Style of wearing the hair.—It is called "[T]áihin-múxa-gáxai," Mane made muxa, i. e., to stand up and hang over a little on each side. La Flèche and Two Crows do not know this style.
§ 60. Birth-names of boys.—[P]a¢in-nanpajĭ was uncertain about them. He thought that six of them were as follows: Gray Horns (of a buffalo). Uma-abi, refers to cutting up a buffalo. (A buffalo that is almost grown) Raises his Tail in the air. Dark Eyes (A buffalo calf when it sheds its reddish-yellow hair, has a coat of black, which commences at the eyes). (Buffalo Calf) Unable to Run. Little one (buffalo calf) with reddish-yellow hair.
§ 61. Subgentes.—For marriage purposes, the gens is undivided, according to La Flèche and Two Crows; but they admitted that there were at present two parts of the gens, one of which was The Keepers of the Pipe. Lion said that he knew of but two subgentes, which were The Keepers of the Pipe, or, Those who do not Eat the Lowest buffalo rib, under Wild sage; and Those who Touch no Calves, or, Keepers of the Sweet Medicine, under Orphan. J. La Flèche said that all of the [T]e-sĭnde had the sweet medicine, and that none were allowed to eat calves.
§ 62. Names of men.—Wild Sage. Stands in a High and marshy place. Smoke Coming back Regularly. Big ax. (Buffalo) Bristling with Arrows. Ancestral Feather. Orphan, or, (Buffalo bull) Raises a Dust by Pawing the Ground. Unable to run. (Body of a buffalo) Divided with a knife. Playful (?) or Skittish Buffalo. Little one with reddish-yellow hair. Dark Eyes. Lies Bottom-upwards. Stands on a Level. Young Buffalo bull. Raises his Tail in the air. Lover. Crow Necklace. Big Mane. Buffalo Head. He who is to be blamed for evil.
Names of women.—Min-akanda. Sacred Moon. White Buffalo-Female in the distance. Walks in order to Seek (for something).
§ 63. The place of this gens in the tribal circle is after that of the [T]e-sĭnde. The chief of the gens is Sĭnde-xanxan.
Taboo.—The members of this gens cannot touch the skin of any animal of the deer family; they cannot use moccasins of deer-skin; nor can they use the fat of the deer for hair-oil, as the other Omahas can do; but they can eat the flesh of the deer.
Subgentes.—La Flèche and Two Crows recognized three divisions of the gens for marriage purposes, and said that the Keepers of the Sacred Pipe were "uʞanha jiñga," a little apart from the rest. Waniʇa-waqě, who is himself the keeper of the Sacred Pipe of this gens, gave four subgentes. These sat in the gentile circle in the following order: On the first or left side of the "fire-place" were the Niniba t`an, Keepers of the Pipe, and Jiñga-gahige's subgens. On the other side were the Thunder people and the real Deer people. The Keepers of the Pipe and Jiñga-gahige's subgens seem to form one of the three divisions recognized by La Flèche. Waniʇa-waqě said that his own subgens were Eagle people, and that they had a special taboo, being forbidden to touch verdigris (see [K]anze gens), charcoal, and the skin of the wild-cat. He said that the members of the second subgens could not touch charcoal, in addition to the general taboo of the gens. But La Flèche and Two Crows said that none of the [T]a-[p]a could touch charcoal.
The head of the Niniba t`an took the name Waniʇa-waqě, The Animal that excels others, or Lion, after a visit to the East; but his real Omaha name is Disobedient. [P]a¢in-gahige is the head of the Thunder subgens, and Sĭnde-xanxan, of the Deer subgens.
§ 64. Birth-names for boys.—Lion said that the following were some of the Eagle birth-names of his subgens (see Iñke-sabě birth-names, § 32): The thunder-god makes the sound "ʇide" as he walks. Eagle who is a chief (keeping a Sacred Pipe). Eagle that excels. White Eagle (Golden Eagle). Akida-gahige, Chief who Watches over something (being the keeper of a Sacred Pipe).
He gave the following as the Deer birth-names: He who Wags his Tail. The Black Hair on the Abdomen of a Buck. Horns like phalanges. Deer Paws the Ground, making parallel or diverging indentations. Deer in the distance Shows its Tail White Suddenly. Little Hoof of a deer. Dark Chin of a deer.
§ 65. Ceremony on the fifth day after a birth.—According to Lion, there is a peculiar ceremony observed in his gens when an infant is named. All the members of the gens assemble on the fifth day after the birth of a child. Those belonging to the subgens of the infant cannot eat anything cooked for the feast, but the men of the other subgentes are at liberty to partake of the food. The infant is placed within the gentile circle and the privileged decoration is made on the face of the child with "wase-jide-nika," or Indian red. Then with the tips of the index, middle, and the next finger, are red spots made down the child's back, at short intervals, in imitation of a fawn. The child's breech-cloth (sic) is also marked in a similar way. With the tips of three fingers are rubbed stripes as long as a hand on the arms and chest of the infant. All the [T]a-[p]a people, even the servants, decorate themselves. Rubbing the rest of the Indian red on the palms of their hands, they pass their hands backwards over their hair; and they finally make red spots on their chests, about the size of a hand. The members of the Pipe subgens, and those persons in the other subgentes who are related to the infant's father through the calumet dance, are the only ones who are allowed to use the privileged decoration, and to wear hinqpe (down) in their hair. If the infant belongs to the Pipe subgens, charcoal, verdigris, and the skin of a wild-cat are placed beside him, as the articles not to be touched by him in after-life. Then he is addressed thus: "This you must not touch; this, too, you must not touch; and this you must not touch." The verdigris symbolizes the blue sky.
La Flèche and Two Crows said that the custom is different from the above. When a child is named on the fifth day after birth, all of the gentiles are not invited, the only person who is called is an old man who belongs to the subgens of the infant.5 He puts the spots on the child, and gives it its name; but there is no breech-cloth.
§ 66. Names of men. I. Pipe subgens.—Chief that Watches over something. Eagle Chief. Eagle that excels, or Eagle-maker (?). Wags his Tail. Standing Moose or Deer. (Lightning) Dazzles the Eyes, making them Blink. Shows Iron. Horns Pulled around (?). Forked Horns. (Fawn that) Does not Flee to a place of refuge. (Deer) Alights, making the sound "stapi." Pawnee Tempter, a war name. White Tail. Gray Face. Like a Buffalo Horn (?). Walks Near. Not ashamed to ask for anything. (Fawn) Is not Shot at (by the hunter). White Breast. Goes to the Hill. Elk.
II. Boy Chief's subgens.—Human-male Eagle (a Dakota name, J. La Flèche). Heart Bone (of a deer; some say it refers to the thunder; J. La Flèche says that it has been recently brought from the Kansas). Fawn gives a sudden cry. Small Hoofs. Dark Chin. Forked Horns. (Deer) Leaps and raises a sudden Dust by Alighting on the ground. He who Wishes to be Sacred (or a doctor). Flees not. Forked Horns of a Fawn.
III. Thunder subgens.—Spotted Back (of a fawn). Small Hoofs. Like a Buffalo Horn. Wet Moccasins (that is, the feet of a deer. A female name among the Osages, etc.). Young Male-animal. White Tail. Dazzles the Eyes. Spoken to (by the thunder-god). Young Thunder-god. Dark Chin. Forked Horns. Distant Sitting one with White Horns. Fawn. Paws the Ground, making parallel or diverging indentations. Black Hair on a buck's Abdomen. Two Buffalo bulls. Red Leaf (a Dakota name). Skittish. Black Crow. Weasel. Young Elk. Pawnee Chief.
IV. Deer subgens.—(Deer's) Tail shows red, now and then, in the distance. White-horned animal Walking Near by. White Neck. Tail Shows White Suddenly in the distance. (Deer) Stands Red. (Deer) Starts up, beginning to move. Big Deer Walks. (Deer that) Excels others as he stands, or, Stands ahead of others. Small Forked Horns (of a fawn). Four Deer. Back drawn up (as of an enraged deer or buffalo), making the hair stand erect. Four Hoofs. He who Carves an animal. Shows a Turtle. Runs in the Trail (of the female). (Fawn) Despised (by the hunter, who prefers to shoot the full-grown deer). Feared when not seen. White Elk.
Lion said that White Neck was the only servant in his gens at present. When the gens assembled in its circle, the servants had to sit by the door, as it was their place to bring in wood and water, and to wait on the guests. La Flèche and Two Crows said that there were no servants of this sort in any of the gentes.
Yet, among the Osages and Kansas, there are still two kinds of servants, kettle-tenders and water-bringers. But these can be promoted to the rank of brave men.
Names of women in the gens.—Eᴐna-maha. Habitual-Hawk Female. Hawk Female. Precious Hawk Female. Horn used for cutting or chopping (?). Ax Female. Moon-Hawk Female. Moon that is Flying. Moon that Is moving On high. Nanzéinze. White Ponka in the distance. Ponka Female.
§ 67. The meaning of this name has been explained in several ways. In Dougherty's Account of the Omahas (Long's Expedition to the Rocky Mountains, I, 327) we read that "This name is said to have originated from the circumstance of this band having formerly quarreled and separated themselves from the nation, until, being nearly starved, they were compelled to eat the fruit of the wild cherry tree, until their excrement became red". (They must have eaten buffalo berries, not wild cherries. La Flèche.) Anba-hebe did not know the exact meaning of the name, but said that it referred to the bloody body of the buffalo seen when the seven old men visited this gens with the sacred pipes. (See § 16). Two Crows said that the Iñg¢ejide men give the following explanation: "[T]éjiñga ídai tědi, iñg¢é zí-jide égan": i. e., "When a buffalo calf is born, its dung is a yellowish red."
The place of the Iñg¢e-jide in the tribal circle is next to that of the [T]a-[p]a. Their head man is He-mu[s]nade.
Taboo.—They do not eat a buffalo calf. (See [T]e-sĭnde gens.) It appears that the two Ictasanda buffalo gentes are buffalo calf gentes, and that the two Hañgacenu buffalo gentes are connected with the grown buffalo.
Decoration of skin tents.—This consists of a circle painted on each side of the entrance, within which is sketched the body of a buffalo calf, visible from the flanks up. A similar sketch is made on the back of the tent.
§ 68. Birth names of boys.—These are as follows, but their exact order has not been gained: Buffalo calf. Seeks its Mother. Stands at the End. Horn Erect with the sharp end toward the spectator. Buffalo (calf?) Rolls over. Made dark by heat very suddenly. Manzedan, meaning unknown.
Subgentes.—The Iñg¢e-jide are not divided for marriage purposes. Lion, however, gave four subgentes; but he could not give the names and taboos. He said that Horn Erect was the head of the first. The present head of the second is Little Star. Rolls over is the head of the third; and Singer of the fourth.
Names of men.—Walking Buffalo. Buffalo Walks a little. (Buffaloes) Continue Approaching. Tent-poles stuck Obliquely in the ground. Becomes Cold suddenly. Hawk Temper. Bad Buffalo. (Buffalo calf) Seeks its Mother. (Buffalo bull) Rolls over. Stands at the End. Singer. Crow Skin. Small Bank. Kansas Head. Rapid (as a river). Sacred Crow that speaks in Visions. White Feather. Walks at the End.
Names of women.—Moon-Hawk Female. Moon Horn Female. (Buffaloes) Make the ground Striped as they run. Walks, seeking her own.
§ 69. The meaning of "Ictasanda" is uncertain; though Say was told by Dougherty that it signifies "gray eyes." It probably has some reference to the effect of lightning on the eyes. The place of the Ictasanda is at the end of the tribal circle, after the Iñg¢e-jide, and opposite to the Wejincte. The head of the gens is Ibahanbi, son of Wanuʞige, and grandson of Wackanhi.
Taboo.—The Ictasanda people do not touch worms, snakes, toads, frogs, or any other kinds of reptiles. Hence they are sometimes called the "Wag¢ícka níkacin´ga," or Reptile people. But there are occasions when they seem to violate this custom. If worms trouble the corn after it has been planted, these people catch some of them. They pound them up with a small quantity of grains of corn that have been heated. They make a soup of the mixture and eat it, thinking that the corn will not be troubled again—at least for the remainder of that season.
§ 70. Birth names of boys.—Ibahanbi said that the first son was called Gaagig¢e-hnan, which probably refers to thunder that is passing by. The second is, The Thunder-god is Roaring as he Stands. The third, Big Shoulder. The fourth, Walking Forked-lightning. The fifth, The thunder-god Walks Roaring. The sixth, Sheet-lightning Makes a Glare inside the Lodge. The seventh, The Thunder-god that Walks After others at the close of a storm.
Birth names of girls.—The first is called The Visible (Moon) in Motion. The second, The Visible one that has Come back and is in a Horizontal attitude. The third, Zizika-wate, meaning uncertain; refers to wild turkeys. The fourth, Female (thunder?) who Roars. The fifth, She who is Ever Coming back Visibly (referring to the moon?). The sixth, White Eyed Female in the distance. The seventh, Visible ones in different places.
§ 71. Subgentes.—For marriage purposes the gens is divided into three parts, according to La Flèche and Two Crows. I. Niniba-t`an, Keepers of the Pipe, and Real Ictasanda, of which [T]e-uʞanha, [K]awaha, Wajin-anba, and Si-¢ede-jiñga are the only survivors. II. Wacetan, or Reptile people, under Ibahanbi. III. Ing¢an, Thunder people, among who are Ui¢anbe-ansa and Wanace-jiñga.
Lion divided the gens into four parts. I. Niniba-t`an, under [T]e-uʞanha. II. Real Ictasanda people, under Wajin-anba. III. Wacetan (referring to the thunder, according to Lion, but denied by Two Crows), Reptile people, under Ibahanbi. These are sometimes called Keepers of the Claws of the Wild-cat, because they bind these claws to the waist of a new-born infant, putting them on the left side. IV. The Real Thunder people are called, Those who do not touch the Clam shell, or, Keepers of the Clam shell, or, Keepers of the Clam shell and the Tooth of a Black bear. These bind a clam shell to the waist of a child belonging to this subgens, when he is forward in learning to walk. (See §§ 24, 43, 45, and 63.)
At the time that Waniʇa-waqě gave this information, March, 1880, he said that there were but two men left in the Niniba-t`an, [T]e-uʞanha, and [K]awaha. Now it appears that they have united with Wajin-anba and Si¢ede-jiñga, the survivors of the Ictasandaqti. [T]e-uʞanha, being the keeper of the Ictasanda sacred pipe, holds what was a very important office, that of being the person who has the right to fill the sacred pipes for the chiefs. (See §§ 17 and 18.) [T]e-uʞanha, does not, however, know the sacred words used on such occasions, as his father, Mahinzi, died without communicating them to him.
But some say that there is another duty devolving on this keeper. There has been a custom in the tribe not to cut the hair of children when they were small, even after they began to walk. But before a child reached the age of four years, it was necessary for it to be taken, with such other children as had not had their hair cut, to the man who filled the sacred pipes. Two or three old men of the Ictasanda gens sat together on that occasion. They sent a crier around the camp or village, saying, "You who wish to have your children's hair cut bring them." Then the father, or else the mother, would take the child, with a pair of good moccasins for the child to put on, also a present for the keeper of the sacred pipe, which might consist of a pair of moccasins, some arrows, or a dress, etc. When the parents had arrived with their children each one addressed the keeper of the pipe, saying, "Venerable man, you will please cut my child's hair," handing him the present at the same time. Then the old man would take a child, cut off one lock about the length of a finger, tie it up, and put it with the rest in a sacred buffalo hide. Then the old man put the little moccasins on the child, who had not worn any previously, and after turning him around four times he addressed him thus: "[T]ucpáha, Wakan´da ¢a`é¢i¢é-de ʞáci man¢iñ´ka si á¢ag¢é taté—Grandchild, may Wakanda pity you, and may your feet rest for a long time on the ground!" Another form of the address was this: "Wakan´da ¢a`é¢i¢e taté! Man¢iñ´ka si á¢ag¢é taté. Gúdihégan hné taté!—May Wakanda pity you! May your feet tread the ground! May you go ahead (i. e., may you live hereafter)!" At the conclusion of the ceremony the parent took the child home, and on arriving there the father cut off the rest of the child's hair, according to the style of the gens. La Flèche told the following, in 1879: "If it was desired, horns were left, and a circle of hair around the head, with one lock at each side, over the ear. Some say that they cut off more of the hair, leaving none on top and only a circle around the head." But the writer has not been able to ascertain whether this referred to any particular gens, as the Ictasanda or to the whole tribe. "It is the duty of Wajin-anba, of the Real Ictasanda, to cut the children's hair. The Keepers of the Pipe and the Real Ictasanda were distinct subgentes, each having special duties." (Frank La Flèche.)
§ 72. Names of men.—[T]e-uʞanha (Sentinel Buffalo Apart from the herd) and his brother, [K]awaha, are the only survivors of the Keepers of the Pipe. Hañga-cenu and Mahin-zi (Yellow Rock) are dead.
II. Real Ictasanda people.—Wajin-anba and Small Heel are the only survivors. The following used to belong to this subgens: Reptile Catcher. (Thunder-god) Threatens to strike. Wishes to Love. Frog. (Thunder) Makes a Roar as it Passes along. Night Walker. Runs (on) the Land. Sacred Mouth. Soles of (gophers') Paws turned Outward. The Reclining Beaver. Snake. Touched the distant foe. Rusty-yellow Corn-husk (an Oto name). Young Black bear. He who Boiled a Little (a nickname for a stingy man). Small Fireplace. He who Hesitates about asking a favor. Maker of a Lowland forest. Stomach Fat.
III. Wacetan subgens.—Roar of approaching thunder. He who made the foe stir. He who tried to anticipate the rest in reaching the body of a foe. Cedar Shooter. Flat Water (the Platte or Nebraska). He is Known. (Thunder-god) Roars as he Stands. Sharp Stone. (Thunder that) Walks after the others at the close of a storm. Big Shoulder. (Thunder) Walks On high. Wace-jiñga (Small Reptile?) Wace-tan (Standing Reptile?). Wace-tan-jiñga (Small Standing Reptile?). (Snake) Makes himself Round. Sheet-lightning Flashes Suddenly. Forked-lightning Walks. Thunder makes the sound "z+!" Black cloud in the horizon. Walks during the Night. White Disposition (or, Sensible). Sole of the foot. He got the better of the Lodges (of the foe by stealing their horses). Ibahanbi (He is Known) gave the following as names of Ictasanda men, but J. La Flèche and Two Crows doubt them. Large Spotted Snake. (Snake) Makes (a frog) Cry out (by biting him).6 Small Snake.6 (Snake) Lies Stiff. Big Mouth. Black Rattlesnake. (Snake that) Puffs up itself.
IV. Thunder subgens.—Sheet-lightning Flashes inside the Lodge. Swift at Running up a hill. Young Policeman. Cloud. He Walks with them. He who Is envied because he has a pretty wife, a good horse, etc., though he is poor or homely.
Names of women.—Danama. She Alone is Visible. Skin Dress. She who Is returning Roaring or Bellowing. She who is made Muddy as she Moves. Moon has Returned Visible. Moon is Moving On high.7
§ 73. Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows recognize four classes of kinship:
1. Consanguineous or blood kinship, which includes not only the gens of the father, but also those of the mother and grandmothers.
2. Marriage kinship, including all the affinities of the consort, as well as those of the son's wife or daughter's husband.
3. Weawan kinship, connected with the Calumet dance. (See § 126.)
4. Inter-gentile kinship, existing between contiguous gentes. This last is not regarded as a bar to intermarriage, e. g., the Wejincte and Iñke-sabě gentes are related; and the Wejincte man whose tent is at the end of his gentile area in the tribal circle is considered as a very near kinsman by the Iñke-sabě man whose tent is next to his. In like manner, the Iñke-sabě Wa¢igije man who camps next to the Hañga gens is a brother of his nearest Hañga neighbor. The last man in the Hañga area is the brother of the first ₵atada (Wasabe-hit`ajĭ), who acts as Quʞa for the Hañga. The last ₵atada [K]e-`in man is brother of the first [K]anze man, and so on around the circle.
Two other classes of relationship were given to the writer by members of three tribes, Omahas, Ponkas, and Missouris, but Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows never heard of them. The writer gives authorities for each statement.
5. Nikie kinship. "Nikie" means "Something handed down from a mythical ancestor," or "An ancient custom." Nikie kinship refers to kinship based on descent from the same or a similar mythical ancestor. For example, Big Elk, of the Omaha Wejincte or Elk gens, told the writer that he was related to the Kansas Elk gens, and that a Wejincte man called a Kansas Elk man "My younger brother," the Kansas man calling the Wejincte "My elder brother."
Icta¢abi, an Iñke-sabě, and Ckátce-yiñ´e, of the Missouri tribe, said that the Omaha Wejincte calls the Oto Hótatci (Elk gens) "Elder brother." But Big Elk did not know about this. He said, however, that his gens was related to the Ponka Niʞa[p]aᴐna, a deer and elk gens.
Icta¢abi said that Omaha Iñke-sabě, his own gens, calls the Ponka ₵ixida "Grandchild"; but others say that this is owing to intermarriage. Icta¢abi also said that Iñke-sabě calls the Ponka Wajaje "Elder brother"; but some say that this is owing to intermarriage. Gahige, of the Iñke-sabě gens, calls Standing Grizzly bear of the Ponka Wajaje his grandchild; and Standing Buffalo, of the same gens, his son. So Icta¢abi's statement was incorrect.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXXII
OMAHA SYSTEM OF CONSANGUINITIES.
Legend.
male symbol EGO, a male.
A Father group. Indadi, my father.
[A] Mother group. Innanha, my mother.
B Grandfather group. Wiʇigan, my grandfather.
[B] Grandmother group. Wiʞan, my grandmother.
C Son group. Wijiñge, my son.
[c] Daughter group. Wijañge, my daughter.
D—[D] Grandchild group. Wiʇucpa, my grandchild N. B.—D denotes a grandson, and [D], a granddaughter.
E Elder brother group. Wijin¢e, my elder brother.
F Younger brother group. Wisañga, my younger brother.
[E]—[F] Sister group. Wiʇañge, my sister. This term is also used by EGO, a female, for “My younger sister”; but EGO, a male, does not distinguish between elder sister ([E]) and younger sister ([F]).
G Sister’s son group. Wiʇancka, my sister’s son.
[G] Sister’s daughter group. Wiʇijan, my sister’s daughter.
H Mother’s brother group. Winegi, my mother’s brother.
[H] Father’s sister group. Wiʇimi, my father’s sister.
Affinity groups in this part of the plate:
a Wife’s brother or sister’s husband group. Wiʇahan, my brother-in-law.
[b] Wife’s sister or brother’s wife group. Wihañga, my potential wife.
[c] Son’s wife group. Wiʇini, my son’s wife.
d Daughter’s husband group. Wiʇande, my daughter’s husband.
Legend.
female icon EGO, a female. A, [A], B, [B], C, [C], D, [D], F, H, and [H] as above.
E Elder brother group. Wiʇinu, my elder brother.
E Elder sister group. Wijan¢e, my elder sister.
[F] Younger sister group. Wiʇañge, my younger sister.
I Brother’s son group. Wiʇucka, my brother’s son.
[J] Brother’s daughter group. Wiʇujañge, my brother’s daughter.
Affinity groups in this part of the plate:
See above for explanation of [c] and d.
e Husband’s brother group. Wici`e, my potential husband.
[f] Husband’s sister group. Wiciʞan, my husband’s sister.]
Icta¢bi and Ckatce-yiñe said that Iñke-sabě calls the Oto Arúqwa, or Buffalo gens, "Grandfather;" and that the Oto Rútce or Pigeon gens is called "Grandchild" by Iñke-sabě.
Some said that the Omaha Wasabe-hit`ajĭ called the Ponka Wasabe-hit`ajĭ "Grandchild"; but [P]á¢in-nanpájĭ, of the Omaha Wasabe-hit`ajĭ, said that his subgens called the Ponka Wasabe-hit`ajĭ "Younger brother"; and ₵ixida and Wajaje "Grandfather." Húpe¢a, another member of the Omaha Wasabe-hit`ajĭ, said that Ubískă of the Ponka Wasabe-hit`ajĭ was his son; Ubískă's father, his elder brother (by marriage); and Ubískă's grandfather his (Hupe¢a's) father. He also said that he addressed as elder brothers all Ponka men older than himself, and all younger than himself he called his younger brothers.
Fire Chief of the Omaha Wajiñga-¢atajĭ said that he called Keʞré[ç]e, of the Oto Tunan´p'in gens, his son; the Ponka Wasabe-hit`ajĭ, his elder brother; the Kansas Wasabe and Miʞa, his fathers; the Kansas Eagle people, his fathers; the Kansas Turtle people, his elder brothers; the Oto Rútce (Pigeon people), his fathers; the Oto Makátce (Owl people), his sisters' sons; and the Winnebago Hontc (Black bear people), his fathers.
Omaha Man¢iñka-gaxe calls Yankton-Dakota Tcaxú, "Sister's sons," but Tcañ´kuté, Ihá-isdáye, Watcéunpa, and Ikmun´, are "Grandsons."
[T]a-[p]a calls Oto [T]ᴐéxita (Eagle people) "Grandchildren"; and Ponka Hísada "Grandfathers."
Icta¢abi said that Ictasanda called Ponka Makan´ "Mother's brother"; but Ibahanbi, of the Ictasanda gens, denied it. Ibahanbi said that he called a member of a gens of another tribe, when related to him by the nikie, "My father," if the latter were very old; "My elder brother," if a little older than himself, and "My younger brother," if the latter were Ibahanbi's junior. Besides, Ibahanbi takes, for example, the place of Standing Bear of the Ponka Wajaje; and whatever relationship Standing Bear sustains to the Hisada, ₵ixida, Nikadaᴐna, etc., is also sustained to the members of each gens by Ibahanbi.
6. Sacred Pipe kinship. Gahige, of the Omaha Iñke-sabě, said that all who had sacred pipes called one another "Friend." Ponka Wacabe and Omaha Iñke-sabě speak to each other thus. But Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows deny this.
§ 74. All of a man's consanguinities belong to fourteen groups, and a woman has fifteen groups of consanguinities. Many affinities are addressed by consanguinity terms; excepting these, there are only four groups of affinities. In the accompanying charts consanguinities are designated by capital letters and affinities by small letters. Roman letters denote males and script letters females. Some necessary exceptions to these rules are shown in the Legends.
§ 75. Peculiarities of the Charts.—The most remote ancestors are called grandfathers and grandmothers, and the most remote descendant is addressed or spoken of as a grandchild.
My brother's children (male speaking) are my children, because their mother ([J]) can become my wife on the death of their father. My brother's son (I) and daughter ([b]), [b] female speaking, are my nephews and nieces. A man calls his sister's children his nephews and nieces (G and [G]), and they do not belong to his gens.
A woman calls her sister's children, her own children, as their father can be her husband. (See "e.") My mother's brother's son (m. or f. sp.) is my mother's brother (H), because his sister ([A]) can be my father's wife. The son of an "H" is always an "H" and his sisters and daughters are always "[A]'s." The children of [A]'s are always brothers and sisters to Ego (m. or f.), as are the children of A's. The husband of my father's sister (m. sp.) is my brother-in-law (a) because he can marry my sister ([E] or [F]), and their children are my sister's children (G and "[G]"). A brother of the real or potential wife of a grandfather is also a grandfather of Ego (m. or f.). The niece of the real or potential wife of my grandfather (m. or f. sp.) is his potential wife and my grandmother, so her brother is my grandfather.
§ 76. From these examples and from others found in the charts, it is plain that the kinship terms are used with considerable latitude, and not as we employ them. Whether Ego be a male or female, I call all men my fathers whom my father calls his brothers or whom my mother calls her potential husbands. I call all women my mothers whom my mother calls her sisters, aunts, or nieces, or whom my father calls his potential wives.
I call all men brothers who are the sons of such fathers or mothers, and their sisters are my sisters. I call all men my grandfathers who are the fathers or grandfathers of my fathers or mothers, or whom my fathers or mothers call their mothers' brothers. I call all women my grandmothers who are the real or potential wives of my grandfathers, or who are the mothers or grandmothers of my fathers or mothers, or whom my fathers or mothers call their fathers' sisters.
I, a male, call all males my sons who are the sons of my brothers or of my potential wives, and the sisters of those sons are my daughters. I, a female, call those males my nephews who are the sons of my brothers, and the daughters of my brothers are my nieces; but my sister's children are my children as their father is my potential or actual husband. I, a male, call my sister's son my nephew, and her daughter is my niece. I, a male or female, call all males and females my grandchildren who are the children of my sons, daughters, nephews, or nieces. I, a male or female, call all men my uncles whom my mothers call their brothers. And my aunts are all females who are my fathers' sisters as well as those who are the wives of my uncles. But my father's sisters' husbands, I being a male, are my brothers-in-law, being the potential or real husbands of my sisters; and they are my potential husbands, when Ego is a female.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ANNUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXXIII
OMAHA SYSTEM OF AFFINITIES.
Legend.
Affinities of male icon EGO, a male:
female icon Wigaq¢an, my wife.
a Wife's brother group. Wiʇáhan, my wife's brother.
[b] Wife's sister group. Wiha-ñ´ga, my potential wife.
Though "My wife's mother's sister's husband" is wiʇigan, my grandfather (see B*), that term, as applied to him, is seemingly without reason.—JOSEPH LA FLÈCHE.
The husband of my wife's sister ([b]) is not always my consanguinity, but if he is a kinsman, I call him my elder (E) or younger (F) brother.
Affinities of female icon EGO, a female:
male icon Wíeg¢añge, my husband.
e Husband's brother group. Wíci`e, my potential husband.
fHusband's sister group. Wicíʞan, my husband's sister.
The wife of "e" is my sister (wijan¢e or wi ʇañge), my father's sister (wiʇimi), or my brother's daughter (wiʇujañge), if related to Ego, a female. This kinship will be expressed by E, [F], [H], or [I], according to circumstances. See female icon in the chart.
Affinities common to both sexes:
B Grandfather group. Wiʇigan, my grandfather.
[B] Grandmother group. Wiʞan, my grandmother.
[c] Son's wife group. Wiʇini, my son's wife.
d Daughter's husband group. Wiʇande, my daughter's husband.
C Son group. Wijiñge, my son.
[C] Daughter group. Wijañge my daughter.
D—[D] Grandchild group. Wiʇucpa, my grandchild (D, if male; [D], if female).]
§ 77. Any female is the potential wife of Ego, a male, whom my own wife calls her ijan¢e (E), itañge ([F]), itimi ([H]) or itujañge ([J]). I, a male, also call my potential wives those who the widows or wives of my elder or younger brothers.
I, a male, have any male for my brother-in-law whom my wife calls her elder or younger brother; also any male who is the brother of my wife's niece or of my brother's wife. But my wife's father's brother is my grandfather, not my brother-in-law, though his sister is my potential wife. When my brother-in-law is the husband of my father's sister or of my own sister, his sister is my grandchild, and not my potential wife. A man is my brother-in-law if he be the husband of my father's sister, since he can marry my own sister, but my aunt's husband is not my brother-in-law when he is my uncle or mother's brother (H). Any male is my brother-in-law who is my sister's husband (a). But while my sister's niece's husband is my sister's potential or real husband, he is my son-in-law, as he is my daughter's husband (d). I, a male or female, call any male my son-in-law who is the husband of my daughter ([C]), my niece ([G] or [J]), or of my grandchild [D], and his father is my son-in-law.
When I, a male or female, call my daughter-in-law's father my grandfather, her brother is my grandchild (D).
Any female is my daughter-in-law (male or female speaking) who is the wife of my son, nephew, or grandchild; and the mother of my son-in-law is so called by me. Any male affinity is my grandfather (or father-in-law) who is the father, mother's brother, or grandfather of my wife, my potential wife, or my daughter-in-law (the last being the wife of my son, nephew, or grandson). The corresponding female affinity is my grandmother (or mother-in-law).
§ 78. A man must marry outside of his gens. Two Crows, of the Hañga gens, married a Wejincte woman; his father married a [T]e-sĭnde woman; his paternal grandfather, a Hañga man, married a Wasabe-hit`ajĭ woman; and his maternal grandfather, a [T]e-sĭnde man, married a [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ woman. His son, Gain´-bajĭ, a Hañga, married an Iñke-sabě woman; and his daughter, a Hañga, married Qi¢á-gahíge, a [T]a-[p]a man. Caan´, a brother of Two Crows, and a Hañga, married a [T]a[p]a woman, a daughter of the chief Sĭn´ac-xan´xan. Another brother, Minxá-tan, also a Hañga, married a [K]anze woman.
Joseph La Flèche's mother was a Ponka Wasabe-hit`ajĭ woman; hence he belongs to that Ponka gens. His maternal grandfather, a Ponka Wasabe-hit`ajĭ, married a Ponka Wajaje woman. Her father, a Wajaje, married a Ponka Makan woman.
Two Crows, being a Hañga, cannot marry a Hañga woman, nor can he marry a [T]e-sĭnde woman, as they are all his kindred through his mother. He cannot marry women belonging to the Wasabe-hit`ajĭ and [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ subgentes ("uʞig¢a[s]ne") of the ₵atada gens, because his real grandmothers belonged to those subgentes. But he can marry women belonging to the other ₵atada subgentes, the Wajiñga-¢atajĭ and [K]e-`in, as they are not his kindred. In like manner Joseph La Flèche cannot marry a Ponka Wasabe-hit`ajĭ woman, a Ponka Wajaje woman, or a Ponka Makan woman. But he can marry an Omaha Wasabe-hit`ajĭ woman, as she belongs to another tribe.
Gain-bajĭ cannot marry women belonging to the following gentes: Hañga (his father's gens), Wejincte (his mother's gens), [T]e-sĭnde (his paternal grandmother's gens), Wasabe-hit`ajĭ, and [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ.
Gain-bajĭ's son cannot marry any women belonging to the following gentes: Iñke-sabě, Hañga, Wejincte, [T]e-sĭnde, or that of the mother of his mother. Nor could he marry a Wasabe-hit`ajĭ or [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ woman, if his parents or grandparents were living, and knew the degree of kinship. But if they were dead, and he was ignorant of the fact that the women and he were related, he might marry one or more of them. The same rule holds good for the marriage of Qi¢a-gahige's son, but with the substitution of [T]a-[p]a for Iñke-sabě.
Two Crows cannot marry any Iñke-sabě woman belonging to the subgens of his son's wife; but he can marry one belonging to either of the remaining subgentes. So, too, he cannot marry a [T]a-[p]a woman belonging to the subgens of Qi¢a-gahige, his son-in-law, but he can marry any other [T]a-[p]a woman. As his brother Caan, had married a [T]a-[p]a woman of Sĭnde-xanxan's subgens, Two Crows has a right to marry any [T]a-[p]a woman of her subgens who was her sister, father's sister, or brother's daughter. He has a similar privilege in the [K]anze gens, owing to the marriage of another brother, Minxa-tan.
An Omaha Hañga man can marry a Kansas Hañga woman, because she belongs to another tribe. A Ponka Wasabe-hit`ajĭ man can marry an Omaha Wasabe-hit`ajĭ woman, because she belongs to a different tribe.
A man cannot marry any of the women of the gens of his father, as they are his grandmothers, aunts, sisters, nieces, daughters, or grandchildren. He cannot marry any woman of the subgens of his father's mother, for the same reason; but he can marry any woman belonging to the other subgentes of his paternal grandmother's gens, as they are not his kindred. The women of the subgens of his paternal grandmother's mother are also forbidden to him; but those of the remaining subgentes of that gens can become his wives, provided they are such as have not become his mothers-in-law, daughters, or grandchildren. (See § 7, 126, etc.)
A man cannot marry any women of his mother's gens, nor any of his maternal grandmother's subgens, nor any of the subgens of her mother, as all are his consanguinities.
A man cannot marry a woman of the subgens of the wife of his son, nephew, or grandson; nor can he marry a woman of the subgens of the husband of his daughter, niece, or granddaughter.
A man cannot marry any of his female affinities who are his iʞan, because they are the real or potential wives of his fathers-in-law, or of the fathers-in-law of his sons, nephews, or grandchildren.
A man cannot marry any woman whom he calls his sister's daughter. He cannot marry any woman whom he calls his grandchild. This includes his wife's sister's daughter's daughter.
He cannot marry the daughter of any woman who is his ihañga, as such a daughter he calls his daughter.
He cannot marry his sister's husband's sister, for she is his iʇucpa. He cannot marry his sister's husband's father's brother's daughter, as she is his iʇucpa; nor can he marry her daughter or her brother's daughter, for the same reason. He cannot marry his sister's husband's (brother's) daughter, as she is his sister's potential daughter, and he calls her his iʇijan.
A woman cannot marry her son, the son of her sister, aunt, or niece; her grandson, the grandson of her sister, aunt, or niece; any man whom she calls elder or younger brother; any man whom she calls her father's or mother's brother; her iʇijigan (including her consanguinities, her father-in-law, her brother's wife's brother, her brother's wife's father, her brother's son's wife's father, her brother's wife's brother's son, her father's brother's son's wife's brother, her grandfather's brother's son's wife's brother); or any man who is her iʇande.
A man can marry a woman of the gens of his grandmother, paternal or maternal, if the woman belong to another subgens. He can marry a woman of the gens of his grandmother's mother, if the latter belong to another subgens, or if he be ignorant of her kinship to himself.
He can marry a woman of another tribe, even when she belongs to a gens corresponding to his own, as she is not a real kinswoman.
He can marry any woman, not his consanguinity, if she be not among the forbidden affinities. He can marry any of his affinities who is his ihañga, being the ijan¢e, iʇañge, iʇimi, or iʇujañge of his wife. And vice versa, any woman can marry a man who is the husband of her ijan¢e, iʇañge, iʇimi, or iʇujañge. If a man has several kindred whom he calls his brothers, and his wife has several female relations who are his ihañga, the men and women can intermarry.
Were it not for the institution of subgentes a man would be compelled to marry outside of his tribe, as all the women would be his kindred, owing to previous intermarriages between the ten gentes. But in any gens those on the other side of the gentile "une¢e," or fire-place, are not reckoned as full kindred, though they cannot intermarry.
§ 79. A man takes the widow of his real or potential brother in order to become the stepfather (i¢adi jiñga, little father) of his brother's children. Should the widow marry a stranger he might hate the children, and the kindred of the deceased husband do not wish her to take the children so far away from them. Sometimes the stepfather takes the children without their mother, if she be maleficent. Sometimes the dying husband knows that his kindred are bad, so he tells his wife to marry out of his gens. When the wife is dying she may say to her brother, "Pity your brother-in-law. Let him marry my sister."
§ 80. Age of puberty and marriage.—It is now customary for girls to be married at the age of fifteen, sixteen, or seventeen years among the Omahas, and in the Ponka tribe they generally take husbands as soon as they enter their fifteenth year. It was not so formerly; men waited till they were twenty-five or thirty, and the women till they were twenty years of age. Then, when a consort was spoken of they used to refer the matter to their friends, who discussed the characters of the parties, and advised accordingly, as they proved good (i. e., industrious and good-tempered, and having good kindred) or bad. Sometimes an Omaha girl is married at the age of fourteen or fifteen; but in such a case her husband waits about a year for the consummation of the marriage. When a girl matures rapidly she is generally married when she is sixteen; but those who are slow to mature marry when they reach seventeen. (See § 97.)
Dougherty states (in Long's Expedition to the Rocky Mountains, vol. 1, p. 230) that "In the Omawhaw nation numbers of females are betrothed in marriage from their infancy. * * * Between the ages of nine and twelve years the young wife is occasionally an invited visitant at the lodge of her husband, in order that she may become familiarized with his company and his bed." But such is not the case among the Omahas according to La Flèche and Two Crows, who say that Dougherty referred to a Kansas custom.
§ 81. Courtship.—The men court the women either directly or by proxy. The women used to weigh the matter well, but now they hasten to marry any man that they can get. Sometimes the girl told her kindred and obtained their advice. Parents do not force their daughters to marry against their will. Sometimes a girl refuses to marry the man, and the parents cannot compel her to take him. All that they can do is to give her advice: "Here is a good young man. We desire you to marry him." Or they may say to the people, "We have a single daughter, and it is our wish to get her married." Then the men go to court her. Should the parents think that the suitor is not apt to make her a good husband they return his presents. Suitors may curry favor with parents and kindred of the girl by making presents to them, but parents do not sell their daughters. The presents made for such a purpose are generally given by some old man who wishes to get a very young girl whom he is doubtful of winning. When a man courts the girl directly this is unnecessary. Then he gives what he pleases to her kindred, and sometimes they make presents to him.
When men reach the age of forty years without having courted any one the women generally dislike them, and refuse to listen to them. The only exception is when the suitor is beneficent. Such a man gets his father to call four old men, by whom he sends four horses to the lodge of the girl's father. If the latter consents and the girl be willing he consults his kindred, and sends his daughter, with four horses from his own herd, to the lodge of the suitor's father. The latter often calls a feast, to which he invites the kindred of the girl, as well as those of his son. When the girl is sent away by her parents she is placed on one of the horses, which is led by an old man. There is not always a feast, and there is no regular marriage ceremony.
A man of twenty-five or thirty will court a girl for two or three years. Sometimes the girl pretends to be unwilling to marry him, just to try his love, but at last she usually consents.
Sometimes, when a youth sees a girl whom he loves, if she be willing, he says to her, "I will stand in that place. Please go thither at night." Then after her arrival he enjoys her, and subsequently asks her of her father in marriage. But it was different with a girl who had been petulant, one who had refused to listen to the suitor at first. He might be inclined to take his revenge. After lying with her, he might say, "As you struck me and hurt me, I will not marry you. Though you think much of yourself, I despise you." Then would she be sent away without winning him for her husband; and it was customary for the man to make songs about her. In these songs the woman's name was not mentioned unless she had been a "minckeda," or dissolute woman.
One day in 1872, when the writer was on the Ponka Reservation in Dakota, he noticed several young men on horseback, who were waiting for a young girl to leave the Mission house. He learned that they were her suitors, and that they intended to run a race with her after they dismounted. Whoever could catch her would marry her; but she would take care not to let the wrong one catch her. La Flèche and Two Crows maintain that this is not a regular Ponka custom, and they are sure that the girl (a widow) must have been a "minckeda."
§ 82. Marriage by elopement.—Sometimes a man elopes with a woman. Her kindred have no cause for anger if the man takes the woman as his wife. Should a man get angry because his single daughter, sister, or niece had eloped, the other Omahas would talk about him, saying, "That man is angry on account of the elopement of his daughter!" They would ridicule him for his behavior. La Flèche knew of but one case, and that a recent one, in which a man showed anger on such an occasion. But if the woman had been taken from her husband by another man her kindred had a right to be angry. Whether the woman belongs to the same tribe or to another the man can elope with her if she consents. The Omahas cannot understand how marriage by capture could take place, as the woman would be sure to alarm her people by her cries.
§ 83. Customs subsequent to marriage.—Sometimes the kindred of the husband are assembled by his father, who addresses them, saying, "My son's wife misses her old home. Collect gifts, and let her take them to her kindred." Then the husband's kindred present to the wife horses, food, etc., and the husband's mother tells her daughter-in-law to take the gifts to her parents. When the husband and wife reach the lodge of the wife's parents the father calls his daughter's kindred to a feast and distributes the presents among them. By and by, perhaps a year later, the wife's kindred may assemble and tell the husband to take presents and food to his kindred, especially if the latter be poor. This custom is now obsolescent.
§ 84. Polygamy.—The maximum number of wives that one man can have is three, e. g., the first wife, her aunt, and her sister or niece, if all be consanguinities. Sometimes the three are not kindred.8
When a man wishes to take a second wife he always consults his first wife, reasoning thus with her: "I wish you to have less work to do, so I think of taking your sister, your aunt, or your brother's daughter for my wife. You can then have her to aid you with your work." Should the first wife refuse the man cannot marry the other woman. Generally no objection is offered, especially if the second woman be one of the kindred of the first wife.
Sometimes the wife will make the proposition to her husband, "I wish you to marry my brother's daughter, as she and I are one flesh." Instead of "brother's daughter," she may say her sister or her aunt.
The first wife is never deposed. She always retains the right to manage household affairs, and she controls the distribution of food, etc., giving to the other wives what she thinks they should receive.
§ 85. If a man has a wife who is active and skillful at dressing hides, etc., and the other wives are lazy or unskillful, he leaves them with their parents or other kindred, and takes the former wife with him when he goes with the tribe on the buffalo hunt. Sometimes he will leave this wife a while to visit one of his other wives. But Dougherty was misinformed when he was told that the skillful wife would be apt to show her jealousy by "knocking the dog over with a club, repulsing her own child, kicking the fire about, pulling the bed, etc." (see p. 232, Vol. I, Long's Expedition to the Rocky Mountains), for when a wife is jealous she scolds or strikes her husband or else she tries to hit the other woman.
Polyandry.—The Omahas say that this has not been practiced among them, nor do the Ponkas know this custom. But the terms of kinship seem to point to an age when it was practiced.
§ 86. Permanence of marriage.—Among the Santee Dakotas, where mother-right prevails(?), a wife's mother can take her from the husband and give her to another man. Among the ₵egiha, if the husband is kind, the mother-in-law never interferes. But when the husband is unkind the wife takes herself back, saying to him, "I have had you for my husband long enough; depart." Sometimes the father or elder brother of the woman says to the husband, "You have made her suffer; you shall not have her for a wife any longer." This they do when he has beaten her several times, or has been cruel in other ways. But sometimes the woman has married the man in spite of the warnings of her kindred, who have said to her, "He is maleficent; do not take him for your husband." When such a woman repents, and wishes to abandon her husband, her male kindred say to her, "Not so; still have him for your husband; remain with him always." Thus do they punish her for not having heeded their previous warnings. When they are satisfied with each other they always stay together; but should either one turn out bad, the other one always wishes to abandon the unworthy consort.
When parents separate, the children are sometimes taken by their mother, and sometimes by her mother or their father's mother. Should the husband be unwilling, the wife cannot take the children with her. Each consort can remarry. Sometimes one consort does not care whether the other one marries again or not; but occasionally the divorced wife or husband gets angry on hearing of the remarriage of the other.
§ 87. A man does not speak to his wife's mother or grandmother; he and she are ashamed to speak to each other. But should his wife be absent he sometimes asks her mother for information, if there be no one present through whom he can inquire.
In former days it was always the rule for a man not to speak to his wife's parents or grandparents. He was obliged to converse with them through his wife or child, by addressing the latter and requesting him or her to ask the grandparent for the desired information. Then the grandparent used to tell the man's wife or child to say so and so to the man. In like manner a woman cannot speak directly to her husband's father under ordinary circumstances. They must resort to the medium of a third party, the woman's husband or child. But if the husband and child be absent, the woman or her father-in-law is obliged to make the necessary inquiry.
A woman never passes in front of her daughter's husband if she can avoid it. The son-in-law tries to avoid entering a place where there is no one but his mother-in-law. When at the Ponka mission, in Dakota, the writer noticed the Ponka chief, Standing Buffalo, one day when he entered the school-room. When he saw that his mother-in-law was seated there, he turned around very quickly, threw his blanket over his head, and went into another part of the house.
Another custom prevails, which Dougherty described thus: "If a person enters a dwelling in which his son-in-law is seated, the latter turns his back, and avails himself of the first opportunity to leave the premises. If a person visits his wife during her residence at the lodge of her father, the latter averts himself, and conceals his head with his robe, and his hospitality is extended circuitously by means of his daughter, by whom the pipe is transferred to her husband to smoke." He also said that if the mother-in-law wished to present her son-in-law with food, it was invariably handed to the daughter for him; and if the daughter should be absent, the mother-in-law placed the food on the ground, and retired from the lodge that he might take it up and eat it." (Long's Expedition to the Rocky Mountains, Vol. I, pp. 253, 254.) The Dakotas have this custom and call it "wiśtenkiyapi."
§ 88. The woman, when she perceives that the catamenia does not recur at the expected period, begins to reckon her pregnancy from the last time that she "dwelt alone." As the months pass, she says, "Min´ gána b¢in´," I am that number of months (with child). If she cannot tell the exact number of months, she asks her husband or some old man to count for her. At other times, it is the husband who asks the old man. They calculate from the last time that the woman "dwelt alone."
Dougherty says that he did not hear of any case of "longing, or of nausea of the stomach, during pregnancy."
§ 89. Couvade, Fœticide, and Infanticide.—Couvade is not practiced among the ₵egiha. Fœticide is uncommon. About twenty-two years ago, Standing Hawk's wife became enceinte. He said to her, "It is bad for you to have a child. Kill it." She asked her mother for medicine. The mother made it, and gave it to her. The child was still-born. The daughter of Wackan-man¢in used to be very dissolute, and whenever she was pregnant she killed the child before birth. These are exceptional cases; for they are very fond of their children, and are anxious to have them. Infanticide is not known among them.
§ 90. Accouchement.—The husband and his children go to another lodge, as no man must witness the birth. Only two or three old women attend to the patient. In some cases, if the patient be strong, she "takes" the child herself, but requires assistance subsequently. Should the woman continue in pain for two or three days without delivery, a doctor is sent for, and he comes with a medicine that is very bitter. He departs as soon as he has caused the patient to drink the medicine. There are about two or three Omahas who know this medicine, which is called Niacinga makan, Human-being medicine. The writer saw one of these roots at the Kaw Agency, Indian Territory. It is used by the Kansas. The doctor never comes of his own accord. After having given this medicine two or three times without success, he says, "I have failed, send for some one else." Then another doctor comes, and tries his medicine. Very few Omaha girls die in child-bed.
After delivery the patient is bound tightly about the abdomen, to reduce the size, as is the custom among civilized nations. Then is she washed in cool water if it be summer time, but in tepid water if it be cold weather. She must bathe twice a day. Mr. Hamilton was told that "the flow of blood ceased then to a great extent, especially after a few days; seldom lasting beyond ten days." La Flèche said that the women do not tell about the cessation of the flow. When the woman is strong she may go to work on the following day; but if she be weak she may require a fortnight or three weeks for recovering her strength.
When the husband asks about the infant, and they reply "It is a boy," or "It is a girl," he is very glad. Sometimes the husband treats a girl infant better than a boy, saying, "She cannot get anything for herself, whereas a son can take care of himself, as he is strong." Mr. Hamilton says, "I have heard of cases of severe labor. Women act as midwives, and with some skill, removing the placenta when adhering to the uterus, and in the usual manner."
Soon after birth the child is washed all over, wrapped in clothes, which are bound loosely around it. About two or three days after birth the infant's father or grandfather gives it a name, which is not always a nikie name. (See the account of the ceremony in the [T]a[p]a gens, when a child is four days old, § 65.) Sometimes it is put into the cradle or board in two or three days; sometimes in about a week.
Nursing.—Another woman serves as wet-nurse till the mother's breasts are full of milk. Mammary abscess is very rare.
§ 91. Number of children.—In 1819-'20 Dougherty wrote thus: "Sterility, although it does occur, is not frequent, and seems to be mostly attributable to the husband, as is evinced by subsequent marriages of the squaws. The usual number of children may be stated at from four to six in a family, but in some families there are ten or twelve. Of these the mother has often two at the breast simultaneously, of which one may be three years of age. At this age, however, and sometimes rather earlier, the child is weaned by the aid of ridicule, in which the parents are assisted by visitors." In 1882 La Flèche and Two Crows declared that there are many cases of barrenness. Children are not very numerous. While some women have seven, eight, nine, or even ten children, they are exceptional cases. And when a woman gives birth to so many, they do not always reach maturity. There are women who have never borne any children, and some men have never begotten any. One woman, who is of Blackfoot origin, is the wife of James Springer, an Omaha, and she has borne him twelve children; but no other woman has had as many.