By and by the Omahas removed to a place near Covington, Nebr., nearly opposite the present Sioux City. The remains of this village are now known as "[T]i-ʇañ´ga-jiñ´ga," and the lake near by is called "₵íxucpaⁿ-úg¢e," because of the willow trees found along its banks.

In the course of time the Iowas passed the Omahas again, and made a new village near the place where Florence now stands. After that they continued their course southward to their present reservation.

The Otos did not accompany the Ponkas, Omahas, and Iowas, when they crossed the Missouri, and left the Osages and others. The Otos were first met on the Platte River, in comparatively modern times, according to Mr. La Flèche.

SUBSEQUENT MIGRATIONS OF THE OMAHAS.

§ 4. After leaving [T]i-ʇañga-jiñga, where the lodges were made of wood, they dwelt at Zandé búʇa.

2. Taⁿ´waⁿ-ʇañ´ga, The Large Village, is a place near the town of Omadi, Nebr. The stream was crossed, and the village made, after a freshet.

3. On the west side of Bell Creek, Nebraska.

4. Thence south to Salt Creek, above the site of Lincoln.

5. Then back to Taⁿwaⁿ-ʇañga. While the people were there, Aⁿba-hebe, the tribal historian was born. This was over eighty years ago.

6. Thence they went to Áne-nát'ai ¢aⁿ, a hill on the west bank of the Elkhorn River, above West Point, and near Bismarck.

7. After five years they camped on the east bank of Shell Creek.

8. Then back to Taⁿwaⁿ-ʇañga, on Omaha Creek.

9. Then on the Elkhorn, near Wisner, for ten years. While there, Aⁿba-hebe married.

10. About the year 1832-'3, they returned to Taⁿwaⁿ-ʇañga, on Omaha Creek.

11. In 1841 they went to Taⁿ´waⁿ-jiñgá ¢aⁿ, The Little Village, at the mouth of Logan Creek, and on the east side.

12. In 1843, they returned to Taⁿwaⁿ-ʇañga.

13. In 1845 they went to a plateau west of Bellevue. On the top of the plateau they built their earth lodges, while the agency was at Bellevue.

14. They removed to their present reserve in 1855.

PRESENT STATE OF THE OMAHAS.

§ 5. Their reservation was about 30 miles in extent from east to west, and 18 or 20 from north to south. It formed Black Bird County. The northern part of it containing some of the best of the timber lands, was ceded to the Winnebagos, when that tribe was settled in Nebraska, and is now in Dakota County. The southern part, the present Omaha reservation, is in Burt County. The Omahas have not decreased in population during the past twenty-five years. In 1876 they numbered 1,076. In 1882 there are about 1,100. Most of the men have been farmers since 1869; but some of them, under Mr. La Flèche, began to work for themselves as far back as 1855. Each man resides on his claim, for which he holds a patent given him by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Many live in frame houses, the most of which were built at the expense of their occupants.

CHAPTER II.
THE STATE.

§ 6. "A state," said Maj. J. W. Powell, in his presidential address to the Anthropological Society of Washington, in 1882, "is a body politic, an organized group of men with an established government, and a body of determined law. In the organization of societies units of different orders are discovered." Among the Omahas and other tribes of the Siouan family, the primary unit is the gens or clan, which is composed of a number of consanguinei, claiming descent from a common ancestor, and having a common taboo or taboos. But starting from the tribe or state as a whole, we find among the Omahas two half-tribes of five gentes each, the first called "Hañga-cenu," and the second, "Ictasanda." (See § 10.) These half-tribes do not seem to be phratries, as they do not possess the rights of the latter as stated by Morgan: the Hañga-cenu gentes never meet by themselves apart from the Ictasanda gentes.

Next to the half-tribes are the gentes, of which the Omahas have ten. Each gens in turn is divided into "uʞig¢a[s]ne," or subgentes. The number of the latter varies, at present, according to the particular gens; though the writer has found traces of the existence of four subgentes in each gens in former days. The subgentes seem to be composed of a number of groups of a still lower order, which are provisionally termed "sections." The existence of sections among the Omahas had been disputed by some, though other members of the tribe claim that they are real units of the lowest order. We find among the Titoⁿ-waⁿ Dakotas, many of these groups, which were originally sections, but which have at length become gentes, as the marriage laws do not affect the higher groups, the original phratries, gentes, and subgentes.

The Ponka chiefs who were in Washington in 1880, claimed that in their tribe there used to be eight gentes, one of which has become extinct; and that now there are ten, three subgentes having become gentes in recent times. According to Mr. Joseph La Flèche, a Ponka by birth, who spent his boyhood with the tribe, there are but seven gentes, one having become extinct; while the Wajaje and Nuqe, which are now the sixth and seventh gentes, were originally one. For a fuller discussion of the gentes see the next chapter.

The state, as existing among the Omahas and cognate tribes, may be termed a kinship state, that is, one in which "governmental functions are performed by men whose positions in the government are determined by kinship, and rules relating to kinship and the reproduction of the species constitute the larger body of the law. The law regulates marriage and the rights and duties of the several members of a body of kindred to each other. Individuals are held responsible," chiefly "to their kindred; and certain groups of kindred are held responsible," in some cases, "to other groups of kindred. When other conduct, such as the distribution of game taken from the forest or fish from the sea, is regulated, the rules or laws pertaining thereto involve the considerations of kinship," to a certain extent. (See Chapter XII, § 303.)

DIFFERENTIATION OF ORGANS IN THE STATE.

§ 7. The legislative, executive, and judicial functions have not been differentiated. (See Government, Chapter XI.)

Whether the second mode of differentiation has taken place among the Omahas, and just in the order described by Major Powell, is an open question. This mode is thus stated: "Second, by the multiplication of the orders of units and the specialization of the subordinate units so that subordinate organizations perform special functions. Thus cities may be divided into wards, counties into towns." Subgentes, as well as gentes, were necessary among the Omahas for marriage purposes, as is shown in §§ 57, 78, etc. The recent tendency has been to centralization or consolidation, whereas there are strong reasons for believing that each gens had four subgentes at the first; several subgentes having become few in number of persons have been united to the remaining and more powerful subgentes of their respective gentes.

The third mode of differentiations of organs in the State is "by multiplication of corporations for specific purposes." The writer has not yet been able to find any traces of this mode among the Omahas and cognate tribes.

§ 8. Two classes of organization are found in the constitution of the State, "those relating directly to the government, called major organizations, and those relating indirectly to the government, called minor organizations." The former embraces the State classes, the latter, corporations.

STATE CLASSES.

These have not been clearly differentiated. Three classes of men have been recognized: Níkagáhi, wanáce, and cénujiñ´ga.

In civil affairs, the nikagahi are the chiefs, exercising legislative, executive, and judicial functions. They alone have a voice in the tribal assembly, which is composed of them. The wanace, policemen, or braves, are the servants or messengers of the chiefs, and during the surrounding of a herd of buffalo, they have extraordinary powers conferred on them. (See §§ 140 and 297.)

The cenujiñga, or young men, are the "common people," such as have not distinguished themselves, either in war or in any other way. They have no voice in the assembly, and during the buffalo hunt they must obey the chiefs and wanace.

In religious affairs, which are closely associated with civil ones, we find the chiefs having a prominent part. Besides the chiefs proper are the seven keepers of the sacred pipes, or pipes of peace (see §§ 14-19, 287, 296), and the keepers of the three sacred tents (see §§ 13, 22-24, 36, 295). The functions of these keepers of the sacred tents, especially those of the two Hañga men, appear to be both religious and civil. Of these two men, [P]a¢iⁿ-naⁿpajĭ said: "The two old men, Wakaⁿ´-maⁿ¢iⁿ and [T]e-haⁿ´maⁿ¢iⁿ, are the real governors of the tribe, and are counted as gods. They are reverenced by all, and men frequently give them presents. They mark the tattooed women." Frank La Flèche denied this, saying that these two old men are the servants of the Hañga chief, being only the keepers of the sacred tents of his gens. J. La Flèche and Two Crows said that while there were some "níkaciⁿ´ga qubé," sacred or mysterious men, among the Omahas, they did not know who they were. Some of the chiefs and people respect them, but others despise them. It is probable that by níkaciⁿ´ga qube, they meant exorcists or conjurers, rather than priests, as the former pretend to be "qube," mysterious, and to have supernatural communications.

There is no military class or gens among the Omahas, though the Ponka ₵ixida gens, and part of the Nika[p]aᴐna gens are said to be warriors. Among the Omahas, both the captains and warriors must be taken from the class of cenujiñga, as the chiefs are afraid to undertake the work of the captains. The chiefs, being the civil and religious leaders of the people, cannot serve as captains or even as subordinate officers of a war party. Nor can they join such a party unless it be a large one. Their influence is exerted on the side of peace (see §§ 191, 292), and they try to save the lives of murderers. (See § 310.) They conduct peace negotiations between contending tribes. (See §§ 220, 292.)

All the members of a war party, including the captains, lieutenants, and wanace, as well the warriors, are promoted to the grade or class of (civil) wanace on their return from battle. (See § 216.)

SERVANTS.

There are no slaves; but there are several kinds of servants called wagáq¢aⁿ. In civil and religious affairs, the following are wagáq¢aⁿ. The two keepers of the Hañga sacred tents are the servants of the Hañga chief. (See above, § 295, etc.) One of these old men is always the servant of the other though they exchange places. (See § 151.) The keepers of the sacred pipes are the servants of the chiefs. (See §§ 17-19). The ₵atada Quʞa man is the servant of the keepers of the sacred tents. (See § 143.) Some of the Wasabe-hit`ajĭ men are servants of the Wejiⁿcte gens, acting as such in the sacred tent. (See §§ 23, 24.) Some of the Iñke-sabě men are the servants of the Hañga when they act as criers (see §§ 130, 136, etc.), and so is a [K]aⁿze man (§ 152). The wanace are the servants of the chiefs. The wag¢a or messengers acting as criers for a feast are the servants of the giver of the feast for the time being.

In military affairs, the following are servants: The men who act as wag¢a for the preliminary feast; the men who carry the baggage of the captains and wait on them; the bearer of the kettle; the bearers of the sacred bags when there is a large party; the special followers of each captain, including his lieutenant, the followers or warriors being about equally divided between the captains; and the wanace or policemen. (See War Customs, Chapter IX.)

Social classes are undifferentiated. Any man can win a name and rank in the state by becoming "wacuce," or brave, either in war or by the bestowal of gifts and the frequent giving of feasts. (See § 224.)

CORPORATIONS.

Corporations are minor organizations, which are indirectly related to the government, though they do not constitute a part of it.

The Omahas are organized into certain societies for religious, industrial, and other ends. There are two kinds, the Ikágekí¢ě or brother-hoods, and the Úkikune¢ě, or feasting organizations. The former are the dancing societies, to some of which the doctors belong. A fuller description of them will be found in Chapter X.

The industrial organization of the state will be discussed in Chapters VII, VIII, IX, X, and XI.

CHAPTER III.
THE GENTILE SYSTEM.

TRIBAL CIRCLES.

§ 9. In former days, whenever a large camping-ground could not be found, the Ponkas used to encamp in three concentric circles; while the Omahas, who were a smaller tribe, pitched their tents in two similar circles. This custom gave rise to the name "Oyate yamni," The Three Nations, as the Ponkas were styled by the Dakotas, and the Omahas became known as the Two Nations. But the usual order of encampment has been to pitch all the tents in one large circle or horseshoe, called "hú¢uga" by the Indians. In this circle the gentes took their regular places, disregarding their gentile circles, and pitching the tents, one after another, within the area necessary for each gens. This circle was not made by measurement, nor did any one give directions where each tent should be placed; that was left to the women.

When the people built a village of earth-lodges, and dwelt in it, they did not observe this order of camping. Each man caused his lodge to be built wherever he wished to have it, generally near those of his kindred. But whenever the whole tribe migrated with the skin tents, as when they went after the buffaloes, they observed this order. (See § 133.)

Sometimes the tribe divided into two parties, some going in one direction, some in another. On such occasions the regular order of camping was not observed; each man encamped near his kindred, whether they were maternal or paternal consanguinities.

The crier used to tell the people to what place they were to go, and when they reached it the women began to pitch the tents.

THE OMAHA TRIBAL CIRCLE.

§ 10. The road along which they passed divided the tribal circle into two equal parts; five gentes camped on the right of it and five pitched their tents on its left. Those on the right were called the Hañgacenu, and the others were known as the Ictasanda. The Hañgacenu gentes are as follows: Wéjiⁿcte, Iñké-sábě, Hañ´ga, ₵átada, and [K]aⁿ´ze. The Ictasanda gentes are as follows: Maⁿ`¢iñka-gáxe, [T]e-sĭn´de, [T]a-[p]á, Iñg¢é-jide, and Ictásanda.

According to Wahaⁿ-¢iñge, the chief of the [T]e-sĭnde gens, there used to be one hundred and thirty-three tents pitched by the Hañgacenu, and one hundred and forty-seven by the Ictasanda. This was probably the case when they went on the hunt the last time, in 1871 or 1872.

LEGEND. The Omaha tribal circle.

The sacred tents of the Wejiⁿcte and Hañga gentes are designated by appropriate figures; so also are the seven gentes which keep the sacred pipes. The diameter of the circle represents the road traveled by the tribe, A and K forming the gentes in the van.]

RULES FOR PITCHING THE TENTS.

§ 11. Though they did not measure the distances, each woman knew where to pitch her tent. Thus a [K]aⁿze woman who saw a Wejiⁿcte tent set up, knew that her tent must be pitched at a certain distance from that part of the circle, and at or near the opposite end of the road or diameter of the circle. When two tents were pitched too far apart one woman said to the other, "Pitch the tent a little closer." Or, if they were too close, she said, "Pitch the tent further away." So also if the tents of neighboring gentes were too far apart or too close together. In the first case the women of one gens might say, "Move along a little, and give us more room." In the other they might say, "Come back a little, as there is too much space between us." When the end gentes, Wejiⁿcte and Ictasanda, were too far apart there was sometimes danger of attacks of enemies. On one occasion the Dakotas made a dash into the very midst of the circle and did much damage, because the space between these two gentes was too great. But at other times, when there is no fear of an attack, and when the women wish to dress hides, etc., the crier said: "Halloo! Make ye them over a large tract of land." This is the only occasion when the command is given how to pitch the tents.

When the tribe returned from the hunt the gentes encamped in reverse order, the Wejiⁿcte and Ictasanda gentes having their tents at the end of the circle nearest home.

There appear indications that there were special areas, not only for the gentes, but even for the subgentes, all members of any subgens having their lodges set up in the same area. Thus, in the Iñke-sabě gens, there are some that camped next the Wejiⁿcte, and others next the Hañga; some of the Hañga camped next the Iñke-sabě, and others next the ₵atada, and so on. (See § 73.)

§ 12. Within the circle were placed the horses, as a precaution against attacks from enemies. When a man had many horses and wished to have them near him, he generally camped within the circle, apart from his gens, but this custom was of modern origin, and was the exception to the rule.

THE SACRED TENTS.

§ 13. The three sacred tents were pitched within the circle and near their respective gentes: that of the Wejiⁿcte is the war tent, and it was placed not more than 50 yards from its gens; those of the Hañga gens are connected with the regulation of the buffalo hunt, etc.; or, we may say that the former had to do with the protection of life and the latter with the sustenance of life, as they used to depend mainly on the hunt for food, clothing, and means of shelter.

THE SACRED PIPES.

§ 14. All the sacred pipes belong to the Hañga gens, though Hañga, in ancient times, appointed the Iñke-sabě gens as the custodian of them. (J. La Flèche and Two Crows.) The Iñke-sabě gens, however, claims through its chief, Gahige, to have been the first owner of the pipes; but this is doubtful. There are at present but two sacred pipes in existence among the Omahas, though there are seven gentes which are said to possess sacred pipes. These seven are as follows: Three of the Hañgacenu, the Iñke-sabě, ₵atada, and [K]aⁿze, and four of the Ictasanda, the Maⁿ¢iñka-gaxe, [T]e-sĭnde, [T]a-[p]a, and Ictasanda. The two sacred pipes still in existence are kept by the Iñke-sabě gens. These pipes are called "Niniba waqube," Sacred Pipes, or "Niniba jide," Red Pipes. They are made of the red pipestone which is found in the famous red pipestone quarry. The stems are nearly flat and are worked near the mouth-piece with porcupine quills.

GAHIGE'S ACCOUNT OF THE TRADITION OF THE PIPES.

§ 15. Gahige, of the Iñke-sabě gens, said that his gens had the seven pipes at the first, and caused them to be distributed among the other gentes. He named as the seven gentes who had the pipes, the following: 1. Iñke-sabě; 2. [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ sub-gens of the ₵atada; 3. Ma<sup>n</sup>¢iñka-gaxe; 4. [T]a-[p]a; 5. [T]e-sĭnde; 6. Ictasanda; 7. Hañga (sic). In order to reach the Hañga again the seven old men had to go partly around the circle a second time. These are the gentes that had pipes and chiefs at the first. The chiefs of the three remaining gentes, the Weji<sup>n</sup>cte, [K]a<sup>n</sup>ze, and Iñg¢e-jide, were not made for years afterward. He also said that the buffalo skull given to the [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ was regarded as equivalent to a sacred pipe.

The writer is inclined to think that there is some truth in what Gahige has said, though he cannot accept all of his statement. Gahige gives one pipe to the Hañga gens; Two Crows intimated that his gens was the virtual keeper of a pipe. But Aⁿba-hebe's story shows that it was not a real pipe, but the firebrand for lighting the pipes. In like manner, [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ has not a real pipe, but the buffalo skull, which is considered as a pipe. Hence, it may be that the men who are called "keepers of the pipes" in the [K]aⁿze, Maⁿ¢iñka-gaxe, [T]a-[p]a, [T]e-sĭnde, and Ictasanda gentes never had real pipes but certain objects which are held sacred, and have some connection with the two pipes kept by the Iñke-sabě.

AⁿBA-HEBE'S ACCOUNT OF THE TRADITION OF THE PIPES.

§ 16. The following is the tradition of the sacred pipes, according to Aⁿba-hebe, the aged historian of the Omahas:

The old men made seven pipes and carried them around the tribal circle. They first reached Wejiⁿcte, who sat there as a male elk, and was frightful to behold, so the old men did not give him a pipe. Passing on to the Iñke-sabě, they gave the first pipe to the head of that gens. Next they came to Hañga, to whom they handed a firebrand, saying, "Do thou keep the firebrand," i. e., "You are to thrust it into the pipe-bowls." Therefore it is the duty of Hañga to light the pipes for the chiefs (sic). When they reached the Bear people they feared them because they sat there with the sacred bag of black bear-skin, so they did not give them a pipe. The Blackbird people received no pipe because they sat with the sacred bag of bird-skins and feathers. And the old men feared the Turtle people, who had made a big turtle on the ground, so they passed them by. But when they saw the Eagle people they gave them a pipe because they did not fear them, and the buffalo was good. (Others say that the Eagle people had started off in anger when they found themselves slighted, but the old men pursued them, and on overtaking them they handed them a bladder filled with tobacco, and also a buffalo skull, saying, "Keep this skull as a sacred thing." This appeased them, and they rejoined the tribe.) Next the old men saw the [K]aⁿze, part of whom were good, and part were bad. To the good ones they gave a pipe. The Maⁿ¢iñka-gaxe people were the next gens. They, too, were divided, half being bad. These bad ones had some stones at the front of their lodge, and they colored these stones, as well as their hair, orange-red. They wore plumes (hiⁿqpe) in their hair (and a branch of cedar wrapped around their heads.—La Flèche), and were awful to behold. So the old men passed on to the good ones, to whom they gave the fourth pipe. Then they reached the [T]e-sĭnde, half of whom made sacred a buffalo, and are known as those who eat not the lowest rib. Half of these were good, and they received the fifth pipe. All of the [T]a-[p]a (Aⁿba-hebe's own gens!) were good, and they obtained the sixth pipe. The Iñg¢e-jide took one whole side of a buffalo, and stuck it up, leaving the red body but partially buried in the ground, after making a tent of the skin. They who carried the pipes around were afraid of them, so they did not give them one. Last of all they came to the Ictasanda. These people were disobedient, destitute of food, and averse to staying long in one place. As the men who had the pipes wished to stop this, they gave the seventh pipe to the fourth subgens of the Ictasanda, and since then the members of this gens have behaved themselves.

J. La Flèche and Two Crows say that "Wejiⁿcte loved his waqube, the miʞasi, or coyote, and so he did not wish a pipe" which pertained to peace. "Hañga does not light the pipes for the chiefs", that is, he does not always light the pipes.

§ 17. The true division of labor appears to be as follows: Hañga was the source of the sacred pipes, and has a right to all, as that gens had the first authority. Hañga is therefore called "I¢ig¢aⁿ´qti aké," as he does what he pleases with the pipes. Hañga told Íñke-sabě to carry the pipes around the tribal circle; so that is why the seven old men did so. And as Hañga directed it to be done, Iñke-sabě is called "A¢iⁿ´ aké," The Keeper. Ictasanda fills the pipes. When the Ictasanda man who attends to this duty does not come to the council the pipes cannot be smoked, as no one else can fill them. This man, who knows the ritual, sends all the others out of the lodge, as they must not hear the ancient words. He utters some words when he cleans out the pipe-bowl, others when he fills the pipe, etc. He does not always require the same amount of time to perform this duty. Then all return to the lodge. Hañga, or rather a member of that gens, lights the pipes, except at the time of the greasing of the sacred pole, when he, not Ictasanda, fills the pipes, and some one else lights them for him. (See § 152.) These three gentes, Hañga, Iñke-sabě, and Ictasanda, are the only rulers among the keepers of the sacred pipes. The other keepers are inferior; though said to be keepers of sacred pipes, the pipes are not manifest.

These seven niniba waqube are peace pipes, but the niniba waqube of the Wejiⁿcte is the war pipe.

§ 18. The two sacred pipes kept by Iñke-sabě are used on various ceremonial occasions. When the chiefs assemble and wish to make a decision for the regulation of tribal affairs, Ictasanda fills both pipes and lays them down before the two head chiefs. Then the Iñke-sabě keeper takes one and the [T]e-[p]a it`ajĭ keeper the other. Iñke-sabě precedes, starting from the head chief sitting on the right and passing around half of the circle till he reaches an old man seated opposite the head chief. This old man (one of the Hañga wag¢a) and the head chief are the only ones who smoke the pipe; those sitting between them do not smoke it when Iñke-sabě goes around. When the old man has finished smoking Iñke-sabě takes the pipe again and continues around the circle to the starting-point, but he gives it to each man to smoke. When he reaches the head chief on the left he gives it to him, and after receiving it from him he returns it to the place on the ground before the head chiefs.

When Iñke-sabě reaches the old man referred to [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ starts from the head chiefs with the other pipe, which he hands to each one, including those sitting between the second head chief and the old man. [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ always keeps behind Iñke-sabě just half the circumference of the circle, and when he receives the pipe from the head chief on the left he returns it to its place beside the other. Then, after the smoking is over, Ictasanda takes the pipes, overturns them to empty out the ashes, and cleans the bowls by thrusting in a stick. (See §§ 111, 130, 296, etc.)

In smoking they blew the smoke upwards, saying, "Here, Wakanda, is the smoke." This was done because they say that Wakanda gave them the pipes, and He rules over them.

§ 19. Frank La Flèche told the following:

The sacred pipes are not shown to the common people. When my father was about to be installed a head chief, Mahiⁿ-zi, whose duty it was to fill the pipes, let one of them fall to the ground, violating a law, and so preventing the continuation of the ceremony. So my father was not fully initiated. When the later fall was partly gone Mahiⁿ-zi died.

Wacuce, my father-in-law, was the Iñke-sabě keeper of the pipes. When the Otos visited the Omahas (in the summer of 1878), the chiefs wished the pipes to be taken out of the coverings, so they ordered Wacuce to undo the bag. This was unlawful, as the ritual prescribed certain words to be said by the chiefs to the keeper of the pipes previous to the opening of the bag. But none of the seven chiefs know the formula. Wacuce was unwilling to break the law; but the chiefs insisted, and he yielded. Then Two Crows told all the Omahas present not to smoke the small pipe. This he had a right to do, as he was a Hañga. Wacuce soon died, and in a short time he was followed by his daughter and his eldest son.

It takes four days to make any one understand all about the laws of the sacred pipes; and it costs many horses. A bad man, i. e., one who is saucy, quarrelsome stingy, etc., cannot be told such things. This was the reason why the seven chiefs did not know their part of the ritual.

LAW OF MEMBERSHIP.

§ 20. A child belongs to its father's gens, as "father-right" has succeeded "mother-right." But children of white or black men are assigned to the gentes of their mothers, and they cannot marry any women of those gentes. A stranger cannot belong to any gens of the tribe, there being no ceremony of adoption into a gens.

THE WEJI^NCTE OR ELK GENS.

§ 21. This gens occupies the first place in the tribal circles, pitching its tents at one of the horns or extremities, not far from the Ictasanda gens, which camps at the other end. When the ancient chieftainship was abolished in 1880, Mahiⁿ-¢iñge was the chief of this gens, having succeeded Joseph La Flèche in 1865.

The word "Wejiⁿcte" cannot be translated, as the meaning of this archaic word has been forgotten. It may have some connection with "wajiⁿ´cte," to be in a bad humor, but we have no means of ascertaining this.

La Flèche and Two Crows said that there were no subgentes in this gens. But it seems probable that in former days there were subgentes in each gens, while in the course of time changes occurred, owing to decrease in numbers and the advent of the white men.

Taboo.—The members of this gens are afraid to touch any part of the male elk, or to eat its flesh; and they cannot eat the flesh of the male deer. Should they accidentally violate this custom they say that they are sure to break out in boils and white spots on different parts of the body. But when a member of this gens dies he is buried in moccasins made of deer skin.

Style of wearing the hair.—The writer noticed that Biⁿze-tig¢e, a boy of this gens, had his hair next the forehead standing erect, and that back of it was brushed forward till it projected beyond the former. A tuft of hair at the back extended about 3 inches below the head. This style of wearing the hair prevails only among the smaller children as a rule; men and women do not observe it.

Some say that `A<sup>n</sup>-wega<sup>n</sup>¢a is the head of those who join in the worship of the thunder, but his younger brother, Qaga-ma<sup>n</sup>¢i<sup>n</sup>, being a more active man, is allowed to have the custody of the Iñg¢a<sup>n</sup>¢ě and the Iñg¢a<sup>n</sup>hañgac`a. J. La Flèche and Two Crows said that this might be so; but they did not know about it. Nor could they or my other informants tell the meaning of Iñg¢aⁿ¢ě and Iñg¢aⁿhañgac`a. Perhaps they refer either to the wild-cat (iñg¢añga), or to the thunder (iñg¢aⁿ). Compare the Ictasanda "keepers of the claws of a wild-cat."

§ 22. The sacred tent.—The sacred tent of the Elk gens is consecrated to war, and scalps are given to it, but are not fastened to it, as some have asserted. B¢aⁿti used to be the keeper of it, but he has resigned the charge of it to the ex-chief, Mahiⁿ-¢iñge.

The place of this sacred tent is within the tribal circle, and near the camping place of the gens. This tent contains one of the wa¢íxabe, a sacred bag, made of the feathers and skin of a bird, and consecrated to war. (See § 196.) There is also another sacred bag in this tent, that which holds the sacred ʇíhaba or clam shell, the bladder of a male elk filled with tobacco, and the sacred pipe of the gens, the tribal war-pipe, which is made of red pipe-stone. The ʇihaba is about nine inches in diameter, and about four inches thick. It is kept in a bag of buffalo hide which is never placed on the ground. In ancient days it was carried on the back of a youth, but in modern times, when a man could not be induced to carry it, it was put with its buffalo-skin bag into the skin of a coyote, and a woman took it on her back. When the tribe is not in motion the bag is hung on a cedar stick about five feet high, which had been planted in the ground. The bag is fastened with some of the sinew of a male elk, and cannot be opened except by a member of the Wasabe-hit`ajĭ sub-gens of the ₵atada. (See § 45, etc.)

§ 23. Service of the scouts.—When a man walks in dread of some unseen danger, or when there was an alarm in the camp, a crier went around the tribal circle, saying, "Majaⁿ´ i¢égasañga té wí á¢iⁿhe+!" I who move am he who will know what is the matter with the land! (i. e., I will ascertain the cause of the alarm.) Then the chiefs assembled in the war tent, and about fifty or sixty young men went thither. The chiefs directed the Elk people to make the young men smoke the sacred pipe of the Elk gens four times, as those who smoked it were compelled to tell the truth. Then one of the servants of the Elk gens took out the pipe and the elk bladder, after untying the elk sinew, removed some of the tobacco from the pouch (elk bladder), which the Elk men dare not touch, and handed the pipe with the tobacco to the Elk man, who filled it and lighted it. They did not smoke with this pipe to the four winds, nor to the sky and ground. The Elk man gave the pipe to one of the bravest of the young men, whom he wished to be the leader of the scouts. After all had smoked the scouts departed. They ran around the tribal circle, and then left the camp. When they had gone about 20 miles they sat down, and the leader selected a number to act as policemen, saying, "I make you policemen. Keep the men in order. Do not desire them to go aside." If there were many scouts, about eight were made policemen. Sometimes there were two, three, or four leaders of the scouts, and occasionally they sent some scouts in advance to distant bluffs. The leaders followed with the main body. When they reached home the young men scattered, but the leaders went to the Elk tent and reported what they had ascertained. They made a detour, in order to avoid encountering the foe, and sometimes they were obliged to flee to reach home. This service of the young men was considered as equivalent to going on the war path.

§ 24. Worship of the thunder in the spring.—When the first thunder is heard in the spring of the year the Elk people call to their servants, the Bear people, who proceed to the sacred tent of the Elk gens. When the Bear people arrive one of them opens the sacred bag, and, after removing the sacred pipe, hands it to one of the Elk men, with some of the tobacco from the elk bladder. Before the pipe is smoked it is held toward the sky, and the thunder god is addressed. Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows do not know the formula, but they said that the following one, given me by a member of the Ponka Hisada (Wasabe-hit`ajĭ) gens, may be correct. The thunder god is thus addressed by the Ponkas: "Well, venerable man, by your striking (with your club) you are frightening us, your grandchildren, who are here. Depart on high. According to [P]á¢i<sup>n</sup>na<sup>n</sup>pájĭ, one of the Wasabe-hit`ajĭ, who has acted as a servant for the Elk people, "At the conclusion of this ceremony the rain always ceases, and the Bear people return to their homes." But this is denied by Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows, who say, "How is it possible for them to stop the rain?"

While the Elk gens is associated with the war path, and the worship of the thunder god, who is invoked by war chiefs, those war chiefs are not always members of this gens, but when the warriors return, the keeper of the sacred bag of this gens compels them to speak the truth about their deeds. (See § 214.)

§ 25. Birth names of boys.—The following are the birth names of boys in the Elk gens. These are sacred or nikie names, and sons used to be so named in former days according to the order of their births. For example, the first-born son was called the Soft Horn (of the young elk at its first appearance). The second, Yellow Horn (of the young elk when a little older). The next, the Branching Horns (of an elk three years old). The fourth, the Four Horns (of an elk four years old). The fifth, the Large Pronged Horns (of an elk six or seven years old). The sixth, the Dark Horns (of a grown elk in summer). The seventh, the Standing White Horns, in the distance (i. e., those of a grown elk in winter).

For instance, when, in any household, a child is named Wasabe-jiñga, that name cannot be given to any new-born child of that gens. But when the first bearer of the name changes his name or dies, another boy can receive the name Wasabe-jiñga. As that is one of the seven birth names of the Wasabe-hit`ajĭ it suggests a reason for having extra nikie names in the gens. This second kind of nikie names may have been birth names, resorted to because the original birth names were already used. This law applies in some degree to girls' names, if parents know that a girl in the gens has a certain name they cannot give that name to their daughter. But should that name be chosen through ignorance, the two girls must be distinguished by adding to their own names those of their respective fathers.]

Other proper names.—The following are the other nikie3 names of the Elk gens: Elk. Young Elk. Standing Elk. White Elk (near by). Big Elk. `Aⁿ-wegaⁿ¢a (meaning uncertain). B¢aⁿ-ti, The odor of the dung or urine of the elk is wafted by the wind (said of any place where the elk may have been). (A young elk) Cries Suddenly. Hidaha (said to mean Treads on the ground in walking, or, Passes over what is at the bottom). Iron Eyes (of an elk). Bullet-shaped Dung (of an elk). (Elk) Is coming back—fleeing from a man whom he met. Muscle of an elk's leg. Elk comes back suddenly (meeting the hunter face to face). (Elk) Turns round and round. No Knife or No Stone (probably referring to the tradition of the discovery of four kinds of stone). Dark Breast (of an elk). Deer lifts its head to browse. Yellow Rump (of an elk). Walking Full-grown Elk. (Elk) Walks, making long strides, swaying from side to side. Stumpy Tail (of an elk). Forked Horn (of a deer). Water-monster. The Brave Wejiⁿcte (named after his gens). Women's names.—Female Elk. Tail Female. Black Moose(?) Female. Big Second-daughter (any gens can have it). Sacred Third-daughter (Elk and Iñke-sabě gentes). Iron-eyed Female (Elk and Hañga gentes). Land Female (Elk and ₵atada gentes). Moon that Is-traveling (Elk, Iñke-sabě, Hañga, ₵atada, and [K]aⁿze gentes); Naⁿ-ze-iⁿ-ze, meaning uncertain (Elk, ₵atada, and Deer gentes). Ninda-wiⁿ (Elk, ₵atada, and Ictasanda gentes). Names of ridicule.—Dog. Crazed by exposure to heat. Good Buffalo.

§ 26. According to [T]e-da-u¢iqaga, the chief Aⁿpaⁿ-ʇañga, the younger, had a boat and flag painted on the outside of his skin tent. These were made "qube," sacred, but were not nikie, because they were not transmitted from a mythical ancestor.

§ 27. This gens has furnished several head chiefs since the death of the famous Black Bird. Among these were Aⁿpaⁿ-skă (head chief after 1800), Aⁿpaⁿ-ʇañga, the elder, the celebrated Big Elk, mentioned by Long and other early travelers, and Aⁿpaⁿ-ʇañga, the younger. On the death of the last, about A.D. 1853, Joseph La Flèche succeeded him as a head chief.

THE IÑKE-SABĔ, OR BLACK SHOULDER GENS.

§ 28. This is a Buffalo gens, and its place in the tribal circle is next to that of the Elk gens. The head chiefs of this gens in 1880 were Gahige (who died in 1882), and Duba-maⁿ¢iⁿ, who "sat on opposite sides of the gentile fire-place." Gahige's predecessor was Gahige-jiñga or Icka-dabi.

Creation myth, told by Gahige.—The first men created were seven in number. They were all made at one time. Afterwards seven women were made for them. At that time there were no gentes; all the people were as one gens. (Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows never heard this, and the following was new to them:)

Mythical origin of the Iñke-sabě, as related by Gahige.—The Iñke-sabě were buffaloes, and dwelt under the surface of the water. When they came to the surface they jumped about in the water, making it muddy; hence the birth-name for the first son, Ni-gaqude. Having reached the land they snuffed at the four winds and prayed to them. The north and west winds were good, but the south and east winds were bad.

§ 29. Ceremony at the death of a member of the gens.—In former days, when any member of the gens was near death, he was wrapped in a buffalo robe, with the hair out, and his face was painted with the privileged decoration. Then the dying person was addressed thus: "You are going to the animals (the buffaloes). You are going to rejoin your ancestors. (Ániʇa dúbaha hné. Wackañ´-gă, i. e.) You are going, or, Your four souls are going, to the four winds. Be strong!" All the members of this gens, whether male or female, were thus attired and spoken to when they were dying. (La Flèche and Two Crows say that nothing is said about four souls, and that "Wackañ-gă" is not said; but all the rest may be true. See § 35 for a similar custom.) The "hañga-ʞi`aⁿze," or privileged decoration, referred to above and elsewhere in this monograph, is made among the Omahas by painting two parallel lines across the forehead, two on each cheek and two under the nose, one being above the upper lip and the other between the lower lip and the chin.

§ 30. When the tribe went on the buffalo hunt and could get skins for tents it was customary to decorate the outside of the principal Iñke-sabě tent, as follows, according to [T]e-[p]a-u¢iqaga: Three circles were painted, one on each side of the entrance to the tent, and one at the back, opposite the entrance. Inside each of these was painted a buffalo-head. Above each circle was a pipe, ornamented with eagle feathers.

Frank La Flèche's sketch is of the regular peace pipe; but his father drew the calumet pipe, from which the duck's head had been taken and the pipe-bowl substituted, as during the dancing of the Hedewatci. (See §§ 49 and 153.)

A model of the principal [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ tent, decorated by a native artist, was exhibited by Miss Alice C. Fletcher, at the session of the American Association at Montreal in 1882. It is now at the Peabody Museum.

Iñke-sabě style of wearing the hair.—The smaller boys have their hair cut in this style. A A, the horns of the buffalo, being two locks of hair about two inches long. B is a fringe of hair all around the head. It is about two inches long. The rest of the head is shaved bare.