"New York, March 14, 1873.
"My dear Sir,—I have been waiting until something should turn up cheap enough and, at the same time, safe enough to warrant the reinvestment of your money. There are gold-interest-bearing bonds at about 90—7 p. c.; but I wanted something cheaper. I sometimes hesitate about taking for you what involves so much reliance on one's own judgment as is necessary, where you buy securities new and not well established in the market.
"Some time ago I bought 50 bonds on two railroads—now consolidated in Texas. One is the Houston and Great Northern R. R., the other the International R. R.
"The bonds are $16,000 per mile, and many of our best business men have invested in the stock, which is issued at $16,000 per mile. I think the lines likely to be productive, and the investment is managed with a cautious and conservative spirit. I gave 82½ and the accrued interest for these bonds. I will let you have enough of them to come to your money and interest while it has been in my hands at 7 p. c., tho' I generally have a considerable sum lying in bank at 5—say, 40 or 50,000$.
"We sold 6 of your bonds, which gave 6 per cent., or $360 in gold.
"By taking off one coupon—if you can wait—the money and interest would buy about 7 of these bonds. That would give 490 in gold, or a gain of 130 a year in gold.
"I would like to have you inquire into the matter if you incline to do this, so as to act as much as possible on your own judgment. If you wish to come down here I will be happy to consult with you and put you in the way of making up an independent judgment.
"If you incline to something more current you can buy Cleveland and Pittsburg stock—which can be converted at any time into money; but it will only give you 7 p. c. currency on 90.
Very truly yours,
"S. J. Tilden."
"New York, June 17, '73.
"My dear Tilden,—I send you letters:
"1. Mr. Forster, a member of Parliament and of the present Cabinet. A strong friend of ours through the war and in keeping up the treaty of Washn. during the last year's storm.
"2. Lord Houghton, formerly member of H. of Commons as Rich. Monckton Milnes, an author and society man, friend of Am. politics, etc.
"3. Sir Robt. Lusk, an excellent man and lawyer, now on the Queen's bench. He was our counsel in the Alexandra case when I was out in 1863-4.
"4. Sir Jno. Rose, of Morton, Rose & Co., whom you know about and probably know.
"5. Mr. Wilkins, a barrister, who has been in this country and is a very capital fellow.
"So much for an hour's work to-night.
"Yours very truly,
"Wm. M. Evarts."[62]
"The Hon'ble Saml. J. Tilden."
In the summer of 1873, Mr. Tilden, for the first time, visited the Old World. While there he sent the following note, addressed, I presume, to John Kelly, then supreme in Tammany Hall. In this assigning reasons for his mistrust of the Republican party, the organization of which was contemporaneous with the commencement of the Civil War of 1860-61.
"In the sixteen years during which it will have been in possession of the government at the expiration of the present Presidential term, all the evils which call so loudly for redress have had their origin, their persistent and daily growth. Nearly all its thinkers, speakers, and writers, its active intellect and its power of leadership are imbued with strong government theories of so extravagant a character that even Hamilton would have disowned and doubtless would have condemned them. The classes who desire pecuniary profit from existing governmental abuses have become numerous and powerful beyond any example in our country. The myriads of officeholders, with enhanced salaries, and often with illicit gains; the contractors and jobbers; the beneficiaries of congressional grants of the public property or of special franchises; the favored interests whose business is rendered lucrative by legislative bounties or legislative monopolies; the corporations whose hopes and fears are appealed to be the measures of the government; the rapacious hordes of carpet-baggers who have plundered the impoverished people of the South at least ten times as much as Tweed's Ring did the rich metropolis, and whose fungus growth is intertwined with the roots of the Republican party; all these classes are not only interested in perpetuating existing evils and existing wrongs, but they are the main agencies and instruments by which that work is done."
This is the key-note of Mr. Tilden's view of our Federal politics in 1873. Unhappily, there is nothing in this statement upon which we can boast to-day of any considerable improvement.
"Geneva, in Switzerland, Aug. 1873.
"My dear Sir,—As I shall not be able to return home in season to take part in the political canvass of this fall, I desire through you to request the delegate to the State convention who will be chosen from my district to say for me that I decline a re-election as member-at-large of the State committee and as its chairman.
"What the country now needs in order to save it is a revival of the Jeffersonian democracy, with the principles of government and rules of administration, and with the high standard of official morality which were established by the political revolution of 1800. At that time the infant institutions of the republic were imperilled by the same evil tendencies which have to-day attained a larger development. The demoralizations of war—a spirit of gambling adventure, engendered by false systems of public finance; a grasping centralism, absorbing all functions from the local authorities, and assuming to control the industries of individuals by largesses to favored classes from the public treasury of moneys wrung from the body of the people by taxation—were then, as now, characteristics of the period. The party which swayed the government, though embracing many elevated characters, was dominated, as an organization, by the ideas of its master-spirit, Alexander Hamilton. Himself personally pure, he nevertheless believed that our American people must be governed, if not by force, at least by appeals to the selfish interests of classes, in all the forms of corrupt influence. I recently met here—in the birthplace of Albert Gallatin—a son of that great man, and himself a distinguished American. Speaking in the light of the unsullied traditions of that day, as well as of its public history, he said that the jobbery and corruption and laxity of official morals were as great, proportionally, then as now. If this be a true judgment, the reaction which was effected and which gave us half a century of comparatively pure administration is an encouragement that official morals and public life may be again lifted from degradation. As the means of the reaction of 1800, Thomas Jefferson founded and organized the Democratic party. He set up anew the broken foundations of governmental power. He stayed the advancing centralism. He restored the rights of the States and the localities. He repressed the meddling of government in the concerns of private business, remitting the management of the industries of the country to the domain of the individual judgment and conscience. He not only brought the administration into conformity with principles which lessen the occasions and the motives for corruption, but he enforced, by precept and by example, purity and disinterestedness in official life. He refused to appoint relatives to office. He declined all presents. He refrained, while in the public service, from all enterprises to increase his private fortune.
The immense ascendency over the public opinion of the country acquired by Mr. Jefferson—the complete triumph of the party he formed and led, the acceptance at length by the whole people of him as the highest political authority—shaped the course of government in the United States for half a century. That period will stand in all history as the golden age of the republic.
The reformatory work of Mr. Jefferson in 1800 must now be repeated. Organizations and names are important only as they are available for the result. Every patriotic citizen, sincerely desirous of reform, should discard all prejudices and accept the benefaction from any source which is capable of providing it.
But it is quite clear that the Republican party now swaying the administration, although it embraces large numbers of honorable and patriotic citizens, is, as a whole, incapable of this specific mission. In the sixteen years during which it will have been in possession of the government at the expiration of the present Presidential term, all the evils which call so loudly for redress have had their origin, their persistent and daily growth. Nearly all its thinkers, speakers and writers, its active intellect and its power of leadership, are imbued with strong-government theories of so extravagant a character that even Hamilton would have disowned and doubtless would have condemned them. The classes who desire pecuniary profit from existing governmental abuses have become numerous and powerful beyond any example in our country. The myriads of officeholders, with enhanced salaries, and often with illicit gains; the contractors and jobbers; the beneficiaries of Congressional grants of the public property or of special franchises; the favored interests whose business is rendered lucrative by legislative bounties or legislative monopolies; the corporations whose hopes and fears are appealed to by the measures of the government; the rapacious hordes of carpet-baggers who have plundered the impoverished people of the South at least ten times as much as Tweed's Ring did the rich metropolis, and whose fungus growth is intertwined with the roots of the Republican party; all these classes are not only interested in perpetuating existing evils and existing wrongs, but they are the main agencies and instruments by which that work is done. They furnish organization, they supply numerous partisans who devote themselves to electioneering while the honest citizens are compelled to earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brow; they contribute and aggregate vast sums of money to be expended in conducting party canvasses, in influencing the elections and in corrupting the voters; sums which no number of disinterested citizens could furnish if equally unscrupulous in the methods of political influence. For the first time in our national history such classes have become powerful enough to aspire to be in America the ruling classes, as they have been and are in the corrupt societies of the Old World. They threaten to reproduce here a state of things often found elsewhere, in which the governmental machine, with its allies and dependents, is capable of setting itself up against and over the whole mass of unorganized citizens who follow the avocations of private life. These classes completely possess the organization of the Republican party. They have absorbed the Republican party. They are, for all practical purposes, the Republican party. They make its nominations; they shape its measures, they preserve its policy. Individual dissenters who preserve the original traditions of American free government there are, but their voices are not heard; they are generally paralyzed; they are always powerless. Hitherto no Democratic minority has been formed capable of exercising any practical power. No internal remedy can come for a disease which has incorporated itself with everything vital in the political body. It is too late to cut out the cancer without killing the patient.
"In the nature of the case, the remedy can come only from an opposition which shall grow strong enough to turn out the present existing administration and take its place. In such an opposition the Democratic masses must contribute a large element. They embrace three and a half or four millions of votes, and are of themselves within five per cent. of a majority. They contain nearly all the thinkers, speakers and writers, all the trained statesmen who adhere to the traditions of Jefferson; and while individual members have been not unstained with the errors of the times, the body, as a whole, is sound; and a majority is sure to declare for the ancient faith of Jefferson and Franklin and George Clinton and Samuel and John Hancock.
"In the part I have borne in the administration of the Democratic party of the State of New York—now closed—I have aimed at three things:
"1. To lead on public opinion in favor of the original ideas of the Jeffersonian democracy and in support of such current measures as secured valuable reforms.
"2. To terminate a degrading strife in which they enlisted themselves, in comparing the leprous spots on their respective sides, and practically declared that the word only was wanting to incite an honorable emulation in which they should seek and apply effectual remedies and the public mind stimulated to reform.
"3. To prepare the Democratic masses to act their part in a general movement for reform in all the governmental institutions of the country. (Cætera desunt.)
"Geneva, in Switzerland, Sept. 6th, 1873.
"My dear Sir,—As I shall not be able to return home in season to take part in the political canvass of this autumn, I desire you to say for me to the State convention that I decline a re-election as member-at-large of the State committee and as its chairman.
"It is a satisfaction to me that I surrender to the Democracy of the State of New York—now comprising nearly half a million of voters—the trust with which they have so long invested me, at a moment when the pronounced movement for reform and better government in which I felt it my duty 'to follow wherever any dared to lead, or to lead wherever any dared to follow,' has been overwhelmingly sustained by the Democratic masses, until there is no longer a whisper of dissent; and at a moment, too, when, with nominations responsive to this growing popular sentiment, the prospects of success at the approaching State election are so auspicious.
"With much esteem, I remain,
"Very truly, your friend,
"S. J. Tilden."
"November, 1873.
"It is with profound sorrow that I communicate to you officially the intelligence that Azariah C. Flagg died at his residence in this city on the evening of the 24th. At the close of the next month it will be fifteen years since the public career of this eminent citizen was terminated. In that interval, totally bereft of eyesight, but with an intellect clear and strong, and a spirit courageous and serene, he has lived in complete retirement, fulfilling some private trusts, and ever thoughtful of all public interests. At last, when a few days would have completed an age of eighty-three years, he has passed from among us.
"There are peculiarities in the public career and public character of Mr. Flagg which make it specially fit that the people of this State, and the people of this city, should pause a moment in their busy life to render a conspicuous homage to him as his mortal remains pass to the tomb.
"He was born in Orwell, in the State of Vermont, on the 28th of November, 1790. In early youth he migrated to Plattsburg, in this State. He had an honorable share in the defence of that place against the British invasion in the war of 1812-15. He sought a frugal livelihood as editor and printer of the Plattsburg Republican, a Democratic newspaper. In November, 1822, he was elected by the friends of Clinton to the Assembly. He served in that body with distinction during the sessions of 1823 and 1824. In February, 1826, he was elected Secretary of State by the Legislature, and held that office until Jan., 1833, when he was elected Comptroller. He held the latter office until 1839. He was restored to it in 1842, and continued to hold it until the close of 1847. His official service consisted of two years in the Assembly and 19 years in the Canal Board, as Comptroller, as Secy. of State; and his unofficial service was even more valuable during the three years from 1839 to 1842. His career in State administration may be counted as 25 years.
"In this career of a quarter of a century in the administration of the State, Mr. Flagg's merit and renown will be found not in the catalogue of the great offices he held, but in the wise measures and honest policy he originated or maintained—in the ability, vigor, and courage with which he pursued the right and confronted the wrong, and in the great fact that he invariably wielded official power and party leadership for the cause of good government, for purity in legislation and in administration; that he used these great influences, not for the purposes of individual ambition or personal gain, but exclusively and undeviatingly for the public good; that he contributed very largely to keep up and to elevate the standard and the tone of official and political morals in both parties and in the whole public during this long period in the greatest State of the Union. Mr. Flagg was united with Martin Van Buren, whose organizing genius and masterly abilities created the association; with Silas Wright and William L. Marcy, also statesmen of the first class. They were all men of probity, frugality, and personal virtue, and they drew to their side similar characters in all parts of the State. Mr. Flagg made the State finances his specialty; and surpassed all his associates in enterprise and courage, though he may not have equalled them in general attainments, and was often the most effective leader in this State.
"In the six years from 1853 to 1859, Mr. Flagg served as Comptroller of this city; and although he did not attempt any political leadership, his career was distinguished by the fidelity and firmness with which he resented all invasions of the municipal treasury; and his persistent and unwearied exertions in this service no doubt hastened the malady by which, at nearly the allotted age of man, closed forever his vision upon the light of the heavens.
"It may safely be said that the history of the country affords no equal example of a life devoted for so long a period with so much affirmative activity, and with so much ability and skill, to the abstract cause of good government in the civil administration of the community in which Providence had cast his lot.
"At a period when the people everywhere are feeling how much they need such virtues and such services, we ought to signalize our appreciation of so remarkable an example, if only as an incentive to its imitation."[64]
"N. Y., Nov. 14, 1873.
"Dear Henry,—I have but a moment. I am pressed on every side with urgent demands.
"There will be no use in your asking me for any further aid, unless you can make up your mind to abandon your pride and imperious will, and come to terms which I have so long advised for your own good and which I ought long ago to have enforced for my own peace and safety.
"I scarcely like to repeat my ideas, because I frequently hear, through indirect channels, of your complaint that I go back 18 years, and so you don't wish to talk with me.
"Now, I never have recurred to painful topics merely to wound, but only to try to impress the lessons which you ought to have derived from your own experience, but which you never would admit to me, and which you have never acted on. If it is hopeless to expect that you will correct errors—if you are too proud to admit them—what resource have I but to keep that which is [left] out of your power? What hope is there that anything I can do will be of any permanent use to you or your family? What can I do but turn away my thoughts from a man—this affair, which has cost me more anxiety, trouble, hazard of my own affairs and of health than everybody and everything in life—who grabs anything of mine he can lay his hands on without asking me, never consults me about restoring it, and thinks it right to do just as he pleases about incurring new expenditures and operations in preference to paying his creditors, whom he does not think it necessary to consult, or, indeed, to have any rights but to submit to what he, in his supreme good pleasure, chooses to do.
"In prudence and in morality you have much to do to regain my good opinion. The first thing is to see and admit your errors. The next is to show signs of amending them.
"1. An ordinary creditor would have a right to know, frankly and truly, the situation of a debtor. Still more so would a man who was aiding as a matter of favor—friendship or affection.
"In twenty years I have been able to get nothing from you which was not wrung out, even when I was making new advances at great sacrifices. Then as scanty as possible. I never had any information about your Michigan transactions. I never have been able to get information in season to advise about the shaping of your plans.
"You have seemed to think that everybody ought to accept your own view of your affairs—allow you to embark in new undertakings money justly due to your creditors without their consent or knowledge—and that it was almost a piece of impertinence for them to wish to know anything about their own money."
"Washington, D. C., Dec. 1, 1873.
"To S. J. Tilden,
15 Gramercy Park.
"Should we Democrats vote Fernando Wood and back pay?
"S. S. Cox."
"Telegram received while you are already acting. But State convention, which is higher authority, had before instructed you.
"S. J. Tilden."
"New York, Jan'y 10, 1874.
"My dear Tilden,—I have been invited by the present Common Council to present on the 14th inst. to the family of Horace Greeley an illuminated album ordered by their predecessors. As you were intimately acquainted with him, and know a good deal more of his history and character which it may be appropriate to refer to in presenting the testimonial, you are able to embody them in an address to accompany the presentation much better than myself, and I hope you will find time to prepare it.
"In doing so you may say for me that I had no personal acquaintance with him, never spoke to him but once at a little sociable at Doct. Bostwick's 25 years ago, had no political relations or affinities with him, but recognize in the general esteem in which he was held by a large portion of the community for so long a time as an honest journalist, that a more intimate acquaintance might have found us in closer relationship than probably either of us felt ourselves called upon to acknowledge. I will send for it on Monday morning at your house, as I know you will take the little trouble it will occasion you to oblige me.
"Yours truly,
"W. F. Havemeyer."
"To S. J. Tilden, Esq."
"Saturday Morning, April 4, 1874.
"Dear young Ladies,—Miss Daly, when I had the pleasure to see her—where her like are not always found—at home, suggested to me to join in some little floral tribute to Nilsson before the close of her present engagement. With my usual docility I acquiesced, and that is all which has come of it. I have no guidance, and am in danger of being a delinquent.
"To-day is the last, if not the best occasion. But the rosebuds would spring as fitly out of the rugged cleft of the storm-beaten oak as from me, while they would form naturally and come gracefully from the representatives of the springtime of womanhood.
"Shall I mention another circumstance in a postscriptum?
"I am suddenly called to attend an auction sale of a railroad in Jersey City at 2 to-day, and may not see the Academy.
"I hope, therefore, you will undertake the disposal of what accompanies this note.
"Very truly,
"Yours, &c.,
"S. J. Tilden."
"Miss Morse and Miss Daly.
"Sat. Morn., April 4, 1874."
"18 Wall St., Mar. 9th, 1874.
"My dear Sir,—I have yours of 7th, in all of which I acquiesce except the following sentence: 'You are full of your own business, and so are not able to meditate beforehand what you should do.'
"Now, I am full of my own business, but this is part of my business, and so long as I have anything to do with it shall and does receive all the 'meditation' that I can conceive may be of advantage to it.
"I have seen Scudder, have also arranged to carefully re-examine the figures in respect to the men to whom you allude.
"Scudder is to communicate with his former correspondent and see him, and do what can be done to bring us together.
"I can get an attachment against the men to whom you refer on evidence we now have, and with the testimony of either of the men whom we propose to get can recover; perhaps without such testimony, but I have not sufficiently examined the figures to say so yet.
"I saw Mr. O'Conor yesterday. He is anxious that nothing be done until the last remedy bill be passed.
"Mr. Pelton, when writing me, said that copies of the two bills already passed—attachment and criminal—would be sent to me. They have not come.
"Will you be kind enough to ask him to send them to me?
"Now, as to Connolly:
"He wants to settle civil claims only—not criminal. He offers $400th. Will give, I think, $500th. It won't let him come home, for the indictments still stand. I think Mr. O'Conor is not in favor of it. I am, i. e., of this particular settlement as to this man. I think that it is all we could get by litigation. His property has undoubtedly shrunk, and doubtless he has been blackmailed to a large extent. I can have the whole matter closed and money paid in thirty days. What do you think of it?
"I think if the general voice shd. be in favor of a settlement Mr. O'Conor would acquiesce; but I merely so infer.
"As to the mountain, etc.: Why, Mahomet will go soon.
"Yours Truly,
"Wheeler H. Peckham."
"Hon. S. J. Tilden."
"Your correspondent not having the liberty of an interview, nevertheless had the privilege of a conversation, not at all private, worthy of public consideration.
"His Excellency was reminded that he could not be an unobservant spectator of the circumstance that the leaders of both political parties are discussing Presidential questions and canvassing the claims of opposed candidates in both. He promptly responded that that concerned him the least whilst he had serious duties to perform. The Presidency, he said, is not strictly before the people at all in this canvass. They are to elect legislators who should improve the laws, and executive State officers to administer the same. A constitutional amendment contemplates cutting off extra compensations to contractors, but it does not prohibit the Legislature from charging work in the interest 'of the contractor,' besides authorizing 'the Canal Board' to cancel such (contractor's) contract. This shows the vital importance of electing a sound Legislature and a safe Canal Board. The practice has been too much to pass laws in the interest of the sinister, the evil, and the profligate classes; and the same have been administered accordingly, until the rights and interests of the honest and industrial classes have been greatly ignored and the common prosperity well-nigh paralyzed. The State has just now a far deeper interest in home government than in the national concerns. We need not overlook the frauds and extravagances of the Washington government, but we shall find on hand full enough to do if we arrest and redress the abuses that pervade our cities, towns, and counties, and particularly the State, for this year, leaving the selection of members of Congress and Presidential electors to their proper time another year.
"His Excellency was further reminded that he could not overlook the fact that the prominence, not to say popularity, of his administration had led to the consideration of his name in connection with the next Presidency, and that some rivalry consequent upon the agitation of 'home questions' had led to the favoring of candidates beyond the limits of our own State.
"His Excellency promptly (and rather nervously) responded that public opinion will be very apt to take care of such interests and issues. He had seen enough to satisfy him that he who escapes the cares and responsibilities of public life is far happier than he who enjoys its supposed honors and emoluments. He could most heartily and trustfully support the superior claims (as they are miscalled) of New York's favorite son and foremost statesman.
"Of course, this was understood to refer to Governor Seymour. So his Excellency was reminded that it was objected that he had had his opportunity, and also that our State has had both of the last two chances for the Presidency.
"'Oh, that is a superficial, if not sinister, view of the case,' promptly rejoined my interlocutor. 'The public no longer cares what State or section candidates come from. They may be taken from one or the other, or both from either, and the people will not care, so long as the men and measures are acceptable. Gov. Seymour was nominated eight years ago against his wishes and his friends', with the tacit if not expressed understanding that he and they were making a sacrifice at the time to a political exigency. The same, pretty much, may be said in the case of the lamented Greeley. New York has no local claims (any more than the "mother of Presidents" of old had); neither has she any local disabilities. But there is no use of discussing these matters, as he said before. We have more appropriate and pressing work in hand. When that is done it will be time enough to bother our heads about other political concerns.'
"His Excellency was badgered a little on the reports of his alleged ill health, but he was disposed to treat it as 'an invention of the enemy.' Yet he expressed jocosely the hope that his own constitution might soon experience a respite from his sedentary confinement, as well as the bad habits of public life."
"Rochester, Sept. 5, 1874.
"H. A. Tilden.
"My dear Sir,—Just after posting my hasty note to you of the 3rd inst. I met Isaac Butts and went to his office with him. Wilkins, who has been a delegate to the State convention from this city a number of times, and Geo. Taylor, the Assemblyman of last winter from this city, was in said office. After a little time, Butts spoke of the convention to be held at Syracuse, and said that S. J. Tilden was the only man that should receive the nomination, 'and would get it.' Wilkins was still stronger in his views for Tilden. Geo. Taylor said but little, for he is a Lord man—the Lords are very still; they do not want W. F. Allen; they wish to keep that court bench just as it is now. You know why. Allen and Ganson, of Buffalo, will be the only men in the way of S. J. Tilden. I now think that Erie, Niagara, and Genesee counties will give full delegation for Tilden. Livingston, Monroe, and Orleans. Ontario will give part delegation for Tilden. A few days more will show how the cat will jump with the Canal Ring men. They must show their hand soon. I will keep you posted.
"I am, Yours,
"Jacob S. Gould."
In pencil by Henry A. Tilden:
"Saml.,—Monday, 3 o'c. Just received. You see by it how matters stand."
"Ogdensburg, N. Y., Aug. 21, 1874.
"Dear Sir,—Your telegram, kindly inviting me to be present at the meeting of the Democratic State committee to-day, was received. It was impracticable for me to attend, and I could not tell where a telegram would reach you. I write now to return thanks for your courtesy in inviting me to be present. I do not share the fears of many of our friends that Governor Dix's personal popularity will carry the radical ticket successfully through the coming canvass; on the contrary, I believe our prospects good, if we are honest with ourselves and judicious in selecting candidates.
"I am opposed to selecting a candidate for Governor from the judges of the Court of Appeals. Either Hon. Clarkson N. Potter or Hon. John Ganson would make a fair candidate, but my first and last choice is yourself. My position in your case is precisely what you know it was at the time, in 1872, our mutual and esteemed friend, Hon. Francis Kernan, was talked of as a probable nominee. Mr. Kernan's religious convictions were the first, if not the only objection suggested by those opposed to his nomination; in your case the first if not the only objection urged is that your courageous and successful attack upon a corrupt ring in our party will lessen the vote for you, it being always suggested in this connection that the old and corrupt ring still control a large vote, especially in your city. I say away with such abject fears! If our party friends will not support brave, honest men because a ring of plunderers and their retainers may be displeased, then let our opponents succeed, and we will at least escape the responsibility always attending political power. This has been and is my position on the question.
"Respectfully Yours,
"D. Magone, Jr."
"Albany, Sept. 10, 1874.
"My dear Sir,—I am in receipt of your circular and letter which came to hand to-day. Enclosed find a corrected list of working-men as you desire.
"I also assume the liberty of addressing you the following, which please consider confidential. The position of things in this county and the influences which I believe are working against yourself prompt these suggestions.
"The regular committees of our city and county will send to the State convention 12 delegates, all able, prominent, representative, and live working-men and Democrats. They are, I think, with good reason, unanimously in favor of your nomination. There will, however, be a contesting delegation from here, made from powers wielded by a county committee which commenced its existence about 4 months since, which is being controlled by its president, John McEwen, and supported by the Argus. I think I hazard nothing in stating that in my judgment this last delegation, together with the entire power of the Argus and the 'Canal Ring' here, which support them, are inimical to your nomination and will do all they can to defeat you. The developments which have been watched, and especially these within the last two days in connection with the Liberal Republican convention, I think fully sustain all I say, and even more. The whole of these 3 powers were used to their utmost strength during the last 2 days to drive you from the field and to force the renomination of Mr. Church. This plan was fought against by our delegation and those acting therewith, and to their ingenious and proper management in a great degree is the result attributable which prevented the naming of Mr. Church by their convention. The Argus, McEwen, and their supporters, we believe, are doing all they can to fill up your path. We are disposed to keep it clear and to give you our individual support.
"You are, of course, aware that our admission to the State convention is to be opposed as bitterly as it can be by the same powers which are named above as being opposed to you. We are therefore very anxious to receive your support in procuring our admission as regular delegates into said convention. The self-same persons, we believe, which are massed against us are consolidated agst. you. The success of our delegation will add to your soldiers. Knowing you will have much to say in regard to the committee before whom we must appear, I sincerely trust you will see that it is so composed that bolting committee delegations cannot oust those who represent the regular committees from this county, who have aided you in fighting our political battles so ably for the last 40 years. When I can be of further service, please let me know. Shall be happy to acknowledge any attention you may conclude to extend.
Your obdt. servant,
"Alva H. Tremain."
"Utica, Sept. 11, 1874.
"My dear Sir,—I have been confined to my house for some days, so that I have not been able to see Mr. Kernan. To-day he is out of town. To-morrow I shall go to the north part of our county to attend the district convention, which I shall get to send me to Syracuse. I have to go thirty miles to reach it, as it is held in a remote corner of our county. As I wrote you before, the State has been scoured by your opponents. The State officers are hostile, and every canal official is at work to keep your friends out of the convention. In Oneida we have more than one hundred miles of canals running into all sections of its territory. I shall not be surprised if I encounter a sharp opposition to-morrow. It is not open opposition alone which is to be contended with. Men are put forward who claim to be your friends who are to be convinced in due time that it will not be expedient to nominate you, although they hold you in high regard, etc., etc.
"A high compliment is paid to you by men who have schemes when they show that they do not want you in Albany. So far as your fame and honor are concerned, it will be fortunate for you if they succeed, for the whole press, which will be hostile or silent if you are put into the field, will be full of your praises if it is held that you are too honest to be made a Governor.
"Truly yours, &c.,
"Horatio Seymour."
"Hon. S. J. Tilden."
"Utica, Sept. 12, 1874.
"My dear Sir,—I came home from Binghamton to-day, where I have been several days. I see the opposition to you has taken a new phase within a few days. Your opponents are seeking to have you resign in favor of Judge Church. I do not think you can now do so with propriety. The matter of a candidate for Governor has been canvassed for weeks; it has been understood by us all that Judge Church would not take a nomination; there were many reasons why, being chief justice, he should not vacate the position and leave it to be filled by appointment for a year. Your name has been canvassed, and your friends have taken strong ground in favor of your nomination; now those who have been opposed to you, not your friends, ask you to retire that Judge Church may be nominated. In my judgment you should not take the responsibility of this step; the matter has progressed so far that I think you should leave the matter to your friends and the convention which is about to assemble. I see no other way out of the matter but in thus acting.
"The delegates in this district were elected to-day. The one from the city will vote for you, and the others also, as I believe.
"From all I can learn I think the convention will be in favor of your nomination. I shall be at Syracuse Tuesday evening.
Yours, in haste,
"Francis Kernan."
"Hamilton, N. Y., Sept. 16, 1874.
"I am too ill to attend the convention. My judgment is that on no account should you withdraw your name as candidate for Governor. Better suffer defeat. Circumstances seem to me to require it, and I submit it with my best wishes.
"N. W. Parker."
"New York, Sept. 19, 1874.
"My dear Sir,—I take the earliest occasion, on my return home, to thank you for the timely and friendly tone of yours of the 11th.
"It may be that there is much in the speculations you make as to the causes of the sudden and active opposition to my nomination. If so, it is very foolish. Nothing is gained to an individual and much is lost to a party by forecasting so far in advance of time and events. That I never do. Mr. Wright once said to me that men who fix their eye on a distant object are apt to fail to see the sticks and stones in the path immediately before them, and to stumble and fall.
"The truth is, I did not come to entertain the idea of taking a nomination until the 21st of Aug. Like yourself, I have seen everything. There are no illusions in my mind in respect to public life. I know that peace, content, and happiness are only in a private station; and it is wholly exceptional in me to do what I am now doing.
"I shall be happy to hear from you whenever it may suit your convenience to write.
"In the mean time, believe me, &c.,
"S. J. Tilden."
"Utica, Sept. 20, 1874.
"My dear Sir,—I have read with pleasure your speech made at the serenade. It is clear and able. It was a better time to make it than in the convention, as it would have interrupted its action when all was going on well. But there are reasons why you should not make any more speeches. If you do you must speak about national affairs, as you cannot talk about yourself. This will turn away attention from the points we wish to keep in men's minds. It will also put you into antagonism with many Republicans who are disposed to vote for you for home reasons. As matters stand, you can make no speech which will help you with those we hope to gain from the other side. You will also draw upon yourself the fire of journals which are disposed to beat you fairly. I am clear that the true policy is to look after organizations, etc. I will write again soon.
"Truly yours, &c.,
"Horatio Seymour."
"Cowen's Law Office, No. 15 Town Hall Building,
"Saratoga Springs, N. Y., Sept. 21, 1874.
"My dear Sir,—We have known each other for many years; have passed through many heated political campaigns together, striving for the same political results; therefore I hope you will not deem it amiss if I write you a short letter. I premise by saying what every one knows—that without the aid of the personal friends of Tweed the State ticket this fall will be defeated by forty thousand majority. Can his friends be made our friends in this campaign? I answer 'yes.' You inquire, 'How can this be done?'
"The object of criminal punishment in theory and practice, as laid down by all elementary writers, is to reform the offender, to deter him and others from committing like offences, and to protect society. Has not this object been accomplished in the case of Tweed? Gen. Dix, if elected, will not pardon him; will you? If his friends have your promise, when elected, to pardon, will they not put in a half million into a fund for your success? Then let them say to their friends in each county that they desire your election for a purpose, and we have the whole strength of the Democratic party. That will not, perhaps, be enough. Let the temperance men be paid and their organizations sustained by money, and success is certain. Let one man in each Assembly district be re-elected who will be in the secret and have the desired funds, who will thoroughly work his district—both in getting out the Democrats and taking care of the temperance people—and you have the desired result. You and the reformers can afford this promise. I am not and never was a Tweed man—I thought his punishment just—yet I think he has been confined long enough for all purposes, legal, moral, or political. The above is a bold proposition; if you think of it, it will appear a just one. But be that as it may, without some such move we cannot carry the State. Excuse me if in writing thus I presume too much.
"Yours Respectfully,
"P. H. Cowen."
(From the New York "Tribune")
It is very much to the credit of the administration journals of the State that, so far as they discussed beforehand the claims and qualifications of the several candidates for the Democratic nomination for Governor, they frankly recognized the fact that the logic of the Democratic professions of reform pointed unmistakably to the gentleman who was nominated at Syracuse on Thursday. Indeed, they almost may be said to have advised and urged his nomination. In doing this we give them credit for rising above the narrowness of partisanship, and for taking into view the great public benefit to be derived from having for the candidates of both parties men of distinguished ability and unimpeachable integrity, instead of following the instincts of a petty and unpatriotic selfishness by endeavoring to induce their opponents to weaken and stultify themselves. Mr. Tilden, at no small risk of personal popularity and political influence, and with no conceivable motive but a desire for the public good, had fairly revolutionized his own party. In arresting the corrupt and profligate career of the Ring that ruled it, he has contributed to its temporary defeat. But the movement he led was a success, and the party was shrewd enough to discern in the signs of the times the wisdom of assuming the responsibility and claiming the credit for the reform. They have done this persistently.
It was plain enough to the most casual observer that from the moment Mr. Tilden consented to have his name presented as the candidate for Governor of the party to which he had been so conspicuous in administering discipline, that party could not reject him without confessing the insincerity of its boasting over what was in so marked degree his work. Not to have nominated him would have been justly considered a rebuke and a warning to any and all who should hereafter put party success in jeopardy for the sake of putting a stop to public robbery. The administration newspapers which pointed out the folly and danger of such a course deserve praise for rising above the small strategy, hypocrisy, and trickery so common in politics. We have already expressed the opinion that the convention which nominated Mr. Tilden was driven to it by the logic of events and as a consequence of its professions of reform. That the nomination is offensive to a considerable number of the party, who were directly or indirectly disturbed by Tweed's overthrow, is an admitted fact; and there was, no doubt, considerable hesitation in the minds of many influential leaders over the question whether, upon the whole, it would be safe to offend these people for the sake of making a consistent record for the party.
As for Mr. Tilden himself, it can be of comparatively little consequence to him personally now whether he is or is not elected. He has accomplished a great work in his party, has led a great reform, overthrown a powerful organization of municipal thieves, and compelled a recognition of his services more emphatic and pronounced in the mere form of the nomination than an election could be under any other circumstances. We presume he has not deceived himself with the idea that the administration journals which have heretofore bestowed upon him such copious praise, and have so frankly pointed out to his party his strength as a candidate, have thereby estopped themselves from attacking his principles and his character. As citizens, the gentlemen who conduct these newspapers are doubtless glad to be assured that, whatever may be the result of the election, the office of Governor will be filled by an able and upright gentleman of whom they need not be ashamed. As partisans, however, they propose to find whatever joints there may be in his harness and to defeat him if they can. One organ, we perceive already, after remarking that it does not know positively that if elected he would misuse the power intrusted to him, calls attention to the fact that he has acted as counsel for some of the greatest railroad corporations in the State, and suggests in a wise way that it might be very dangerous at this time to put such a man in the executive chair. Another gives him credit for his services in overthrowing the Tweed Ring, but adds that he did not do it at the right time; that he ought to have done it sooner. It does not accuse him of dishonesty, but feels compelled to call him a "moral coward." And so they go. Of course there will be a great deal of it before the campaign is over, a great deal that is mean and contemptible and dishonest, but just now we prefer to consider the unusual honesty and frankness with which the administration press treated the question before the nomination, and to give credit for sincerity and independence. When each party counsels the other to nominate its best men, and the advice is followed, we shall see purer politics and better government.
"Utica, Sept. 23, 1874.
"My dear Sir,—Can you keep the Tribune from taking ground for Dix? It ought not to go for him, as he opposed Mr. Greeley and has upheld every act of Grant. When his whole course is laid before Mr. Reid I think he must change his views of Dix's character. I shall hurry off to Manlius this week, so that I can get back in time to attend public meetings if they are held. The quiet work of organization should take up the time for two or three weeks.
"I send Mr. Pierce to see you because I think he can put a great number of travelling merchants and tradesmen at work. They go into any part of the State and can learn what is going on. While the regular State committee should do its work, you should have in your own hands and under your own direct private control agencies which will cover the ground outside of the old political machinery. If the other side do not hold meetings we should not, at the outset. There are many leading Repub'c's who do not wish to go to work in the harness if they can keep out of the canvass.
"I am, truly yours, &c.,
"Horatio Seymour."
"Sept. 29, 1874.
"Dear Sir,—I wrote Miller a short note [of] congratulation. The reply recd. last evening is herewith. Can you watch the progress of things and summon me 'to the front' when the apprehended movement is made in the association? I will cheerfully go to the meeting and oppose it.
"I cannot doubt but that an effort will be made to move the lawyers in Johnson's favor. If it be done a counter-movement to stir the reformers against him may be needful, or at least expedient.
"It will hardly be possible to keep the swindler issue out of the campaign.
"In a note from Frank Barlow, recd. yesterday, a decided opinion is expressed that Delafield Smith means to quash the Ring prosecutions.
"It really seems to me that things are ripe for a pounce upon him and the offending majority.
"I have written Miller to print what he pleases, but not to use my name. If it should become necessary to make the pounce just above suggested my name should appear there for the first time. Or at least it should not be worn out in previous skirmishes.
"I was in town yesterday and tried to see Jno. McKeon, but failed. I would go again to-day but for two reasons: first, it rains, and, secondly, the hope of controlling him in anything by friendly advice is always so slight that little inconvenience should ever be suffered for the sake of offering it.
"Y'rs,
"Ch. O'Conor."
"Dec. 8, '74.
"Dear Mr. Purcell,—Will you accept a place on my staff, with the rank of Brigadier-Gen., with nominal duties and without pay, as indeed are all the offices, except the strictly military ones? This offer will not interfere with the gentleman whom you recommended, for the reasons that the consideration I mentioned to you will dictate my looking for a new man in your part of the State."
"Office of the 'Daily Union and Advertiser,'
"Rochester, Dec. 10, 1874.
"My dear Governor,—Your favor of the 8th was this morning received. It is hardly necessary for me to say that I thank you most sincerely for your very kind offer of a position on your staff with rank of Brigadier-General. But I feel constrained to decline for two principal reasons: 1st, I have no taste whatever, but rather an aversion, for military display, and could not persuade myself to appear in uniform on occasion; and I never want to take my position without doing the full duty pertaining to it. 2d, if I were to accept I might lay myself open to the suspicion or charge that while I had recommended a fellow-citizen for position necessary to serve you that I should accept, the case would be different, and I would be willing to yield my own preferences and meet the suggested thoughts of others. But I feel that by declining I enable you to give the place to some one of the many seekers after it, who have a taste for and will be glad to get it. I appreciate your reasons for declining to appoint the gentleman recommended by me, and if I were in your place I would have no one about me tainted with Hoffmanism in any way.
"Yours, &c.,
"Wm. Purcell."
"Albany, Feb'y 28, 1875.
"My dear Sir,—Your note came this morning, and it finds me in a moment of comparative leisure which I have scarcely had for weeks, so I avail myself of the indisposition to do anything more serious to reply.
"You need not be disgusted by the awkward accident about McLaughlin, for, tho a little ridiculous, it is not serious; as I had all the elements of decision I acted at once to avoid the competition which so attractive an office was sure to cause. You will, no doubt, be surprised if I say that I acted in this case with no more celerity than I have with three-quarters of the important appointments, and nearly all the small ones which I have had to deal with. For the grumble at my delays has no doubt reached you.
"A small coterie of rogues, who, when they first recovered from the subduing effect of the election, started into a life of whispers, first circulated the rumor that I had a softening of the brain; next, that I had suffered a stroke of paralysis; then, that I went to bed drunk every night; and at last came to the statement that I had lost my 'snap'—that I had not decision or energy to make proper removals or appointments, and, indeed, had become physically unable to make up my mind about anything.
"Well, under every mountain of lies there is usually a grain of sand of truth. In the interminable conferences with public bodies and committees and officers from Nov. 5 to Dec. 25th, I did become very weary, and felt some exhaustion of nervous force and much indigestion. In the hurried preparation of the message I rested; and with all the burdens since, have recuperated, got arrears nearly cleared off, appointments made, bills—some passed and others ready—and my physique well-nigh restored after six months of heavy strain.
"As to appointments, while the most have been despatched rapidly as soon as reached, three classes have felt some delay.
"1st. Where there was no haste, and more important matters claimed the earlier attention. It is very likely I have not been altogether wise, as the world is largely made up of fools, in this respect. I am so formed constitutionally that I concentrate on what seems of first importance, and defer with almost contemptuous indifference what can as well or better wait.
"This is the habit which has given me success in business, in affairs, in the conduct of parties, in all things where military organizations and strategy require a concentration of all resources and efforts on the turning-point of the battle to break thro the opposing lines.
"But the hungry office-seeker sees only the narrow personal interest he pursues, and perhaps the appointing power should act consistently in respect to its general duties for the sake of dealing with fools according to their folly. Perhaps so.
"2nd. When things were to be worked out which could only be known to the appointing power. For instance, a gentleman sent me a memorandum from Archbishop McCloskey suggesting two Catholic gentlemen for the Board of State Charities. He did not know that I had but three vacancies from N. Y., and that Mr. Jno. C. Deveraux, of Utica, would go out by expiration of his term if not reappointed. I sent to him to have his choice between the two he named, if only one of them could be taken, and to inform him about Dr. D. He gladly preferred the latter to one of his own nominees. Mr. D., you must know, is one of the best families of the interior, of the old and early Catholic aristocracy—a brother-in-law of Senator Kernan. How could I drop him?
"The one whom the archbishop preferred is the one who stands at the head of your list—Henry Hoguet. Then I wished to take one of the Hebrew persuasion if I could get a satisfactory one. I have good names, but location may compel me to forego this purpose.
"Then Mr. Howard Potter, who is one of the members resigning, making the vacancies I am to fill, has applied for an opportunity to see me before I make the appointment.
"These arrangements take time, only known to me.
"The case delayed the most was that of judge in this district. There were applicants from communities from all over the district. The appointment was made in a few hours after the last hearing was given, which it would have been an offence to refuse. I have more doubt about the delay in this case than in any other, but the result is general satisfaction.
"3rd. But the real grumble is from those who ask for action which is doubtful or suspicious or which is certainly wrong.
"Our friend, Mr. Speaker MacGuire's grievance is this: There has been started the erection by the State of public buildings at four places beside the capital of a most extravagant character. One was the Elmira Reformatory. This was taken out of the hands of a commissioner and put in charge of an architect. Him I have the power to remove.
"Soon after I came here my old acquaintance, Steve Arnot, broke in half drunk, leading in the Speaker, Charles Walker, and Senator Bradley.
"He insisted that I should instantly turn out the architect and put in a man named by him.
"As there was no work going on, and the change might involve questions about contracts which had been broken—new ones pending, others to be made, and would involve the whole responsibility of wisdom and frugality and honesty in the construction—I thought the Governor had better not abdicate his functions, but had better look carefully into the whole matter before he embarked himself and the party on the adventure.
"The five buildings, including the capital, are popularly estimated to cost 25 or 30 millions.
"I treated the matter very kindly, but deferred it. I shall continue to do that until I know enough about it to act wisely. If I change the manager it will not be for patronage (one $4000 office of an expert), but to a man in whom I can have a personal trust that he will not disgrace me.
"My information is that the Democrats of Elmira and the county deprecate nothing so much as a return of the odium they have once had to bear. I had no reason to suppose there was any special discontent until it appeared. The Speaker had informed me he had introduced a bill which would make all right.
"Since I have written so much more than I intended I will turn back and make it personal.
"Very truly, &c.
"I have omitted to mention several narrow escapes. The balance is still in favor of wariness, notwithstanding some friends get tremors."