"Wa-na´-q¢in-ă! Á-¢a-`an´ ¢á-¢in-cé-in-te [T]í-nu-há, ¢a-an´-¢a can´ ¢a-¢in-cé. He-bá-di-jan´, Cá-an-jiñ´-ga kú¢ě a¢in gí-ă!"
Hasten! What are you doing that you remain away so long? Elder brother, now, at length, you have left him behind. O Hebadi-jan! be returning quickly with a young Dakota!

La Flèche and Two Crows never heard this song; but they do not dispute its correctness. It was told the writer by [P]a¢in-nanpajĭ.

§ 208. Report of scouts.—When the scouts return and report having found the enemy, stating also how they are encamped, if the party is a large one, the sacred bags are opened by the principal captains, with the mouth of each bag towards the enemy, as stated in § 198.

[P]a¢in-nanpajĭ says that they then give the scalp-yell, and each one repeats what he has promised to do on meeting the enemy; but this is disputed by La Flèche and Two Crows.

§ 209. Capture of horses.—Two men who are active go to steal horses from the enemy. This departure is called "ʇí-gaqá a¢ai," they have gone to get the better of (those in) the lodges (of the enemy), and is explained by "waman´¢an a¢aí," they have gone to steal. The two men may go together or may separate and try to steal horses at whatever places they can find any. Should these followers fail, two of the officers must make an attempt. These officers may be either the captains or the lieutenants. Sometimes a youth steals off from the warriors, and tries to capture a horse. The policemen try to prevent this, as the youth might alarm the foe. No matter who captures the horses, he must deliver them to the two principal captains. If many horses have been captured, the men take them to a safe distance, and then they are distributed among the members of the party. He who captured the horses is always the first to receive one from the captains. Each of the (principal) captains has his special followers, who are obliged to bring to him all the horses which they capture. And the captain, in like manner, shares his booty with his followers. Thus, when [P]a¢in-nanpajĭ captured horses from the Dakotas, when he was one of the captains, he distributed eight horses among his own followers. (See p. 442, Part I, Vol. VI, Contributions to N. A. Ethnology.) When he recovered the horses from the enemy, the warriors thanked him, saying that on account of his act they would not be compelled to make their feet sore from walking home. When but few horses have been taken, only the elder men receive them; but when many have been captured, all of the party share alike.

§ 210. Preparations for attacking the enemy.—Before the attack is made, it is usually the custom for scouts to make a thorough survey of the enemy's camp. So, when Two Crows led his party against the Yanktons, in 1854, and had discovered the proximity of the foe, he first sent one of the lieutenants, [P]a¢in-nanpajĭ, to count the lodges. On his return, another lieutenant, Sĭn´de-xan´xan, was sent by Two Crows, for the purpose of learning if the enemy were sleeping. The latter having reported, Two Crows himself, being one of the captains, went with Sĭnde-xan´xan, to make a final examination. Having ascertained the location of the sleepers, they returned to their party, and began the attack at midnight. When [T]ahé-jiñga and Níku¢íb¢an had led a small party against the Pawnee Loups, they sent back a messenger to the Omaha camp, and when four scouts were sent from the camp, Wabaskaha, who was one of the small war party, deceived them, saying that the Cheyennes were in the camp near at hand. Then many of the Omahas joined the small party changing it into a nudanhin-ʇañga. This was after the death of the chief Black Bird, in the early part of this century. When the main body of the Omahas had joined the others, they proceeded without delay to surprise the camp of the Pawnees. Having arrived just at the outside of the village, they crawled towards it in perfect silence, going by twenties, each one holding the hand of the man next to him. The captain, Niku¢ib¢an, or Gianhabi, had a sacred bag, which he opened (four times, said Big Elk) with its mouth towards the foe, that the wind might waft the magic influence of the bag to the lodges, and make the sleepers forget their weapons and their warlike spirit (denied by La Flèche and Two Crows). He also had a war-club with an iron point, which he used as a sacred thing, waving it four times toward the foe. When they were very near the lodges, but while it was yet dark, one of the attacking party pulled his bow with all his might, sending an arrow very far. But the arrow could not be seen. They continued drawing nearer and nearer, exhorting one another, but speaking in whispers. At last it was daylight, which is the usual time for making the attack, as people are supposed to be sound asleep. Then Niku¢ib¢an pulled his bow, and sent an arrow, which could be seen. He waved the sacred bag four times, and gave the attacking cry of the leader (the wa`in´ban) once, whereupon all of his party gave the scalp-yell (ug¢á`a`a), and began the fight by shooting at the lodges. (See § 193.)

Each combatant tries to find a shelter, from behind which he may fire at the enemy, though brave men now and then expose themselves to great danger when they rush towards the ranks of the enemy and try to capture a man, or to inflict a blow on him. Those who are the first to strike or touch a fallen enemy in the presence of his comrades, who are generally watching their opportunity to avenge his fall, are also regarded as very brave.

Protracted warfare, or fighting for several days in succession, has not been the Omaha custom.

§ 211. Preparation for an attack on a single foe.—In the story of I´cibájĭ of the [T]e-sĭn´de gens, we read thus: "At length the warriors detected a man coming towards them. They told the war-chief, who said, 'Ho! Oh warriors, he is the one whom we seek. Let us kill him.' Then the warriors prepared themselves. They painted themselves with yellow earth and white clay. Icibajĭ picked up the pieces dropped by the others, and the war-chief made his back yellow for him, in imitation of the sparrow-hawk. Then the warriors pulled off their leggings and moccasins, which they gave to Icibajĭ to keep. When Icibajĭ, having gained the consent of his captain, had peeped over the bluff at the advancing man, he ran to meet him, having no weapon but his club. Having overtaken the man, he killed him with the club. And when the others took parts of the scalp, Icibajĭ did not take any of it."

§ 212. When one of the principal captains was killed, that always stopped the fight, even if he belonged to the side of the victors.

If any one heard that one of his kindred was killed or captured, he would try to go to him, and both generally perished together. When the Omahas were fleeing from the Dakotas, in a fight which occurred about A. D. 1846, some one told an old man that his son had been killed. "Ho!" said he, "I will stop running." So he turned around and went to the place where his son's body was. He rushed headlong among the combatants, who were standing very thick, and at last perished with his son.

§ 213. Return of the war-party.—On the way home the booty is divided. [P]a¢in-nanpajĭ said that "They stop for the night at a point about two miles from the village," but La Flèche and Two Crows deny this, saying that the warriors come into the village when they please, as they are hungry and wish to see their wives and children.

If they have brought back scalps or horses, they set the grass afire. On seeing this the villagers say "Nudan´ ama´ agíi, eb¢e´gan. Usaí."—I think that the warriors are coming back. They have set the grass afire. [P]a¢in-nanpajĭ said that if they have brought scalps, they put some of the hair in the fire, and the smoke is black. But if they put a horse's tail in the fire, the smoke is very yellow.

La Flèche and Two Crows said that there is no difference in the meaning of the colors of the smoke, though déje jíde or red grass, sidúhi, and other kinds of grass, are set afire, and make different kinds of smoke.

When guns are fired it signifies that a foe has been killed. But when none are fired, and the grass is not set afire, it is a sign of an unsuccessful expedition.

As soon as the people hear the guns, they shout, "The warriors have come back!" Then the warriors ride back and forth, moving here and there among themselves in the distance. Then the old men proclaim through the village what each warrior has achieved, calling him by name—"This one has killed a foe!" "This one has broken off a head!" "This one would not allow the others to anticipate him in seizing one of the foe by the scalp-lock," etc.

§ 214. Ordeal of the sacred bags.—When the warriors have had a rest of about two days, they assemble for a dance, called the "Wéwatci," or Scalp-dance. Before the dance, however, the successful warriors receive the rewards or insignia of valor from the nudanhañga who has the three wa¢íxabe ʇañ´ga or wastégistú. The three bags are placed in a row, and all the warriors stand in a row. Each warrior having selected the wa¢ixabe to which he intends speaking, he makes a present to it. Then the keeper of the wa¢ixabe addresses him, reminding him that Wakanda sees him, and that if he speaks falsely, he may not expect to stay much longer on the earth. Then the young man says, "Win´ake. Wakan´da aká íbahani."—I tell the truth. Wakanda knows it. As he says this, he holds up his right hand towards the sky. Then he addresses the wa¢ixabe itself, as follows: "Hau, inc`áge-ha! edádan uwíb¢a támiñke ¢an´ja, i¢áusi´ctan-májĭ uwíb¢a tá miñke."—Ho, O venerable man! though I will tell you something, I will not lie when I tell it to you. When he says this, he lets fall a small stick which has been cut beforehand. He is obliged to hold the stick up high when he drops it. Should the stick fall on the sacred bag and remain there, it is a sign that he has spoken the truth; but if it falls off, they believe that he has been guilty of falsehood, and did not do in the fight that which he has claimed for himself.

Rewards of bravery.—When all the warriors have thus been tested, they are addressed by the holder of the wa¢ixabe. To one who was the first to take hold of a foe, he says, "[K]áxe mí¢ag¢an´te hă," You shall wear the crow in your belt. Sometimes he adds, "Sábě ¢aʞíckaxe te. [K]áxe ájaja ¢aʞíckaxe te hă."—You shall blacken yourself. You shall make spots on yourself, resembling crows' dung. This warrior must blacken his body, and then mark here and there spots with white clay.

[P]a¢in-nanpajĭ said that the second who took hold of a foe had the following reward: He was allowed to blacken his body from the waist to the shoulders, and to rub white clay down the tops of his shoulders. To him was said, "Mácan-skă, ʇáhin-wág¢an á¢ag¢an´ te hă."—You shall stick in your hair white eagle feathers, and wear the deer's-tail head-dress. La Flèche and Two Crows said that this man was allowed to wear the ʇahin-wag¢an alone on his head, and to put the crow in his belt.

According to [P]a¢in-nanpajĭ, the third warrior who caught hold of the foe blackened his body thus: On the arms, at the elbows, on the ribs, and hiusagi, he could make places as large as a hand (or, he could make one side of his body black—sic). To him was said, "[T]áhin-wág¢an mácan ¢iñgé á¢ag¢an´ te hă," You shall wear the ʇahin-wag¢an without any feathers. But La Flèche and Two Crows said that this man was told to wear the crow in his belt; and the fourth who took hold of the foe was told to wear the ʇahin-wag¢an without any other decoration.

[P]a¢in-nanpajĭ said that he who disemboweled a fallen enemy with a knife was permitted to stick a red feather in his hair. He blackened his body from the waist up to the shoulder, and over the shoulder, then down the back to the waist. He could redden his knife and dance as a grizzly bear. But Two Crows, who has attended the scalp-dance, never saw anything of this sort.

According to [P]a¢in-nanpajĭ, he who killed a foe was rewarded in several ways. He could wear the ʇehuq¢abe17 necklace, called the "gadádaje wacin´, and was addressed thus: "Gadádaje wacin´ nan´¢ap'in te hă," You can wear the ʇehuq¢abe necklace. "Man´-u¢úbaski ái¢agá¢a te hă," You shall carry the ramrod on your arm. "[T]áhin-wág¢an sían¢é á¢ag¢an´ te hă," You shall wear the ʇahin-wag¢an alone in your hair. (These were disputed by La Flèche and Two Crows.) "Man´sa gasú jíde¢ě nan¢ap'in´ te hă," You shall wear an arrow shaft, scraped and reddened, suspended from your neck. (Confirmed by La Flèche and Two Crows.)

He who struck a foe with a hatchet, bow, etc., was allowed to redden it and carry it to the dance, if he wished.

Sometimes a warrior gave a gun, etc., to an old man, who went through the camp telling of the generosity of the giver.

All who had parts of scalps were told to wear ʇahin-wag¢an on their heads.

§ 215. The scalp dance (of the women).—One of the women had to carry the scalp around on a pole during the dance. This act is ái¢a-báju.

When a man killed a foe with a knife, gun, hatchet, etc., it was taken by his wife, who held it as she danced. Such women dressed themselves in gay attire, decorated themselves with various ornaments, wore head-dresses of ʇejinhinde, painted their cheeks, and reddened the déugázan or parting of the hair of the head.

This scalp-dance is the women's dance; the men take no part but that of singing the dancing songs for the women and beating the drums. When any of the Omahas had been killed by the enemy, this dance could not be had; but when the Omahas were fortunate enough to kill some of the foe without losing any of their own party the men said, "Wéwatci añ´ki¢e taí," Let them dance the scalp-dance. Then the men went first with one, two, or three drums to a place bare of undergrowth, and began to beat the drums. By and by the women would hear it, and assemble. There was no feast and no invitations were made by criers. Any women and girls who wished to dance could do so. The only men allowed to sing the dancing songs for the women were those who had killed foes, or had taken hold of them.

The women did not dance in a circle, but "kiáqpaqpág¢a" (moving in and out among themselves) and "íki¢íb¢an" (mixed, in disorder), as they pleased. Sometimes they danced all night till the next morning; sometimes they continued the dance for two or three days. This wewatci has not been danced by the Omaha women for about fourteen years. It is not considered a sacred dance, but one of rejoicing.

§ 216. The He¢ucka dance (of the men).—The corresponding dance for the men is the He¢úcka.18 The only members of the He¢ucka dancing society are such as have distinguished themselves in war, and boys whose fathers are chiefs. When Frank La Flèche was a boy he was admitted to the He¢ucka solely because his father was a chief.

"The first four to take hold of the foe were decorated with the ʇahin-wag¢an head-dress, the 'crow' in the belt, and garters of otter-skin.

"He who had killed a foe with a gun reddened the barrel for about nine inches or a foot from the muzzle, wore the 'crow,' and stuck several swan feathers around the muzzle. He also wore a feather in his hair.

"Those who struck some of the foe, but did not inflict fatal blows, made on their bodies the signs of blows; having blackened their hands, they put them here and there on their bodies, leaving black impressions. Sometimes they blackened the whole body, and over the black they made white hands, after rubbing white clay on their own hands. They wore feathers in their hair, as did all except the four who were the first to take hold of the foe.

"He who had been wounded by the foe, without receiving a fatal blow, blackened his body, and put on a red spot and stripe to denote the wound and the dripping of the blood. He wore a red feather in his hair.

"Those who had brought back horses, wore lariats, "núsi-áq¢a" (over the left shoulder and under the right arm), and carried their whips on their arms.

"All these were promoted to the rank of wanáce or policemen, to act as such during the buffalo hunt." (La Flèche and Two Crows.)

"There were many singers. They had a drum, but no rattles of any sort. They danced as they moved around the fire-place, from left to right. This was always after a feast. They had no regular number of times for dancing around the circle.

"The man who first held a foe ranked as number one; the slayer came next; the second who held the foe ranked third; the third to hold the foe ranked fourth, and the fifth was he who cut off the head and threw it away.

"Sometimes the fourth man did this. Only the first, second, and third of these men were regarded as having gained great honors, and these three laded out the food at the feast.

"Only those who held or touched the foe made the impression of hands on their bodies.

"Those who struck living foes wore feathers erect in their hair, while those who hit dead enemies had to wear their feathers lying down." (Frank La Flèche.)

Mr. J. La Flèche gave the following as a very ancient song of this dance:

"Wakan´da aká an¢iñ´ge te, ai égan, An¢iñ´ge támiñke."
"Wakanda having said that I shall not be, I shall not be."

In this song, "An¢iñ´ge ta´miñke" is equivalent to "At'é támiñke," I shall die. The idea is that the singer thought he would not die until Wakanda spoke the word, and then he must die. Till then he would be safe, no matter what dangers he encountered.

For the song in honor of the Ponka chief, Ubískă, see pp. 380, 381, Part I, Vol. VI., Contributions to N. A. Ethnology.

§ 217. The He-watcí.—The concluding part of the He¢ucka was called the "Hé-watcí." It was danced only by one man, a member of the He¢ucka society. After the feast, the head of a dog or deer was generally given to one of the guests, who ate it clean and laid it down after imitating, as he danced, some of his acts in battle. The man arose suddenly of his own accord, taking the head in both hands and holding it in front of him. When no head had been boiled he danced without one. The drum was beaten, but there were no songs. The dancer wore the "crow," and grasped a club or hatchet, which had been purposely placed in the middle of the circle. His acts resembled those of the four visitors when the Égi`an-watcigaxe was danced. (See § 271.) Pointing in various directions with his club or hatchet, with which he struck the ground each time, he said, "Níacinga win gaé`an:" I did thus to a man; "Níacinga win áq¢i," I killed a man; "Níacinga win ub¢an," I took hold of a man; or some other expression. When he finished the He¢ucka dance was ended.

§ 218. The Mandan dance with fallen friends.—When the Omahas lost any of their number in a fight they had the Mandan dance on their homeward way, or after they reached home. If they had the bodies of their dead they placed the latter in the middle of a lodge, making them sit upright, as if alive and singing. And they made them hold rattles of deers' claws on their arms.

In the war story of [P]a¢in-nanpajĭ, recorded in Part I, Vol. VI, Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, the narrator says: "All the people danced in groups, dancing the Mandan dance. I rode the horse which I had brought home. I painted my face and wore good clothing. I hit the drum: 'Ku+!' I said, 'Let Wáqa-nájin take that for himself,' referring to the horse. I presented the horse to one who was not my relation."

§ 219. When the war party return home, whether they have been successful or not, the captains invite the warriors to a feast. The warriors, in turn, invited the captains to a feast. There was no regular order; if the warriors boiled first they were the first to invite (the captains) to a feast.

§ 220. A battle may be ended either by the death of one of the principal captains or by sending a man with a sacred pipe towards the ranks of the enemy. The sacred pipe is a peace pipe, and is used instead of a flag of truce. (See Punishment of a murderer, § 309.)

§ 221. Treatment of the wounded foes.—If they fell into the power of the men of the victorious side they were killed and their bodies were cut in pieces, which were thrown towards the retreating foes, who cried with rage and mortification. Their treatment at the hand of the women has been described in § 184.

§ 222. Treatment of captives.—Captives were not slain by the Omahas and Ponkas. When peace was declared the captives were sent home, if they wished to go. If not they could remain where they were, and were treated as if they were members of the tribe; but they were not adopted by any one. When Gahíge-jiñ´ga, father of Wacúce, of the Iñke-sabě gens, was a small boy he was captured by the Ponkas as they were fighting with the Omahas, who were camped near their adversaries. The Omahas having overcome the Ponkas, the latter sent the aged Hañ´ga-ckáde, whom the Omahas admired, with a peace pipe, and, as an earnest of their intentions, they sent with him the boy whom they had captured that day. He was restored to his tribe, and peace was declared. (See International Law, § 306.)

§ 223. Bravery.—The following anecdotes were told by Mr. La Flèche as illustrating the bravery of his people:

An old man had a son who reached manhood, and went into a fight, from which he returned wounded, but not dangerously so. The son asked his father saying, "Father, what thing is hard to endure?" He expected the father to say, "My child, for one to be wounded in battle is hard to endure." Had he said this, the son would have replied, "Yes, father; I shall live." The father suspected this, so he made a different reply: "Nothing, my child. The only thing hard to bear is to put on leggings again before they have been warmed by the fire." So the son became angry and said, "My father, I will die."

A certain old man had been very brave in his youth; he had gone many times on the war-path, and had killed many persons belonging to different tribes. His only children were two young men. To them he gave this advice: "Go on the war-path. It will be good for you to die when young. Do not run away. I should be ashamed if you were wounded in the back; but it would delight me to learn of your being wounded in the chest." By and by there was war with another tribe, and the two young men took part in it. Their party having been scared back, both young men were killed. When the men reached home some one said, "Old man, your sons were killed." "Yes," said he, "that is just what I desired. I will go to see them. Let them alone; I will attend to them." He found the eldest son wounded all along the back, but lying with his face towards home. Said he, "Wă! kí gan´¢aqti kéana. Gátěʇa úgaq¢e ¢ajan´ te, ehé ¢an´ctĭ."—Why! he lies as if he felt a strong desire to reach home! I said heretofore that you were to lie facing that way. So taking hold of his arms, he threw the body in the other direction, with the face towards the enemy. He found the younger son wounded in the chest, and lying with his face toward the foe. "Ho! this is my own son. He obeyed me!" And the father kissed him.

§ 224. Grades of merit or bravery, Úwahéhajĭ-má, were of two sorts. To the first class belonged such as had given to the poor on many occasions, and had invited guests to many feasts, being celebrated for the latter as "wéku-ctan." To the second class belonged those, who, besides having done these things many times, had killed several of the foe and had brought home many horses. In connection with war customs, see Property (Chapter XII), and Regulative Industries (Chapter XI).

Another protective industry is the practice of medicine. (See Dancing Societies, Chapter X.)


CHAPTER X.
AMUSEMENTS AND CORPORATIONS.

§ 225. Riddles, Wá¢ade.—"Níacinga win ní kě´di hí égan, dan´be ʞĭ, xagé gí. Edádan ă?—A person having gone to the water, and looked at it is coming back weeping. What is that?" The answer is, "₵éxé amé. Ní kě í¢ijai ʞĭ, a¢in´ agíi ʞĭ, ga`ě´`ě. É xagé, ai."—It is a kettle. When it is dipped into the water, and, one is bringing it back, it is dripping. That, they say, is weeping.

[P]ahé ʇañgáqti win ědedí¢in ʞĭ´jĭ, q¢abé ábaéqtian! Cañ´ge ědedíama; hin sábě, jíde ctĭ, skă ctĭ. Indádan ă?"—There is a mountain that is covered with trees. Horses are moving there; some have black hair, some red, and some white. What is it? The answer is, "A person's head is the mountain; the hairs are trees, and lice are the horses."

"Gawéxe win ědedí¢an. Indádan ă?"—There is a place cut up by gulleys. What is it? Answer: Wa`ujiñga ĭndé hă, An old woman's face. (It is furrowed with wrinkles.)

§ 226. Proverbs, Wíu¢a.—Sometimes they say of an obstinate man, "Waníʇa égan áhan," He is like an animal, meaning that he is "naxíde-¢iñgé." Another ancient comparison is this: "Jé égan áhan. Wanan´pajĭ áhan."—He is like the membrum virile! He fears the sight of nothing! This refers to a bad man, who fears not to commit a wrong, but pushes ahead, in spite of opposition, or, as the Omahas say, "áʞi[p]atcíje," regardless of the consequences to others or to himself.

A proverb about the "Wanaxe piäjĭ," the bad spirit, is a modern one, introduced after coming in contact with the white men.

Ictínikeqtian´i, He is like Ictinike; i. e., he is very cunning. Miʞá [p]a núʞagi¢ai, The raccoon wet his head. This refers to one who talks softly when he tries to tempt another.

§ 227. Puns.—Two youths accompanied their mother's brother when he hunted game. Having killed a deer, the two young men proceeded to cut it up, while the uncle looked on. He made this observation to them: "Sábě an¢an´da ¢an´ja, gan´adi í¢isábe hă."—Though I was born black (sabě), now you suffer (i¢isabe).

GAMES.

§ 228. Plumstone shooting, [K]an´-si kíde.—This game was thus described by Dougherty. "Five plumstones are provided, three of which are marked on one side only with a greater or smaller number of black dots or lines, and two of them are marked on both sides; they are, however, sometimes made of bone of a rounded or flattened form, somewhat like an orbicular button-mold, the dots in this case being impressed. A wide dish and a certain number of small sticks by the way of counters are also provided. Any number of persons may play this game, and agreeably to the number engaged in it, is the quantity of sticks or counters. The plumstones or bones are placed in a dish, and a throw is made by simply jolting the vessel against the ground to make the seeds or bones rebound, and they are counted as they lie when they fall. The party plays around for the first throw. Whoever gains all the sticks in the course of the game wins the stake. The throws succeed each other with so much rapidity that we vainly endeavored to observe their laws of computation, which it was the sole business of an assistant to attend to."

The seeds used in this game are called ʞan´-si gě. Their number varies. Among the Ponkas and Omahas, only five are used, while the Otos play with six. Sometimes four are marked alike, and the fifth is black or white (unmarked). Generally three are black on one side, and white or unmarked on the other, while two have each a star on one side and a moon on the other.

The players must always be of the same sex and class; that is, men must play with men, youths with youths, and women with women.

There must always be an even number of players, not more than two on each side. There are about twenty sticks used as counters. These are made of deska or of some other grass.

The seed are put in a bowl, which is hit against a pillow, and not on the bare ground, lest it should break the bowl.

When three seeds show black, and two have the moon on the upper side, it is a winning throw; but when one is white, one black, a third black (or white), the fourth showing a moon, and the fifth a star, it is a losing throw. The game is played for small stakes, such as rings and necklaces.

§ 229. Banañ´ge-kíde, Shooting at the banañge or rolling wheel.—This is played by two men. Each one has in his hand two sticks about as thick as one's little finger, which are connected in the middle by a thong not over four inches in length. The sticks measure about three feet and a half in length. Those of one player are red, and those of the other are black. The wheel which is rolled is about two feet and a half in diameter, its rim is half an inch thick, and it extends about an inch from the circumference towards the center. On this side of the rim that measures an inch are four figures. The first is called "Máxu," Marked with a knife, or "Mág¢eze," Cut in stripes with a knife. The second is "Sábě tě," The black one. The third is "Áki¢ítě," Crossing each other. The fourth is "Jiñgá tcě," The little one, or "Máxu jiñgá tcě," The little one marked with a knife. The players agree which one of the figures shall be "waqúbe" for the game; that is, what card-players call "trumps."

Fig. 32.—The banañge.

The wheel is pushed and caused to roll along, and when it has almost stopped each man hits gently at it to make it fall on the sticks. Should the sticks fall on the top of the wheel, it does not count. When a player succeeds in lodging his sticks in such a way that he touches the waqube, he wins many sticks, or arrows. When figures are touched by one or both of his sticks, he calls out the number. When any two of the figures have been touched, he says, "Nanban´a-ú hă,"I have wounded it twice. If three figures have been hit, he says, "₵áb¢in a-ú hă,"I have wounded three. Twenty arrows or sticks count as a blanket, twenty-five as a gun, and one hundred as a horse.

Fig. 33.—The sticks.

Fig. 34.—Nanban au hă.

§ 230. [T]abé-gasi, Men's game of ball.—This is played by the Omahas and Ponkas with a single ball. There are thirty, forty, or fifty men on each side, and each one is armed with a curved stick about two feet long. The players strip off all clothing except their breech-cloths. At each end of the play-ground are two posts from 12 to 15 feet apart. The play-ground is from 300 to 400 yards in length. When the players on the opposite side see that the ball is liable to reach A they try to knock it aside, either towards B or C, as their opponents would win if the ball passed between the posts at A. On the other hand, if the party represented by A see that the ball is in danger of passing between the posts at D they try to divert it, either towards E or F.

Fig. 35.—₵ab¢in au hă.

The stakes may be leggings, robes, arrows, necklaces, etc. All are lost by the losing side, and are distributed by the winners in equal shares. One of the elder men is requested to make the distribution. Two small boys, about twelve years old, stand at the posts A, and two others are at D. One boy at each end tries to send the ball between the posts, but the other one attempts to send it in the opposite direction. These boys are called uhé ginájin.

The game used to be played in three ways: (1.) Phratry against phratry. Then one of the players was not blindfolded. (2.) Village against village. The Omahas had three villages after 1855. Bi-kú-de was Gahige's village, where most of the people were. Win-dja´-ge was Standing Hawk's village, near the Mission. Jan-¢a´-te was Sanssouci's village, near Decatur. Frank La Flèche remembers one occasion when Win-djage challenged Bikude to play ʇabe-gasi, and the former won. (3.) When the game was played neither by phratries nor by villages, sides were chosen thus: A player was blindfolded, and the sticks were placed before him in one pile, each stick having a special mark by which its owner could be identified. The blindfolded man then took up two sticks at a time, one in each hand, and, after crossing hands, he laid the sticks in separate piles. The owners of the sticks in one pile formed a side for the game. The corresponding women's game is Wabaᴐnade.

Fig. 36.—Diagram of the play-ground.

§ 231. [P]á¢in-jáhe, or Stick and ring.—[P]á¢in-jáhe is a game played by two men. At each end of the play-ground, there are two "búʇa," or rounded heaps of earth.

A ring of rope or hide, the wa¢ígije, is rolled along the ground, and each player tries to dart a stick through it as it goes. He runs very swiftly after the hoop, and thrusts the stick with considerable force. If the hoop turns aside as it rolls it is not so difficult to thrust a stick through it.

Fig. 37.—The stick used in playing [P]á¢in-jahe.

The stick (A) is about 4 feet long. D is the end that is thrust at the hoop. BB are the gaqa or forked ends for catching at the hoop. CC are made of ha násage, wéabasta násage íkantan, stiff hide, fastened to the forked ends with stiff "weabasta," or material used for soles of moccasins. These ha nasage often serve to prevent the escape of the hoop from the forked ends. Sometimes these ends alone catch or hook the hoop. Sometimes the end D is thrust through it. When both sticks catch the hoop neither one wins.

Fig. 38.—The wa¢igije.

The stakes are eagle feathers, robes, blankets, arrows, earrings, necklaces, &c.

§ 232. Wabáᴐnade, the women's game of ball.—Two balls of hide are filled with earth, grass, or fur, and then joined by a cord. At each end of the play-ground are two "gabázu" or hills of earth, blankets, &c., that are from 12 to 15 feet apart. Each pair of hills may be regarded as the "home" or "base" of one of the contending parties, and it is the aim of the members of each party to throw the balls between their pair of hills, as that would win the game.

Two small girls, about twelve years old, stand at each end of the play-ground and act as uhe ginajin for the women, as boys do for the men in ʇabe-gasi.

Each player has a webaᴐnade, a very small stick of hard or red willow, about 5 feet long, and with this she tries to pick up the balls by thrusting the end of the stick under the cord. Whoever succeeds in picking them up hurls them into the air, as in playing with grace hoops. The women can throw these balls very far. Whoever catches the cord on her stick in spite of the efforts of her opponents, tries to throw it still further, and closer to her "home." The stakes are buffalo hides, small dishes or bowls, women's necklaces, awls, &c. The bases are from 300 to 400 yards apart. The corresponding men's game is [T]abe-gasi.

§ 233. Jan-¢áwa, Stick counting, is played by any number of persons with sticks made of [p]éska or sidúhi. These sticks are all placed in a heap, and then the players in succession take up some of them in their hands. The sticks are not counted till they have been taken up, and then he who has the lowest odd number always wins. Thus, if one player had five, another three, and a third only one the last must be the victor. The highest number that any one can have is nine. If ten or more sticks have been taken, those above nine do not count. With the exception of horses, anything may be staked which is played for in banañge-kide.

§ 234. Man-gádaze is a game unknown among the Omahas, but practiced among the Ponkas, who have learned it from the Dakotas. It is played by two men. Each one holds a bow upright in his left hand with one end touching the ground and the bow-string towards a heap of arrows. In the other hand he holds an arrow, which he strikes against the bow-string, which rebounds as he lets the arrow go. The latter flies suddenly towards the heap of arrows and goes among them. The player aims to have the feather on his arrow touch that on some other arrow which is in the heap. In that case he wins as many arrows as the feather or web has touched; but if the sinew on his arrow touches another arrow it wins not only that one but all in the heap.

§ 235. In´-utin´, Hitting the stone, is a game played at night. Sometimes there are twenty, thirty, or forty players on each side. Four moccasins are placed in a row, and a member of one party covers them, putting in one of them some small object that can be easily concealed. Then he says "Come! hit the moccasin in which you think it is." Then one of the opposite side is chosen to hit the moccasin. He arises, examines all, and hits one. Should it be empty, they say, "₵iñgéě hă," It is wanting." He throws it far aside and forfeits his stakes. Three moccasins remain for the rest of his friends to try. Should one of them hit the right one (uskan´skan utin´, or ukan´ska utin´), he wins the stakes, and his side has the privilege of hiding the object in the moccasin. He who hits the right moccasin can hit again and again till he misses. Sometimes it is determined to change the rule for winning, and then the guesser aims to avoid the right moccasin the first time, but to hit it when he makes the second trial. Should he hit the right one the first time he loses his stakes. If he hits the right one when he hits the second moccasin, he wins, and his side has the right to hide the object. They play till one side or the other has won all the sticks or stakes. Sometimes there are players who win back what they have lost. He who takes the right moccasin wins four sticks, or any other number which may be fixed upon by previous agreement.

Eight sticks win a blanket; four win leggings; one hundred sticks, a full-grown horse; sixty sticks, a colt; ten sticks, a gun; one, an arrow; four, a knife or a pound of tobacco; two, half a pound of tobacco. Buffalo robes (meha), otter skins, and beaver skins are each equal to eight sticks. Sometimes they stake moccasins.

When one player wins all his party yell. The men of each party sit in a row, facing their opponents, and the moccasins are placed between them.

§ 236. Shooting arrows at a mark is called "Man kíde." The mark (nacábeg¢e tě) may be placed at any distance from the contestants. There must be an even number of persons on each side. Men play with men and boys with boys. Arrows are staked. Sometimes when an arrow hits squarely at the mark it wins eight arrows or perhaps ten, according to previous agreement. When no arrow hits the mark squarely and one touches it, that arrow wins. And if there is neither an arrow that hits the mark squarely nor one that barely touches it, then the nearest arrow wins. Should there be no arrow that has gone nearly to the mark, but one that has gone a little beyond it and descended, that one wins. Whichever one is nearest the mark always wins. If there are two arrows equidistant from the mark which belong to opposite sides in the game neither one wins; but if the equidistant arrows are on the same side both win. Sometimes they say, "Let us finish the game whenever any one hits the mark squarely." Then he who thus hits the mark wins all the arrows staked.

§ 237. Shooting at a moccasin.—Hinbe kide is a boy's game. An arrow is stuck in the ground and a moccasin is fastened to it. Each boy rides swiftly by and shoots at the moccasin. The game resembles the preceding one.

§ 238. Man-múqpe, The game of dislodging arrows, is common to the Omahas, Ponkas, Iowas, Otos, and Missouris. Arrows are shot up into a tree till they lodge among the branches; then the players shoot up and try to dislodge them. Whoever can bring down an arrow wins it. There are no sides or opposing parties. Any number of boys can play. The game has become obsolete among the Omahas as there are no arrows now in use.

§ 239. Man¢in´-bagí, Wahí-gasnug´-i¢e (Omaha names), or Man-íbagí (Ponka name) is a game played by an even number of boys. The tall sticks of the red willow are held in the hand, and, when thrown towards the ground so as to strike it at an acute angle, they glance off, and are carried by the wind into the air for some distance. Whichever one can throw his stick the furthest wins the game; but nothing is staked.

§ 240. Man´dě gasnug´-i¢e is a game similar to Man¢in-bagi, but bows are used instead of the red willow sticks and arrows are staked, there being an even number of players on each side. Each bow is unstrung, one end being nearly straight, the other end, which is to hit the ground, being slightly curved. When snow is on the ground the bows glide very far. Sometimes the bow rebounds and goes into the air, then alights and glides still further. The prize for each winning bow is arranged before each game. If the number be two arrows for each and three bows win, six arrows are forfeited by the losing side; if four bows win eight arrows are lost. If three arrows be the prize for each, when two bows win, six arrows are forfeited; when three win, nine arrows; and so on.

§ 241. In´-tin búʇa, a boy's game among the Omahas, is played in winter. It is played by two, three, or four small boys, each one having a stick, not over a yard long, shaped like the figure. The stakes are necklaces and ear-rings; or, if they have no stakes they agree to hit once on the head the boy whose stick goes the shortest distance. The sticks are thrown as in Man¢in-bagi.