend Green. He is undoubtedly the most unpopular man in the city, and such a movement would be too popular for any one but a man of nerve to resist. As his name has been so intimately connected with your own, your position, in case this issue is presented, would be at least embarrassing, and the result, in any event, would be to your prejudice in subjecting your action to criticism. It seems to me that all this might be avoided by getting Green to resign, not as a forced measure, but as a voluntary act, and with flying colors; and he might resume his old place on the parks, or receive some other position better suited to his tastes and temperament than the thankless office of Comptroller. I say this without a particle of hostility to Mr. Green, for whose ability I have a great respect, and in whose honesty I have unbounded confidence. I have no personal ends to subserve, and my suggestions spring from a sincere desire to avoid in an honorable way the possibility of persons who are not at heart friendly to you forcing upon you an issue which might injure you with the public. If you were to approve his removal, instead of being regarded as a second Brutus, you would be accused of yielding to the pressure of those who had designs upon the treasury; if you declined it would be attributed to personal friendship against the unanimous voice of your party in this city.
"I trust that my remarks may not be considered intrusive. If they are too frank, it is the fault of my nature and of my earnest wish for your continued popularity in your present station and for your advancement to a higher one.
"I remain very faithfully and truly yours,
"Malcolm Campbell."
"Westmoreland Hotel, March 21, 1875.
"My dear Tilden,—You could not desire anything more cordial than the reception given your message here. The press you see. The people are equally unanimous, and I think enthusiastic. Part of this enthusiasm springs from the expectation that you will make as thorough work of the canal ring as you did of its elder brother in N. Y. Be sure you do not disappoint these expectations. I have not heard much lately about the softening of yr. brain, but there are some inquiries for the kind of tipple you are partial to. The Tilden brand is just now rather the favorite.
"I dined with Bristow at Stoughton's last night. I am told he had third term on the brain very bad. Edwards Pierpont is talking up Bristow himself for the next Rep. candidate. This is P.'s way, I suppose, of hesitating his dislike for Grant.
"Wickham's political estate is already pretty much bankrupt. You will soon be able to buy it all in for a bagatelle. What a lucky dog you are to have your enemies here and in Albany officered by two such blunderheads as Wickham and MacGuire. They relieve you from a great deal of responsibility, and serve the important purpose of scapegoats to carry the sins of your party into the wilderness.
"Please give my compliments and regards to Mrs. Pelton.
"Very truly Yours,
John Bigelow.
"Judge Comstock likes yr. message, but thinks it not calculated to promote your political fortunes. That is not the first error in judgment he has made."
"Hon. S. J. Tilden.
"29 Wall Street,
"New York, March 22d, 1875.
"My dear Sir,—Among our best people there is but one opinion as to your message about the canals.
"You are right; the case is urgent, the evils you point out are of the greatest importance, both in their financial and moral aspect; the remedies proposed seem practical, and the honor of your administration, of our party, and of all good citizens is involved in your movement.
"Be firm and active, and if you feel that your success would be facilitated by a public expression of opinion from our strong men, we will organize such a demonstration.
"Very Truly Yours,
"Algernon S. Sullivan."
"55 West 23rd St., New York,
"Evening, Mch. 22, 1875.
"My dear Sir,—I wish you would send me by mail one or two of the Gov's message of the 19th inst. I want to keep one for future ref'ce. I notice it was to be printed.
"The truth is, Gov. Tilden understands and fully appreciates the canal question better than any Gov. we have had for many, many years, and altho' this last message throws a bombshell into the Canal Ring camp, still the Gov. will be backed up by the people, who do and will approve his course. We are all well.
"Yours,
"David Dows."
"P. S.—Just as I had written you, Mr. Pelton called, with your letter, and I had a pleasant talk with him. I told him I had just written you and him, and asked you to send me the message; so he, Mr. P., gave me one.
"Mr. P. has promised to call again when in city, and I hope he will.
"You can depend upon all the strength and support, both physical and moral, that I have got to back up such sound and practical views as Gov. Tilden puts forth in his two papers.
Yrs. Sincerely,
"David Dows."
"P. S.—I wish you would send me a few of the printed messages."
"Cherry Valley, March 23, '75.
"Dear Governor,—As a taxpayer I return my thanks for your canal message.
"Many years ago that sagacious politician, the late John D. Hammond, author of the Political History of New York, remarked that whatever political parties there might be in New York there always would be 'an Erie Canal party.'
"And he was right. There always has been a canal party. The Constitution of 1846 manacled the State. It declared the canals should never be sold. The spoils would be gone. The last constitutional convention determined also to keep the manacles on. The Legislature had provided that of the members of that convention thirty-two should be named whose election should be secured, and this, too, without reference to location. Sixteen were named by the Republican party and sixteen were named by the Democratic party.
"Of this thirty-two, not one whose residence was south of the Mohawk and west of the Hudson was named by either party. There was one north of the Mohawk. With that exception, commencing at New York and following up to Albany and Troy, and thence on the Erie Canal to Buffalo, we find the location of them all, except one or two on the lateral canals in the western parts of the State. There has not been a high officer of the State in the same region for, I think, the last quarter of a century.
"Surely, my dear Governor, there must still be a canal party. But I see you are resolved that the stealing shall cease. I was in the Legislature of 1869 with your brother, and on a celebrated occasion witnessed his stern integrity. I recollect well putting my hand on his shoulder and remarking—
"I said then the blood of old Dr. Younglove told. I am rejoiced to see that it has told again.
"Very Respectfully, your old friend,
"William W. Campbell."
"Buffalo, March 23, 1875.
"My dear Sir,—Your canal message is heroic. It commands my respect, and must attract to your support all honest citizens. If I were sure that the prevalent notion that your high and honorable course will involve you in war be true, I should be delighted to plunge into the battle, with a God save the right! I cannot now conceive a more honorable ending of the humble career of
"Yours very respectfully and truly,
"G. W. Clinton."
"8 Wall Street, N. Y., March 25th, 1875.
"My dear Friend,—Ralph Waldo Emerson says: 'When a man is in pursuit of the absolute truth every spear of grass is with him.' And an old book that is sometimes seen in families down this way (and which, if by chance there is a copy near the capitol, I commend to your respectful consideration) says, 'The stars in their courses fought against Sisera' because he was wrong.
"I am impelled to write thus much because I see your great opportunity and your great danger in the matter of the Canal Ring.
"I have no fear of their fight against you, for then you would be on your mettle and on your guard; but I fear and write to warn you against their conditional surrender.
"If they come into your camp on any other terms than 'unconditional surrender' you will be subjected to the danger of treachery and to that other condition that brought poor, honest Tray to grief.
"Make your fight as Andy Jackson used to for unconditional conquest or hopeless defeat, and you are all right.
"I hear much talk, and what I fear is less constrained and politic than what is spoken for your ears.
"I hope you saw the Albany letter of the Sun of to-day, and also the Tribune editorial; they are encouraging.
"Hurrah for young Hickory forever!
"Yours Truly and forever,
"W. W. Niles."
"New York, March 25th, 1875.
"My dear Sir,—I have seen, in common with others of your fellow-citizens, the published account of your statements and messages in reference to the management of those intrusted with a great and valuable interest of the people—the canals of our State.
"Having for a long time, in fact, from the beginning of that industrial enterprise, taken a deep concern in the prosperity and improvement of the canals of New York, and having, in common with many others interested in them, been much disappointed in the vast expense that has attended the keeping of this great highway of commerce in repair, allow me, my dear sir, to congratulate and thank you for the efficient and courageous method you have taken to investigate what abuses may have existed in times past, and to put this great industrial and commercial interest into a more favorable if not a more honest administration.
"I impeach no one personally. It will be your province to investigate the facts and personal bearings of such charges as you have put forth in your excellent message in regard to the administration of the canals. But the results are obvious to every intelligent citizen, and lead to the natural inference that the large sums appropriated, and the legislation hitherto employed by the people of this State, to guard, improve, and administer economically this great public enterprise, have been intrusted to parties either ignorant or irresponsible as to their duties in this matter.
"This is the present feeling of the people. And I only express a general desire that the investigation you recommend shall be conducted at once by a committee of intelligent and honest men; that this investigation may lead to the truth is the fervent desire of all good citizens. With renewed expressions of thanks, and with great esteem,
"I remain, Yours with Great Respect,
"Peter Cooper."
"(Mar. 18, 1875.)
"To the Hon. Samuel Tilden.
"Dear Sir,—By referring to the records you will find half million of the city's property given by William M. Tweed and now held by one Mrs. L. G. McMullen.
"A Friend to Justice and a Taxpayer."
"Fort Washington, March 27th, 1875.
"My dear Gov.,—If 'honor's voice' has any charms for your eye and ear you ought to be satisfied, for it silences completely all other sounds. Even the swindlers themselves dare not condemn.
"Peckham was not come-at-able 'til to-day, and I could not get away from occupations here. We are to meet and set things agoing on Monday.
"My present motive in writing is to speak of public employments, but I beg you distinctly to understand that I am not a solicitor. That I am determined never to be. I only write to give you information, or more properly, to awaken your attention. I have no personal favor to gratify or personal desires to accomplish in this line.
"The committee of 4 is of course designed to make an equal division. Still, you have the initiative and possibly may have through that circumstance a valuable facility. You will have to name two Republicans. If possible you ought to name Barlow as one of them. I need say no more than give the hint and let you know that he will act. You know perfectly well that he has an ardent desire to unearth the canal thieves, and you seldom meet with one of any party so pertinacious and of such unflinching resolution.
"If you want a scholar, with great capacity to write for the public, do not overlook Wm. B. Reed, of 34 West 27th Street. I know no man who could serve better in that way. And he has very recently and very suddenly been cut off from the Herald corps. If Bennett was here or could be addressed on the subject this would not have happened.
"I can only attribute it to the zeal of some in his cabinet against Green.
Yours truly,
"Ch. O'Conor."
"Office of the Rochester Transportation Co.
"Rochester, N. Y., March 27, 1875.
"My dear Sir,—The Committee of the Whole adopted a resolution and recommending to the House its passage, impowering you to appoint a commission to make the investigations. Of this you, of course, are aware. Subsequently a resolution was adopted directing the judiciary committee to prepare a bill for the same object. Now, what I wish to say is this: the friends of this move of both parties in both Houses should be put upon their guard to see that it is what is required. You must have the very fullest power and authority. I found many warm friends of yours in both parties in both Houses; but everything hangs on your getting proper authority, and your friends must certainly be most active and vigilant and now. The authority must be full and broad. Each friend in both Houses ought to be fully posted as to how to act and what to do. The leaders in each House should be advised and most thoroughly posted on all points. Concert of action is imperative.
"The shaping and passing of the bill is of the very highest moment.
"It should be carefully scrutinized and drawn before its introduction, and watched with the greatest assiduity and fidelity.
"You are fighting the whole 'Prussian army'—officers, rank, and file.
"You must succeed. You must be backed; there should be now no such thing as failure.
"I dare not think of the consequences that would follow a failure. You are grappling with subtlety, ingenuity, adepts, experts, dangerous, and most unscrupulous men whose life has been spent in plundering the people, and who are most expert in controlling and handling men.
"See to it that the Secretary of State don't flood the State with ring census tokens. This will be a heavy blow to you and the cause if he does. I make these suggestions, fearing you might, in the excitement and pressure of the business of yr. office, overlook these matters, and perhaps might trust too much to yr. friends. Church is with the Ring in all their deviltry.
"Upon the proper start—the proper authority of the Legislature—hangs great events. If I can do anything, command.
"Hastily and as ever,
"Truly Yours,
"Henry L. Fish."
"Personal.
"New York, March 30th, 1875.
"My dear Govr.,—I telegraphed you yesterday requesting that you would take no steps to fill the vacancy of the 7th district until you hear from me. You may consider this presumptive, and if you do I shall not complain, or take exception thereto.
"I shall never forget the promptness with which you responded to my appeal in behalf of Mr. McLaughlin, and I am afraid that my anxiety in his behalf has subjected you to humorous criticism from your enemies and an anti-partisan press. I am, however, consoled by the fact that you would have been more than pleased with the man. His abilities are eminently superior to any person who fills these places at present. As an evidence of his talent I refer you to his description of yourself, ex-Governor, and myself at an interview which took place at your house last January. I did not even know that he intended to write anything, and was not aware of it until I saw it in Marlborough paper, M., etc. Now you will ask yourself what can be the motive. I will answer by telling you none at all, except this that I am a lover of talent; but I assure you that this gift would hardly influence me unless it was coupled with inflexible integrity. He has both characteristics. Having said this much relative to the man, I shall now speak of my impression as to what has occurred in relation to McLaughlin's intended appointment and what ought to be done to place him and yourself right before an observing and critical public.
"You appointed him, and when you did so there was no vacancy. Your motive was of the best kind. You relied entirely for your own justification on that which I represented to you. Would it not be well to appoint him again? This will enable him to appear well before the public, and at the same time vindicate yourself and show the people well-established consistency in what you originally intended for the public good. If you think well of this idea—
"Then let me suggest to you another. Mc will not accept the place, and for the reason that he could not do so. The County Clerk is an invalid, and is now in Florida seeking health. His deputy has been recently appointed to the position of 'Dept. Commissioner of Public Works.' McLaughlin has been promoted to G.'s vacancy, and could not in honor except [sic] any position while his superior is abroad sick. The place of civil justice would be pecuniarily a godsend; his moral obligations would prevent him from excepting [sic] the place. Though, as I said before, it is due to him that the place should be offered him in justification of you both. This would soften the asperities of the envious and silence the press, which is prone to contemptuous ridicule. When he shall have resigned the position.
"Having said this much in favor of McLaughlin, I shall now give you my opinion as to who should receive the appointment. After mature consideration I have convinced myself that it is due to Alfred T. Ackert, of your own district. He is honest, and possesses talent enough to make him a competent judge. The objection that would be offered that he is not a resident of the district ought not to have any consideration with you, and for the reason that if the bill passes the Legislature to elect the civil justices on a general ticket, as I think it will, the local politicians will not have anything to say except in a general way; and if they did object it would be but temporary.
"I hope you will consider Ackert in relation to that appointment. He has worked hard for three years in our organization, and his duties have been exceedingly laborious, and yet he has never complained, but willingly performed them with alacrity.
"I have just received Mr. Pelton's letter, in which he refers to the receipt of my despatch relative to Col. Vilner. This must be a mistake. I did not send a despatch in behalf of the above-named gentleman, and if he received one it is a forgery. I sent one in the Stemmler's case, and no other one. There is no doubt of this gentleman's demise now. Perhaps you have not been aware of it. He died on last Sunday evening.
"Your message on the canals has raised you very high in the estimation of the men of all parties. The wonder is now that none previous to you had the courage to meet the men who instigated these frauds and to show them to public condemnation. Your predecessors were as well informed of their existence as you; but for some reason of their own, not very difficult to fathom, neglected their duty. These exposures will have a salutary effect, and will be the means of correcting abuses which should have long since been eradicated.
"Pursue the good work you have commenced, no matter where the rod will fall, either on friend or foe. It is about time that politicians should understand that they cannot pursue their nefarious frauds under the supposition that no harm can fall upon them on account of their political adhesion to party.
"You should take some steps on the papers before you in the case of Smith. You may depend that unless you do there will be a general attack made on you by the papers of the city. It is already being whispered that your recent message was concocted to divert attention from matters connected with this city. Smith has not been idle in circulating the story that you are his friend and will not remove him, notwithstanding the onslaught which you helped to prepare against him at the beginning of the year. You have already had these papers too long without taking action. I beg of you to act immediately in this case. If you are not fully convinced in the fire commissioner's case, you can wait until you have had further time, and yet I am fully satisfied that you have had time enough to determine the course you ought to pursue.
"Yours very truly,
"John Kelly."
"His Excellency S. J. Tilden,
"Albany, N. Y."
"New York Chamber of Commerce.
"At a meeting of the Chamber of Commerce, held Thursday, April 1st, 1875, Hon. William E. Dodge, president, in the chair, the following resolutions offered by Hon. George Opdyke were unanimously adopted:
"Resolved, That Governor Tilden, true to his honorable record against the fraudulent Ring officials of this city, has now placed the citizens of our whole State under lasting obligations by his bold and masterly exposure of the enormous frauds connected with the administration of the New York canals.
"Resolved, That this Chamber, as the oldest commercial organization of the State and the one expressly authorized by charter to speak in the name of the entire commercial interests, feels specially called upon to express its gratitude to the Governor for his fearless and vigorous effort to arrest the frauds, so discreditable to the character of our State and so injurious to its commercial interests.
"His effort deserves the commendation and hearty support of every citizen of the State.
"Resolved, That this special message of the Governor on 'canal frauds' is in perfect harmony with the views he expressed in his annual message. In that document he manifested broad and accurate knowledge in relation to the present condition of the canals, clearly pointed out their defects, and suggested the remedies that he deemed essential to their increased efficiency and productiveness; and also to the integrity and economy of their administration. Among the remedies he suggests are a proper disposition of the unproductive lateral canals, the securing a uniform depth of seven feet in the waterway of the Erie Canal, and modifications in the present plan of administering them.
"Resolved, That, in the judgment of the Chamber, it is absolutely essential to the efficient management of these canals that this department of the State government should be under the control of a single executive head, appointed by the Governor and Senate, and removable at the pleasure of the Governor, with power to appoint and remove his subordinates, and who alone should be held responsible for the proper management of the canals. All experience goes to prove that this is the only safe method of securing efficiency, fidelity, and economy in the administration of public affairs.
"Resolved, That this Chamber will watch with deep interest the progress of this praiseworthy effort of the Governor to secure perfect integrity in the Canal Department, and will aid that effort by all proper means within its power.
"Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions, duly authenticated by the officers of the Chamber, be forwarded to his Excellency, Governor Tilden."
"Green Cove Springs, Florida, April 2, 1875.
"To His Excellency, Samuel J. Tilden.
"My dear Sir,—By the scanty and irregular news we receive from New York at this distant point I learn with a degree of satisfaction which I cannot fully express that you are making a determined effort to correct the abuses in the canal management of our State.
"Speaking with the earnestness inspired by my experience as a member of the Canal Board, I trust that you and your friends in this undertaking will not be dissuaded from the views you have taken and the course you have marked out by any political or personal influence whatever.
"I do not fear that you will. Let no 'hue and cry' about 'corporations and monopolies,' or the importance of general laws under the constitutional amendments, divert attention from this subject. Everything now before the Legislature or demanding your attention should, in my judgment, be subordinated to this matter if by so doing these irregularities in canal management may be eradicated, root and branch. I have studied your analysis of the subject, and I believe you are on the right track.
"Which political party shall suffer most, or who shall go up or who down, are matters of minor importance if only right and justice be done. Pardon the frankness and emphasis with which I address you, but while I could never quite grasp the evidence, I often felt, as a member of the Canal Board, and now feel morally certain, that the field you have entered is fruitful in long-standing and frightful abuses. Accept my best wishes for your success, and trusting you may receive, as you certainly deserve, the sympathy and co-operation of all good men in this great undertaking,
"I remain as ever,
"Most truly yours,
"G. H. Scribner."
On a visiting-card:
"Personal.
"My dear Govr.,—You are at liberty to use the accompanying note in any way you may deem proper for the good of the cause."
"New York, 18 Wall St., Apl. 6, 1875.
"Hon. Saml. J. Tilden.
"Dear Sir,—I have your telegram. Mr. O'Conor was to have been here this morning. I gave him the complt. in the suit vs. Sweeny and Smith last Friday. He sent word on Saturday that the presence of Ingersoll was a condition precedent to his going on—i. e., that he needed to see him before making application for an attachment, etc.
"So you see that it is impossible to attach until Ingersoll arrives. This morning, instead of coming in, as he had yesterday written me he would, he sent me word that he was suddenly called elsewhere and that he would be in to-morrow morning.
"The Tweed papers were all ready, but I had not intended to issue them until to-morrow—i. e., after again seeing Mr. O'Conor; but on receipt of your telegram I concluded to commence that action, and so issued processes, order of arrest, bail $3,000,000, and attachment $6,000,000.
"Will have lis pendens filed forthwith here and in Westchester.
"We find some property left in Tweed—not much; a large lot in his son Dick; we find much in Sweeny and Smith. They do not seem to have transferred. The Watson compl. and sums. will be served in a day or two—to-morrow, if Mr. O'Conor agrees to the draft I have.
"Yours truly,
"Wheeler H. Peckham."