[22] See North German Gazette, quoted in The Times, October 14, 1914.
[23] The diplomatic history will be found in the Belgian Grey Book (British official translation, Cd. 7627).
[24] The Belgian Government published a series of official reports detailing these atrocities (see also p. 251). They were reprinted, with those of the French and Russian Commissions of Inquiry, in an "Official Book of the German Atrocities" (London, 1914, 1s.).
[25] Details of the retreat of this force were not yet published in April, 1915.
[26] An adequate summary is impracticable here. Details will be found in the Report of the Federal Council to the Federal Assembly dated December 1, 1914.
[27] On importation, exportation, and the application of Act VII. of the Hague Convention, students may be referred to the Journal de Genève, December 10, 1914, January 10 and 12, 1915.
[28] The terms "winter-line" and "summer-line" refer to the rival proposals regarding the periods of military service, the "summer-line" period being the shorter.
The Viceroy of India, in his speech closing the Imperial Legislative Council on March 24, in which he reviewed briefly foreign affairs in connexion with India, was able to speak of the work of the Swedish officers and the gendarmerie organised by them as eminently successful. The force was employed during the winter in patrolling the roads, and it dealt with the robber bands which infested them. The improvement in the returns of British and Indian trade in Southern Persia was the best evidence of the efficiency of the work of the gendarmerie. Another force dealt with the situation on the trade route between Bunder Abbas and Kerman, and, although it had some serious engagements with the Perso-Baluchi tribes, there was every reason for confidence in its ability to establish order in the near future.
The young Shah Sultan Ahmad Shah, now a youth of sixteen, was crowned with considerable ceremony at Teheran in July, and took the oath of fidelity to the Constitution before the Mejliss. He was only a child of eleven when his father, Mahomed Ali, was driven into exile, and no opinion can yet be formed of his character or abilities.
When Turkey joined in the war against England and her Allies the Persian Government, on November 4, issued a Proclamation declaring a strict neutrality. This however did not prevent a Turkish force from advancing on Tabriz during the last days of the year. The local Persian authorities were not in a position to offer any resistance; they could merely record a formal protest, to which the Turks replied that they would evacuate Persian territory when the Russians did so.
An agreement was concluded with the French Government by which France recognised the new arms traffic regulations drawn up by the late Sultan of Muscat at the instance of the British Government, and abandons the privileges and immunities secured by ancient treaties. It is hoped that this will effectually stop gun-running on the Mekran coast.
The relations between the Government of India and His Majesty the Amir continued to be cordial.
Representations had to be made regarding serious outrages on the Frontier by residents of Afghanistan and by outlaws from British territory who had taken refuge in Khost. These representations were met by the Amir in the most friendly spirit, and he issued stringent orders to his officers on the Frontier to deal severely with all offenders. It was reported that the Khost outlaws implicated had been arrested and sent to Kabul for trial.
In his reply to the Viceroy's letter, announcing the outbreak of hostilities between Great Britain and Turkey, the Amir expressed his deep regret at the step taken by the Turkish Government, and declared his firm intention to maintain a strict neutrality, and added that he had issued a proclamation enjoining the same on all his subjects.
Apart from the raids from Afghan territory already mentioned, the Frontier remained quiet with two exceptions. An outrage by the Utman Khels in the north of the Peshawar District led to a blockade of the tribe, which produced the desired effect.
There were two serious raids by the Bunerwals in which eight British subjects were killed and considerable property taken. On February 23 a column was sent to punish the villages mainly at fault. In spite of the most trying conditions of weather and roads the operations were carried out most successfully. The force met with little serious opposition, and returned without loss after inflicting exemplary punishment on the offending villages.
At the meeting of the Imperial Legislative Council on March 2 Sir William Meyer, the new Financial Member, reviewed at length the annual Statement which had been presented a few days previously. After paying a warm tribute to his predecessor, Sir Guy Fleetwood Wilson, he pointed out that, owing to the disappearance of the Chinese opium revenue and other causes, the prosperity budgets and large surpluses which had marked the latter's term of office, and had enabled the Imperial Government to distribute doles to the Provincial Governments, could no longer be looked for. It was, however, a matter for congratulation that the ordinary revenue had been sufficient to provide for the necessary expenses of the Government without imposing additional taxation.
Revised Estimate, 1913-14.—The Budget Estimate, given in millions sterling with decimal points, showed Revenue, Imperial 53.044, Provincial 29.280, Total 82.324; Expenditure, Imperial 51.718, Provincial 32.193, Total 83.911. The result was thus an Imperial surplus of 1.326, and a Provincial deficit of 2.913, or a total excess of Expenditure over Revenue of 1.587. A Provincial deficit is, however, not a real deficit; it is met by the Local Governments drawing on the large balances already in hand.
The figures of the Revised Estimate were: Revenue, Imperial 53.619, Provincial 30.643, Total 84.262; Expenditure, Imperial 52.291, Provincial 31.384, Total 83.675, giving an Imperial surplus of 1.328 and a Provincial deficit of ·741, or a total surplus of ·587. The Imperial surplus was thus almost exactly the same as that entered in the Budget; the decrease in the Provincial deficit was due partly to underspending and partly to an improvement in the sources of revenue allotted to Provincial Governments.
On the Revenue side certain sub-heads showed a material difference between the Budget and the Revised Estimate. Under Customs there was an improvement of 492,000l., reflecting the prosperous conditions which had prevailed over the greater part of the country. Busy trade in the early part of the year necessitated an addition to the currency and the seigniorage on the consequent coinage amounted to 136,000l.; an increase in small coinage likely to be required in the famine districts raised the total improvement under Mint to 164,000l. The net receipts from Railways were expected to be 104,000l. less than the Budget Estimate, owing to dull trade in the closing months of 1913, increased expenditure on rolling stock, and the repair of damage to lines. There was a falling off of 276,000l. in Land Revenue, due to the failure of the kharif crop in the United Provinces and adjacent areas and the consequent remissions or suspensions. The greater demand for canal water in the United Provinces, and the revision of rates in parts of the Punjab, produced an increase of 149,000l. under Irrigation. There was an improvement of 156,000l. in the Income Tax Receipts, chiefly due to the large profits realised by banks and industrial concerns in Calcutta and Bombay in the preceding year. Miscellaneous receipts gave an increase of 127,000l. In the Excise Revenue there was an increase of 454,000l., owing to general prosperity, especially in Madras and Bombay. The income from Forests was expected to be better by 177,000l.
Reviewing the Revenue as a whole, the Financial Member was of opinion that it showed satisfactory progress. Excluding opium altogether, the receipts for 1912-13 were 81,738,000l., whilst for 1913-14 they were expected to be 82,656,000l.
The Imperial Expenditure was expected to be 573,000l. in excess of the Budget Estimate, whilst the Provincial Expenditure would be 809,000l. less. The Military Charges accounted for 392,000l. of the Imperial increase; the main cause of this was the rise in prices of food and fodder.
Budget Estimate for 1914-15.—The figures were: Revenue, Imperial 54.261, Provincial 30.772, Total 85.033; Expenditure, Imperial 52.981, Provincial 33.981, Total 86.962. The result anticipated was thus an Imperial surplus of 1.280 and a Provincial deficit of 3.209, or on the total account a deficit of 1.929.
The total Revenue given above was 750,000l. in excess of that shown in the Revised Estimate, 1913-14. The heads under which the chief improvements were expected were Land Revenue, Opium, Post Office, Stamps, and Excise, whilst a falling off was allowed for under Customs, and in the net receipts from Railways owing to continued increase in the working expenses. The aggregate improvement budgeted for amounted to 771,000l., of which the Imperial share would be 642,000l. and the share of the Provincial Governments 129,000l.
Although the Expenditure provided for showed a total increase of 3,287,000l. the increase in the Imperial Expenditure was only 690,000l. The increase under military charges, due mainly to continued rise in the price of food and fodder and to the provision for the extra pay of officers in British regiments granted by the Home Government, accounted for 487,000l. of this total. The estimated Imperial surplus of 1,280,000l. was not more than should be held in reserve as a margin of safety to meet unforeseen calls, but it was proposed to make grants from it to Local Governments amounting to 240,000l. in all, of which 100,000l. would be for the improvement of communications in Burma, and 100,000l. for Education and Sanitation.
Ways and Means.—The capital requirements for 1914-15 were estimated at 12,000,000l. for railways, 1,200,000l. for irrigation, 700,000l. for Delhi, 700,000l. for repayment of India Bonds, 3,200,000l. for outlay from Provincial balances, and 100,000l. for Local Loans, Imperial and Provincial—giving a total of practically 18,000,000l.
The assets by which these requirements would be met were 4,600,000l. to be taken from balances, 1,300,000l. forming the Imperial surplus, 3,300,000l. representing the Rupee loan of 5 crores, 6,200,000l. sterling borrowings, 1,800,000l. of unfunded debt, 700,000l. from famine insurance allotment and minor items. Total 17,900,000l.
The Rupee loan of 5 crores was the largest hitherto raised in India, but it was warranted by the success which had attended the last loan, and by the fact that the price of rupee paper in England stood higher than that of the sterling loan.
Sir William Meyer gave a full account of the proceedings of the Imperial Delhi Committee constituted on April 1, 1913, and the progress that had been made in the work on the new capital. The question of expense was dealt with in great detail by the Viceroy in his speech closing the session on March 24. His Excellency admitted frankly that the estimate of 4,000,000l., mentioned in the Government of India's despatch of August 25, 1911, to the Secretary of State, was based on insufficient data. A most careful and complete estimate had now been framed by the Delhi Committee and was under the consideration of the Government of India. Subject to modifications that might be made, the total cost amounted to 5,113,620l., to this another million should be added to provide for contingencies and unforeseen expenditure. The strictest economy and supervision would be exercised over all branches of the work, and some returns might be expected. The Government of India was of opinion that, even if the estimate were accepted in full, the total cost of the new capital would not exceed 6,000,000l. This would be spread over a period of twelve years from the commencement of the work in 1912.
In presenting the Budget in its final form on March 21, the Financial Member stated that the changes in the figures of the Statement originally laid before the Council were small and unimportant. The net result in the Revised Estimate of 1913-14 was to raise the Imperial surplus by 159,000l. and to reduce the Provincial deficit by 139,000l.
As regards the Budget for 1914-15, it was now expected that the Imperial surplus would be less than the original Estimate by 24,000l., and that there would be a small reduction in the Provincial deficit.
Under Ways and Means there was no material change in the original figures. It was calculated that on March 31, 1915, the cash balances would stand at twelve and one-third million pounds sterling in the Indian and at about five millions in the Home Treasury.
In reviewing the state of the area affected by famine at the close of 1913 it was observed that, although there was a considerable amount of distress, the stage of actual famine had hardly been reached, but, if the winter rains failed, the prospect would be very serious. They did fail to a very great extent, and the little rain that fell only slightly mitigated the existing distress. In his speech in the Legislative Council on March 24 the Viceroy observed that the state of things, though serious, was not nearly so bad as in the famine of 1907-8. There were also other circumstances which tended considerably to improve the situation. The people had enjoyed a series of good harvests in previous years and in the present year there was a prospect of an excellent spring harvest in the Punjab. Past experience had enabled the Government to deal with famines far more efficiently, suspensions and remissions of land revenue had been promptly and generously granted, advances to agriculturists had been made on a large scale, arrangements had been carried out for securing a supply of fodder, and the railway rates for its carriage had been reduced. There had also been a great improvement in the spirit of the people themselves; they were more hopeful and self-reliant, and more ready to move to other districts in search of work. There was still a large class of the population which had to be supported by gratuitous relief, but the number seeking employment on relief works was far less than in previous famines.
At the end of July the number of persons employed on relief works was 4,684, whilst 102,338 were receiving gratuitous relief. The monsoon of 1914 was, on the whole, good, and the condition of the famine districts soon became the same as that of the rest of India, throughout the whole of which prices continued high till the close of the year, causing considerable distress amongst the poorer classes.
As was to be anticipated from the returns for the last quarter of 1913 the plague statistics showed a considerable increase. The total number of deaths from October 1, 1913, to September 30, 1914, was 264,760, against a total of 181,668 for the corresponding months of 1912-13. The highest monthly total was 57,577 in March, the lowest 1,439 in July.
In closing the Legislative Session on March 24 the Viceroy was able to announce that a satisfactory settlement of the very intricate question of the treatment of Indians in South Africa had been reached, and that a telegram had that day been received from General Smuts that a Bill would be introduced into the Union Parliament to give effect to the report of the Commission. Unfortunately an equally satisfactory statement cannot be made regarding Canada and British Columbia. Here the grievance is not the manner in which Indians are treated within the Colony, but the almost absolute refusal to admit them at all. Although this attitude of the Colonies was perfectly well known, a steamer, the Komagata Maru, was chartered by certain Indian leaders, some of whom were known to be agitators and are believed to have been acting under German influence, for the conveyance of some 300 Indians, mostly Sikhs, to Vancouver. They were not allowed to enter the Colony (May 21), and it was with great difficulty that they were persuaded to re-embark and return to India. On the arrival of the Komagata Maru at Budge Budge, a station on the Hooghly near Calcutta, they were met by officers deputed to arrange for their dispatch by special trains direct to their homes at Government expense. The first train, with about sixty passengers, was despatched quietly, but, whilst the second train was being prepared, the men who were to be sent off suddenly fired on the police with revolvers which they had concealed, and one European officer was killed and three or four others wounded. The police were compelled to fire on the rioters, of whom sixteen were killed (Oct. 2).
Last year reference was made to the existence of widespread conspiracies (A.R., 1913, p. 400) the object of which was the overthrow of British power in India by any possible means, including murder and outrages of all kinds. Early in 1914 the Punjab police succeeded in discovering one of the most important of these. Eleven men were placed on their trial on a charge of conspiracy to commit murder, before a special court of sessions at Delhi, which began its proceedings in May. These lasted for three and a half months and resulted in three of the accused being sentenced to death and four to transportation for life, whilst four were acquitted. It is impossible to go fully into the details of the case, but a general outline of it affords an excellent illustration of the manner in which the work of sedition is carried on in India and who are engaged in it. In 1904-5 one Har Dayal, a resident of Delhi and a student of great promise in the Punjab University, was sent to St. John's College, Oxford, on a State scholarship of 200l. a year. He visited India in 1906 and delivered lectures, chiefly to students at Lahore, on the supposed needs of India. In 1908 he resigned his scholarship, and, returning to India, commenced a further course of lectures, openly advocating sedition, but not yet murder. Not long afterwards he left for America, where he is believed to have remained, making over his work to Amir Chand, accused No. 1, who carried it on zealously. In October, 1912, a Committee was formed at Lahore with the object of promoting anarchy on the lines followed in Bengal and the United Provinces, namely the distribution of inflammatory literature, teaching the art of manufacturing bombs, planning outrages, and engaging tools to commit them. If the attempt on the life of the Viceroy on December 23, 1912, was not actually planned by these conspirators they certainly knew who were engaged in it. Leaflets approving it were issued by them and distributed broadcast, and were even posted up in the colleges at Lahore. On May 17, 1913, a bomb was exploded in the Lawrence Gardens, Lahore, with the intention of killing Europeans, but, owing to the failure of the courage of the man engaged, the only result was the death of an Indian orderly. Various other outrages were planned, but miscarried from one cause or another. In October, 1913, there was a fresh outburst of activity and publication of leaflets. It was the search for these that led to the discoveries which resulted in the eleven accused being brought to trial. Most of them were young men who had received their education in Government schools and colleges, and some of them had obtained good posts in the public service. Although these conspiracies may be described as widespread, they were so only in the sense that they were carried on by agents in all parts of India. The men who actually took part in them were confined almost entirely to the class already mentioned. The great mass of the people of India are too much occupied with the task of providing themselves with their daily bread to take any interest in general politics.
The appeal of Mr. Channing Arnold, editor and proprietor of the Burma Critic, from his conviction by the Chief Court of Lower Burma in 1912 was dismissed on April 7 by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council (A.R., 1912, p. 403). Their Lordships were of opinion that there was no misdirection on any point of law in the Judge's charge and that the jury had sufficient evidence to justify their findings on the question of fact.
The expectation of Germany that the entrance of Turkey into a war with a great Power in Europe would be the signal for a revolutionary outbreak in India was completely falsified. Instead of an outbreak of disloyalty there was one of fervent loyalty. Throughout the whole country from all races and all classes there came professions of attachment to the Government and offers of support of every kind (p. 200). At the commencement of the war the Indian Government was able to send to Europe two complete Divisions of British and Indian troops, and these were followed a little later by the despatch of a third Division. This sending of Indian troops to fight side by side with their British comrades in a great European War aroused enthusiasm not only in the Indian Army, but also in the country generally.
The second expectation of Germany that, when they had succeeded in dragging Turkey into the war as their ally, there would be an outbreak of religious fanaticism throughout the world of Islam in general and of India in particular, was even more ill-founded than their expectation of a general Indian revolt. As soon as it was clear that Turkey was joining Germany the Viceroy (Oct. 31) issued a note pointing out the true facts of the case, how no interests of Islam were involved, and how completely England, France, and Russia had assured Turkey that, if she maintained her neutrality, her independence and integrity would be upheld at the close of the war. The truth of this was at once apparent to all educated Mohamedans; they knew well not only that no interests of Islam were threatened, but also that the Sultan himself was not a free agent. The Government of Turkey was really in the hands of the Young Turks, men hated and despised by all true believers, and who were truly described by Mr. Asquith in the House of Commons as possessing all the vices and none of the virtues of the old Turkish official class. The ruling Mohamedan Chiefs, from the Nizam to those of the Protected Malay States, issued proclamations pointing out to their subjects the true facts, and enjoining loyalty to the British Government as a thing required by the precepts of their religion and by their own true interests. Similar action was taken by all the important Mohamedan associations, and by leading Mohamedan gentlemen, including the Agha Khan.
The first act of any importance in the war between England and Turkey east of Suez was a visit by H.M.S. Minerva to Akaba, a fortified town at the head of the gulf of that name, where the Turks were collecting troops and supplies for an expedition against Egypt. The town was occupied, the fortifications were destroyed, and the Turkish force captured or dispersed with little loss.
A more serious operation was carried out in November by an expeditionary force both naval and military sent from India to the head of the Persian Gulf. The Turkish fort at Fao, on the right bank of the Shatt-el-Arab, was silenced on November 8, and after minor successes on the 11th and 15th, a decisive battle was fought on the 17th. The Turkish troops, some 4,000 in number, were found in an entrenched position which could only be attacked by an advance in the open. This was made and the position captured with some guns and a large supply of ammunition and stores. The British loss was five officers killed and fifteen wounded—of the rank and file the killed were thirty-five and the wounded about 300. The Turkish troops were completely routed and made no attempt to defend Basra, which was entered by the British on November 22. The whole Delta of the Euphrates and Tigris, which join about seventy miles from the coast and form a single stream known as the Shatt-el-Arab, was occupied and may prove a position of great value for further operations.
On November 10 great rejoicing was caused in Calcutta and in all the seaports of India by the receipt of the news that the German cruiser Emden had at last been caught in one of the islands of the South Pacific, and had been sunk after a sharp engagement by H.M.S. Sydney of the Australian Navy. Besides her visit to Madras, where she set the oil tanks on fire by her shells and did other damage, the Emden had been for a considerable time the pest of the Indian Ocean, and the value of the merchant ships and cargoes she had destroyed was estimated at over 2,000,000l. sterling.
Nowhere was the general loyalty evoked by the war manifested more strongly than in the Native States. One and all came forward with contributions of men and money to the extent of their ability and even beyond it. In addition to this many members of the ruling families gave their personal service. To enumerate in detail the part played by the several States would make a record greater than the "Catalogue of Ships" in Homer.
The Conference of Tibetan and Chinese delegates under the presidency of Sir H. McMahon, Foreign Secretary to the Government of India, concluded its sittings at Delhi, but the result has not yet been made known. The usual rumours of conflict between Chinese and Tibetan troops on the Eastern Frontier were repeated at various times during the year, but no importance was attached to them.
The Dalai Lama showed in many ways a greater desire for friendly relations with the British Government, and it was reported that on the outbreak of the war in Europe he offered to raise a force of 1,000 Tibetans to assist the Allies. Much useful survey work and exploration was carried out in the unknown country to the north of Assam and the north-east of Burma, and this will enable the Government of India to lay down a natural boundary line in those regions when the question is ripe for settlement. It had been decided to extend administrative control over a part of the tribal area in North-East Burma, and the new district of Patas had been peacefully established.
Charles A. Roe.
The opening of the year 1914 was attended by many disasters. In Hokkaido and the North-East Provinces of Hondo owing to the failure of the rice crop of 1913, famine existed on a scale which was reported by missionary associations to demand all the assistance that could possibly be given. The Government made appropriations amounting to 830,000l. towards the relief of the sufferers, who were unofficially stated to number some 9,000,000 persons, and while its attention was being given in this quarter of the Empire, a calamity of a most alarming nature occurred in the south-east.
On 9 and 10 January an eruption of the volcano of Sakurashima, an island in Kagoshima Bay in Kiushiu, took place. The island was soon aflame, nearly half the houses were burnt and the inhabitants fled as best they could to Kagoshima. Streams of lava and dense bodies of ashes poured into the sea and over the island. The Japanese Government was prompt in rendering assistance. Two squadrons were at once despatched to the spot and measures were organised for the relief of the sufferers. The number of deaths which took place was not so great as might have been expected, but the devastation caused was such that over 10,000 persons were forced to emigrate. Apart from the assistance given by the Government a relief fund of over 50,000l. was raised by Japanese. Further disturbances were feared but nothing on a large scale took place, though the field of disturbance extended to Akita in Hondo.
Following on these great natural and physical disasters there occurred on April 9 the death of the Empress Dowager, a calamity felt to be as much of a national nature as the others. Preparations for the forthcoming Coronation were at once cancelled and the country joined in genuine mourning for the lady who had held so high a place in their affections and who had as Empress exhibited sympathy with the nation in all its joys and troubles. The unfailing dignity and tact shown by the Empress in the novel circumstances arising out of the introduction of a Western atmosphere into her Court had won her also an admiration abroad intensified by her grace and sympathy.
While suffering under these misfortunes, the nation was at the same time burdened with a scandal arising out of a contract for the battleship Kongo. Proofs of bribes given by the firm of Siemens & Schuckert were produced in the course of a long trial which included the representatives of that firm as well as other foreigners and Japanese of high standing in naval departments. Indignation meetings were held in Tokyo and a vote of no confidence in the Government which was moved in the House was lost only by 205 to 163 votes. As a result of the vote, the mob outside tried to break down the gates of the Houses of Parliament, and order was restored only by a display of military force.
The trial of the persons accused extended over two months. Admirals Fujii and Matsuo were severally sentenced to four and a half and two years' imprisonment, the managing and three other directors of the Mitsui Bussan Kaisha received sentences varying from two years to three months' imprisonment, Reuter's Agent, Pooley, was sentenced to three years, Siemens' manager, Herrmann, and other Japanese and foreigners to minor terms. How bitterly the scandal was felt was shown not only by the popular outcry, but also by the attempted suicide of Vice-Admiral Yamamouchi and the surrender by the Mitsui Bussan Kaisha of 75,000l. received illegally as commission on the Kongo and the devotion of that sum to charitable works.
The Government had been seriously affected by the disclosures attending the discovery of this scandal in the early part of the year, and the Budget introduced in January failed in consequence to receive necessary support. Under the Budget Revenue and Expenditure, ordinary and extraordinary, balanced at yen 641,000,000, and a naval programme entailing an expenditure of 16,000,000l., spread over seven years, was provided. Of the revenue yen 75,000,000 was furnished from a surplus in 1912-13, and economies effected by administrative reform in 1913-14. A reduction in taxation to the extent of yen 10,200,000 was also granted. But the Budget met with no favour in either House. In the Lower House an amendment was passed involving a reduction of yen 18,000,000, and in the House of Peers the Naval Vote was further reduced by yen 40,000,000. This action was followed by a joint Conference of ten members of each House, in which the Peers' reduction was rejected by one vote. Parliament was prorogued three days later (March 23) and the Ministry resigned.
Great difficulty was experienced in forming a new Cabinet. Prince Tokugawa, the head of the old Shogunate, was the first to be asked, but he declined the task. Viscount Kiyoura then attempted to form a Ministry, but failed. Finally Count Okuma, in spite of his age, seventy-six, accepted office and appointed a Ministry in which Baron Kato was Minister of Foreign Affairs, while Admiral Yashiro and General Oka took over the Admiralty and War Offices.
In June the Naval Budget passed the House of Peers with an additional appropriation of 600,000l. passed by the Lower House to cover ten years' expenditure on ships under construction.
Thus, to Germany's misfortune, all the difficulties and disasters of the year had been mastered and overcome in Japan when Germany declared war upon Great Britain, and when applied to by her ally for assistance in protecting her trade in the East, Japan loyally responded to the request. But the existence of Germany's naval base at Kiao-chou in Shantung made protection impossible until this base was abandoned. Accordingly on August 17 an ultimatum was issued by Japan to Germany, demanding the withdrawal of her fleet from the Far East and the surrender of Kiao-chou, and an answer was requested before noon on August 23. The ultimatum was based on the importance of the preservation of peace—the reason assigned by Russia, France and Germany for requiring Japan to retrocede Liao-tung, after that Province had been ceded to her under the Treaty of Shimonoseki in 1895. Germany's pride permitted of no answer to this ultimatum, and the Kaiser telegraphed to Kiao-chou: "It would shame me more to surrender Kiao-chou to the Japanese than Berlin to the Russians."
On August 23 war was declared against Germany by the Emperor of Japan, and his Minister left Berlin. The war was popular in Japan as a war of revenge for the part played by Germany in 1895, and the arrest of Japanese in Germany and the insults offered to the Ambassador when leaving Berlin intensified the feeling. The blockade of Kiao-chou was announced on August 23 and in a special session of the Diet, opened on September 5, a war appropriation of yen 53,000,000 was unanimously voted.
An Austrian cruiser, the Kaiserin Elisabeth, chanced to be in Kiao-chou at the beginning of August and the Austrian Ambassador at Tokyo had proposed that she should be disarmed and interned at Shanghai, but on Japan's taking action against Germany he left Tokyo and the vessel was left to her fate.
The time which had been allowed to lapse before the declaration of war had given time for the German garrison in Peking and German reservists in China to come to Kiao-chou to strengthen the garrison there. Enormous sums of money had been spent on the defences, and the capture of the place was generally recognised as a difficult feat. The landing of the Japanese at Laoshan Bay was effected on September 2, but the British contingent, under General Barnardiston, did not land until September 23-24, and arrived at the front as the Japanese were finishing their first engagement on September 28. General Kamio, the Japanese Commander-in-Chief, began the bombardment of the fortress on October 31, after the exodus of non-combatants had been permitted. The bombardment lasted a week, during which several forts were silenced and captured, and on November 7 as the Japanese were preparing to rush the fortress, the white flag was run up. In the early stages of the siege there had been considerable waste of heavy ammunition by the besieged, but the early surrender of the place was a surprise to the besiegers. The force under General Kamio numbered 22,980 officers and men with 142 guns, while the British contingent consisted of 910 officers and men of the 2nd South Wales Borderers and 450 of the 36th Sikhs. The German force was estimated at 5,000 men, and over 4,000 were made prisoners. The escape of the German cruisers early in August had deprived the harbour of some of the defences which had been expected, but extensive mine-fields had been sown which interfered with the activity of the attacking fleets. The German vessels which remained in harbour, as well as the Austrian cruiser, had all been sunk before the surrender of the fortress.
The news of this success excited great enthusiasm in Japan and General Barnardiston, who visited Tokyo shortly afterwards, received high honours from the Emperor and city. Much consideration was shown towards the prisoners from Kiao-chou and much liberty was granted them in their movements.
The satisfaction of the country in the feat performed by her army did not, however, prevent severe criticism of the new Budget in the Diet which was opened on December 7. Under the Budget provision was made for an expenditure of yen 556,000,000, and a decrease in revenue of yen 81,000,000 was forecast. No special provision was made for war expenditure, as it was intended to meet this from accumulated surplus of previous years under authority which would be asked for when required. A specially obnoxious clause provided for the increase of the Army by two divisions, a project which had already occasioned the fall of several Ministries, and which now in a division on December 24 in Budget Committee led to the defeat of the Government by 213 votes to 148. The Diet was dissolved the next day.
Gloomy as had been the scenes which ushered in 1914, the year closed with a record of achievements of which the nation might well be proud. Her enemy Germany had been driven from the fortified position which she had prepared in Shantung, the German railroad from Kiao-chou to the provincial capital was in Japanese hands, and obligations towards her ally, Great Britain, had been nobly fulfilled. Not only had British trade in the China Seas received such protection as to enable it, after a short interval, to be carried on without fear of molestation, but in the Pacific work had been done which greatly strengthened Great Britain. The Marshall Islands and some others in German possession had been seized and handed over to the Australian Commonwealth; and the strength of the Japanese fleet had assisted towards the safe convoy of Australian troops and probably also towards the rounding up of the German squadron off the Falkland Islands and its destruction there.
Those countries which had long harboured suspicion of Japan's action had to acknowledge the disinterestedness of her conduct. Her retention of Kiao-chou was the only point on which attacks were still made, ignoring the fact that Japan's offer in August to surrender the port to China after the war was conditional on Germany's acceptance of the Japanese ultimatum.
In October, 1913, Yuan Shih-kai had been elected President of the Republic by the National Assembly. In November of the same year both Houses decided to suspend their meetings, as a quorum could not be obtained, owing to the action of the Government which had declared void the seats held by the Kuo-min-tang party, in consequence of their continuous opposition to all Government measures. The action of the President in dissolving Parliament (Jan. 11) created no new situation, but somewhat strengthened his position. At the same time it was felt that some kind of a quasi-representative body was needed, not only to temper criticism of the Republic as such, but also to furnish the President with information. In November a Central Administrative Council had been called into existence by Yuan Shih-kai, and though its birth had been greeted with contempt owing to its lack of legislative powers, this or other similar bodies under different names with slightly altered functions usurped the place of a representative Council, not without advantage to the country, throughout the course of 1914.
Yuan Shih-kai, after cancelling the draft Constitution drawn up by the Committee appointed by the National Assembly, commissioned in January a new body of sixty members to draft a fresh Constitution. This appeared in March. Under it, the future National Assembly was to consist of one Chamber, styled Li Fa Yuan; the Cabinet was to be abolished and a Secretary of State, on the model of the United States of America, was to take the place of the Premier, under the President as the supreme head of the State. Cabinet Ministers were to be converted into Heads of Departments and an Advisory Board was to be established. Some of these recommendations were at once acted upon, and in May an Advisory Council of seventy members, including the Vice-President, was appointed. But it was not until December that the scheme for the formation of the Li Fa Yuan, now spoken of as the Legislative Council, was finally adopted. Under it the Council consists of 275 members, of whom those representing the Provinces and Peking will be elected by Electoral Colleges, elected by qualified electors, but the remainder will be elected by the Central Electoral College direct. The session of the Assembly will extend from September 1 to December 31, unless the President sees fit to order an extension of two months, and members will hold their seats for four years.
The President, when promulgating the law for the constitution of the Assembly, acknowledged that it would not be strictly representative nor possessed of full powers, but he considered that the condition of China was not such as yet to warrant the grant of such representation or powers.
An act of the President's which excited more attention abroad was his announcement that the worship of Heaven and the honours paid to Confucius would be continued as of old time, and that he himself would represent the nation in the worship of Heaven and wear the robes of ceremony in use by the Dukes of Chou. Some of the foreign missionary bodies seemed to regard this as a cruel answer to the prayers which they had offered at Yuan Shih-kai's instance for the welfare of China.
In January the town of Liu-an Chou in An Hui was sacked by a body of brigands, who attacked the French missionary station, murdering Père Rich and making prisoners of two other priests whom they afterwards released. The success which attended this exploit encouraged further attempts, and the line which separates successful brigandage from rebellion in China soon became difficult to distinguish. Their leader Pai Lang Chai, known in Europe as White Wolf, took his followers next to Lao-ho-kou, an important mart in Hupeh, pillaged the place—again a missionary was murdered, M. Froyland, a Norwegian—and struck north into Shensi, gathering many adherents and looting Ching-tzu-kuan on the way. In Shensi he was joined by some leaders of the late revolution. He then plundered Lung-chü-chai, in the south-east of the Province, and soon afterwards fought an engagement with troops at Shang-chou where he set the city on fire. Panic followed, and he arrived soon after within a few miles of Si-an Fu, the capital. Some towns in the north of Honan were the next to receive his attention, but a concentration of troops from the north-west of Szechuen forced him to retire into Kan-su. The seventh Army Division under General Lu Chien-chang was then ordered to proceed against him, and he suffered some defeats at the hands of Mohammedan troops which drove him back into Shensi with a small number of followers, and in September the rebellion was finally crushed. The success which attended his arms is said to have attracted much support from revolutionary emigrés in Japan, and among them of Sun Yat-sen, who saw in this movement an opportunity of weakening, if not of overthrowing, the President.
But Yuan Shih-kai showed himself able to weather this storm as well as the financial difficulties which arose out of the war in Europe and the consequent attack on Kiao-chou. Following the example of Europe and Japan, China declared a moratorium, and as foreign loans then under contemplation became impossible made arrangements for domestic loans of 2,000,000l. at 6 per cent. The issue of the loan was attended by very fair success, and, after a short interval of panic, trade resumed its normal course, except that exports were greatly interfered with by the adverse rate of exchange, a circumstance which seriously affected the payments by Government of interest on existing foreign loans.
The conduct of the campaign by Japan against Kiao-chou occasioned strong protests by Germany against the landing of troops in Shantung outside the Kiao-chou zone, and also against the seizure of the German railroad in the Province. The protests were met by declarations that China was acting on the same lines as in the Russo-Japanese War, and that she was powerless to prevent Japan's action. It was also pointed out that Germany had in a measure created the situation through her unauthorised fortification of the port.
An interpellation by the State Council on the subject of Japan's violation of neutrality and the countenance which had been given to this by Great Britain was answered by a statement that protests had been made to the two Powers concerned.
The financial position of the country continues to remain a problem which taxes the brains of those who desire to ascertain on what resources China can rely for further development. An able report by the Maritime Customs on the foreign trade of 1913 places its total at 146,000,000l., and admits that not only is there a heavy trade balance against China, but that an annual deficit of 21,000,000l. is totally unaccounted for, even after taking into consideration remittances of 7,000,000l. from Chinese abroad. An adverse balance has been a constant feature of her foreign trade for years past, but does not seem to affect China's power of purchase to the extent that would seem natural. In the national revenue and expenditure an adverse balance also appears; in 1913-14 this amounted to $84,940,000; but the State continues to run its system of government, even when, as in 1914, loans which were under contemplation with foreign countries were abruptly cancelled owing to the European war. In some respects 1914, in spite of a falling off in Maritime Customs of 1,400,000l., showed an improvement, for remittances from the Provinces to Peking set in pretty steadily, and the Salt Tax, as newly organised by Sir R. Dane, gave a return which exceeded all estimates made in 1913 and surpassed the Customs Revenue. Another satisfactory feature was the success which attended the internal loan of 2,000,000l. at 6 per cent. The exact amount of the loan which was taken up is unknown, but the fact remains that the country showed sufficient confidence in the stability of the Government to allow this measure to meet the needs of the hour. Railway receipts also were good, and the obligations of the Government abroad have been met.
But revolutionaries have not ceased to do their best to weaken the Government, and after "White Wolf's" death plots were discovered in the Yangtse Valley, at Peking and at Canton, which had as their object the death of the President and his Ministers, and the subversion of the Government. The restoration of the Manchu dynasty was aimed at by one of these movements.
A Boer rebellion instigated by Germany is the outstanding fact of the year in the South African Union. It was, however, confined to a section of the rural population, and, thanks to the loyalty and energy of General Botha and his supporters, was suppressed by the end of December. Authority for the statement that the origin of the revolt is to be sought in German intrigue is to be found in the proclamation of martial law throughout the Union, though this was not issued until October 12. The first overt act of treachery was known on the 8th, when Lieutenant-Colonel S. G. Maritz, commanding the force in the North-West of the Cape Province, being suspected by the Government, was relieved of his command and ordered by his successor, Colonel Conraad Britz, to come in and report to him. He replied, according to Lord Buxton's despatch to the Secretary of State, that "all he wanted was his discharge and Colonel Britz must come himself and take over his command." Colonel Britz sent Major Ben Bouwer to take charge. Maritz made him and his companions prisoners, but then sent him back alone with an ultimatum to the effect that unless the Union Government "guaranteed to him that before 11 o'clock on Sunday morning, October 11, they would allow Generals Hertzog, De Wet, Beyers, Kemp, and Muller to meet him where he was, in order that he might receive instructions from them, he would forthwith make an attack on Colonel Britz's forces and proceed further to invade the Union." Major Bouwer reported that Maritz had German guns and a German force with his command, that he held the rank of General commanding the enemy troops, and that he had sent as prisoners into German South-West Africa all of the Union officers and men who had refused to betray their oath. Major Bouwer had also seen an agreement between Maritz and the Governor of German South-West Africa "guaranteeing the independence of the Union as a Republic, ceding Walfisch Bay and certain other portions of the Union to the Germans, and undertaking that the Germans would only invade the Union on the invitation of Maritz." He had also been shown German telegrams and helio messages dating from the beginning of September, and Maritz boasted that he had ample guns, ammunition and money from the Germans and that he would over-run South Africa. On these facts, and presumably on others not disclosed by the Government, the proclamation justified the imposition of martial law under three heads: (1) "a widespread secret propaganda" by Germany "to seduce citizens of the Union and the officers and members of the Defence forces of the Union, from their allegiance and to cause rebellion and civil war"; (2) that Maritz and a portion of his forces "had shamefully and traitorously gone over to the enemy" and with the enemy forces "had invaded the northern portions of Cape Province"; and (3) there was "grave reason to think that the Government of German South-West Africa had, through its numerous spies and agents, communicated with and corrupted also other citizens of the Union under the false and treacherous pretext of favouring the establishment of a Republic in South Africa." Therefore it was "necessary to take effective measures to protect and defend the interests of the Union and its loyal and law-abiding citizens against these insidious and treacherous attacks from within and without and to that end to declare martial law."
That being the evidence of a German plot to seduce the Boers from their allegiance, the optimistic news from South Africa between August 4 and October 12 was discounted by events. Scanty as the news was it gave the impression, at least until mid-September, that though the Hertzogite party in Parliament opposed military attack upon the German territory, Dutch patriotism was sound. The line taken by General Hertzog was that the Union should commit no act of aggression; and there were some supporters of General Botha who had to be won over by their leader to the view that a neutral attitude was impossible. The Government had at once made up their minds to act with the Imperial authorities. In reply to the King's Message to the Dominions they declared that "the Message had been received with great enthusiasm and deep loyalty in all parts of the Union" and that His Majesty's subjects there were "firmly resolved to fulfil their sacred duty of assisting with all resources at their disposal to bring the terrible war which has been forced on His Majesty to a speedy and successful conclusion." But this resolve was not universal in Parliament or in the country. The sacred duty was disputed by the Hertzogites, and General Botha's lead was apparently accepted with reluctance by some of those who were opposed on other grounds to General Hertzog. It seems to have been assumed that as the Germans had not then attacked, non-intervention was the preferable course. This issue was, however, brought to a head on September 12 by a declaration by General Botha in the Senate that South Africa, being part of the Empire, could not remain neutral, and that the Government had therefore decided to accede to the request of the Imperial authorities to occupy for strategic reasons certain parts of German West Africa. "The Government had come to this decision (according to The Times report) because they wished to preserve the name and reputation of South Africa for uprightness. They were under the British flag and had all the freedom they could have.... Let them assume their responsibilities in the fullest sense of the word. It had been stated that the reports of the German invasion of the Union were baseless, but he declared with authority that the Union had been invaded. Their English-speaking friends must not expect quite the same enthusiasm amongst the Dutch-speaking section about the war as among themselves. There was not, however, the slightest disloyalty, and even among those who perhaps were least enthusiastic, there was no idea of preferring to live under the German flag." In saying that "there was not the slightest disloyalty" General Botha was probably affecting to ignore reports to the contrary and refraining from attaching any sinister significance to the parliamentary action of the Hertzogites, or to those among his own supporters who deemed it impolitic and unnecessary to take the offensive against the Germans. On September 15 General Beyers, Commandant General of the Union Defence Forces, resigned his post. In a letter to General Smuts, the Minister of Defence, he complained that Parliament should by resolutions have confirmed the decision of the Government "to conquer German South-West Africa without any provocation towards the Union," and asserted that the majority of the Dutch-speaking people decidedly disapproved of crossing that frontier. He cited the resignations of three English Ministers (p. 173) as evidence that there was a minority in England not convinced of the righteousness of the war with Germany: "It was said that war was being waged against the barbarity of the Germans. He had forgiven, but not forgotten, all the barbarities perpetrated during the South African War.... At this critical moment it was made known in Parliament that their Government was granted a loan of 7,000,000l. by the British Government. This was very significant."
In accepting his resignation General Smuts pointed out that the plan of operations decided upon had been recommended by General Beyers, and the officers who were to carry it out were appointed on his advice. It was well understood between them that he (General Beyers) was to take chief command in German South-West Africa. Yet he (General Smuts) never received the impression that resignation was intended, though he knew General Beyers entertained objections against the war. He rebuked General Beyers for his "bitter attack" on Great Britain, and for having first communicated his resignation in a letter of political argument to the Press. "The attack was not only entirely baseless but the more unjustifiable coming as it does in the midst of a great war from the Commandant General of one of the British Dominions. Your reference to barbarous acts during the South African War ... can only be calculated to sow hatred and division among the people of South Africa." After further castigation of General Beyers, General Smuts characterised the insinuation about the loan of 7,000,000l. to the Union Government "as of such a despicable nature" that it needed no comment. "It only shows to what extent your mind has been obscured by political bias." General Smuts could not conceive anything more fatal and humiliating for the Dutch-speaking people than a policy of lip-loyalty in fair weather and of neutrality and pro-German sentiment in days of storm and stress. He was convinced that the people would support the Government in carrying out the mandate of Parliament, and would fulfil their duty to South Africa and to the Empire.
By that time, September 15, a strong German force had advanced on Raman's Drift (on the Orange River) and had garrisoned a blockhouse commanding the drift. Thus the report of an invasion early in August was confirmed. A force of South African Mounted Rifles under Colonel Dawson crossed the waterless region and captured the blockhouse. On the next day the Germans, who were in force in the Uppington Kopjes within the British side, attacked the Union frontier post at Nakob and overpowered the small garrison. Swakopmund, on Walfisch Bay, had been seized, without resistance, by Union forces coming by steamer, and on the 19th Lüderitzbucht, midway between Walfisch Bay and Capetown, had also been surrendered to the Union, after the enemy had destroyed the wireless station there. The Union successes on the coast were counterbalanced by German captures of frontier posts. General Botha decided to take the field himself against the enemy and made a call for volunteers. The response was reported to be all that could be desired, particularly in the district where General Beyers had influence; but, in the language of Lord Buxton to the Secretary of State, "ever since the resignation" of General Beyers "there have been indications that something was wrong with the forces on the north-west of Cape Province" under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Maritz. What was wrong has been told in the opening paragraph; whether General Beyers was a party to the conduct of Maritz at this time may be judged by the use of his name by Maritz and by the circumstances of his resignation. Of Maritz it was reported that, after serving in the South African War, he had taken service with the Germans, and had fought for them against the Herreros. Returning to the Union he was said to have made himself conspicuous by ostentatious dislike of the Germans. On the outbreak of war he was given a commando of irregulars on the strength of his knowledge of the frontier. He was believed to have 500 men with him near Uppington. One effect of the rebellion was to rally opinion to the support of General Botha and to demonstrate that the bulk of the Dutch population had little sympathy with Maritz. Recruiting was vigorously stimulated. On the other hand there was evidence of a seditious propaganda among the backveld Boers, notwithstanding very drastic regulations under the proclamation of martial law, which included in the definition of sedition opposition to the policy of hostilities against the enemy. The rebellion appeared to have profoundly stirred the people. On the native population it had no discernible and immediate effects. As Minister for Native Affairs General Botha sent a message urging on them prompt obedience and cheerful submission to the restrictions of martial law.
According to a correspondent of the Cape Times, who had been travelling in German West Africa just before the war, the Germans had a force of 10,000 mounted infantry and artillery, many machine guns and sixty-six gun batteries. They had also a Camel Corps of 500 for use in the desert region. The correspondent saw 192 guns at Keetmanshoop and described the country as being dotted with police posts, with two guns in each and manned by artillerymen. Railways and roads had been made to facilitate the invasion of the Union and this account of the enemy suggested long and costly preparation for war.
Obviously the military situation was difficult enough for General Botha without the complication of internal rebellion. Thus far it seemed, on such news as the censorship permitted to come through, that Maritz stood alone. On October 26 it was announced that he had been completely defeated at Kakamas, was wounded, and had fled into German territory. Colonel Britz sent to Pretoria an agreement which Maritz had asked him to sign. It was a pact between the Governor of German South-West Africa, as representing the Emperor, and traitors prepared to declare the independence of South Africa. The German Emperor undertook to take all possible measures to get the independence of any State or States of the Union recognised under the terms of peace. On the other side, the middle of the Orange River was to be the boundary between German South-West Africa and the Cape Province. Maritz had himself entered into this agreement. It was reported that before the engagement of the 26th, Maritz, being hard pressed, had offered to surrender on condition of a free pardon for himself and his followers, the Germans with him to be sent across the border. No reply was made. On the 27th many of Maritz's followers surrendered.
At the moment of the collapse of his commando rebellion broke out in the Northern Orange Free State and in the Western Transvaal. On October 28 the Union Government announced "with deep regret" that "at the instigation of certain prominent individuals," burghers in these districts had been "misguided enough to defy the authority of the Government and to make preparations for armed resistance and rebellion." Armed rebellious commandoes, under the authority of General Christian de Wet in the Orange Free State, and of General Beyers in the Western Transvaal, were in existence. The town of Heilbron had been seized and the Government officials imprisoned. A train had been stopped at Reitz and armed citizens of the Defence force seized and disarmed. "The very great majority of the citizens in every province are thoroughly loyal," said the Government statement, "and detest the very idea of rebellion." The Government had been aware of the rebel preparations and had "spared no efforts to preserve the peace without bloodshed." They called upon all loyal citizens to be on the alert and give the Government every assistance. "Citizens who have been, for some reason or other, guilty of disobedience under the Defence Act"—continued the announcement—"need not fear any action against them on that ground on the part of the Government so long as they remain quietly at home and abstain from acts of violence or hostility against the authority of the Government of the Union." The former Commandant-General of the Union forces had thus taken the field, in concert with General Christian de Wet, the Commander-in-Chief of the Orange Free State forces during the three years' war. De Wet was one of the signatories to the peace of Vereeniging, and had since held Ministerial office. Action had preceded the issue of the Government statement, for there was published on the 29th a telegram from Lord Buxton to the effect that General Botha had on the 27th searched out Beyers' commando and "driven them in headlong pursuit the whole of the day, capturing eighty of them fully armed." The engagement took place near Rustenburg and was a flight, not a battle. "General" Kemp—one of the names mentioned by Maritz—escaped into the Lichtenburg district, where there appear to have been many rebels under a Boer named Claussen; but the gathering here was put to flight by a force under Colonel Alberts. In the Calvinia district also there were bodies of rebels, who, however, made no serious fight against Colonel van der Venter's forces. General Botha followed the rebel commandoes to Zoutspansdrift and they were there again scattered. Early in November the Minister of Defence stated that the Maritz rebellion was over and in the Transvaal the movement was then quite insignificant. Only in the northern district of the Free State had the rebellion "assumed certain dimensions." On October 29 De Wet had entered Vrede with a body of rebels and addressed the townspeople in front of the Dutch Church. He spoke of "the miserable, pestilential English" and described the attack on German South-West Africa as a dastardly act of robbery. "Some of my friends," he was reported to have said, "have advised me to wait a little longer until England received a bigger knock, but it is beneath me and my people to kick a dead dog." He ordered the commandeering of supplies and threatened obstructives with the sjambok. At another place he was reported as saying: "I am going through to Maritz, where we will receive arms and ammunition, and from there we are going through to Pretoria to pull down the British flag and proclaim a free South African Republic." On November 12 it was announced that General Botha had got into touch with De Wet's forces and soundly defeated them. The rebels numbered 2,000. There were losses on both sides, but the rebels did not make a serious stand. They lost 255 prisoners here, among them Commandant Muller—also named in Maritz's message—and most of their transport.
The Government issued a proclamation calling upon all rebels to surrender voluntarily, and saying that all persons who did so would not be criminally prosecuted but allowed to return to their homes on condition that they took no further part in rebellion, and gave no information or assistance to rebels, and did and said nothing likely to disturb the peace. But the amnesty would not apply to those who had violated the rules of civilised warfare. All rebels who did not surrender forthwith would be liable to be dealt with according to the rigour of the law. The notification was signed by General Botha and was an appeal to good sense rather than a menace. On November 8 a rebel commando believed to be under the leadership of an ex-Major on the Union Defence Staff, was heavily defeated some thirty miles west of Warmbaths, the rebels losing 120 killed and wounded. At Winburg (Nov. 9) De Wet is alleged to have behaved with brutality towards the Mayor. He had lost his son in a fight a few days earlier and seemed to be out of control. The rebels looted the chief store. His commando numbered about 2,000, and were frequently harried by the Union forces. Meanwhile Beyers was severely handled to the south of the Vaal River, east of Bloemhof, and in an engagement on December 7 lost 364 prisoners, besides killed and wounded. It is impossible to keep count of the commandoes; the cables during November are too scanty and confusing. The rebel forces were daily suffering attrition by captures and surrenders and minor fighting. On December 2 Colonel Britz reported that he had captured De Wet at a farm at Wartenburg, 100 miles east of Mafeking. De Wet had crossed the Vaal as a fugitive on November 21, but had got together a small commando. Though pursued by motor cars, he managed to escape hither and thither for several days, until his commando was broken up and he was run to earth by Colonel Britz. There were four others in the farm where he took refuge. Finding themselves surrounded they surrendered. De Wet was taken to Pretoria. With his capture the Free State rebellion collapsed. The operations directed by General Botha had brought in over 800 prisoners.
In the Transvaal Beyers was caught and his force driven towards the Vaal at Greyling (Dec. 7). Beyers and others tried to cross the Vaal, and were fired on. Beyers was seen to fall from his horse, but managed to grasp another by the tail. He was next seen drifting down stream, shouting for help. His body was recovered. Lord Buxton reported that the rebellion was everywhere practically at an end. A few small bodies might continue to give a little trouble. De Wet, Muller, Wessel Wessels, as well as other leaders (including three members of the Union Parliament and members of the Provincial Councils) had been captured or had surrendered. Beyers was dead and Maritz and Kemp—the latter erroneously reported captured—had joined the Germans. About 7,000 rebels had been captured or had surrendered—an official figure which for the first time gave a clue to the extent of the rebel movement. General Botha issued a statement on December 9. He said that "the speedy and successful termination of what promised at one time to be a formidable and widespread rebellion, led by some of the best known South Africans," was due to the energy and ceaseless efforts of the forces in the fields. He then thanked them on behalf of the Government and people of South Africa. "Our sacrifices in blood, treasure and losses of population have been considerable, but I believe they are not out of proportion to the great results already achieved or which will accrue to South Africa in coming years. For this and much more let us be reverently thankful to Providence, which has once more guided our country through the gravest perils, and let that spirit of gratitude drive from our minds all bitterness caused by the wrongs suffered and the loss and anguish which has been caused by this senseless rebellion." He spoke of the rebellion as "a quarrel in our own South African household," and urged the cultivation of a spirit of tolerance and "merciful oblivion of the errors and misdeeds of those misguided people, many of whom took up arms against the State without any criminal intention and without any clear perception of the consequences of their action. While just and fair punishment should be meted out, let us also remember that now more than ever it is for the people of South Africa to practise the wise policy of forgive and forget." Their next duty was to deal with the German danger and make it impossible for German South-West Africa to be again used as a base from which to threaten the peace and liberties of the Union. "I hope and trust the people will deal with this danger as energetically as they have done with the internal rebellion."
During the rebellion little information had been forthcoming about the situation on the frontier. Presumably the Union forces had been sufficiently engaged in suppressing the rebellion, the extent and gravity of which are measurable by General Botha's language when the peril had been surmounted. What activity the Germans displayed, if any, in co-operation with the rebels was not disclosed by the authorities. The position of affairs as it presented itself to General Botha was thus described by him in an interview given on December 17: "In suppressing the rebellion the Government have had the most hearty co-operation of both races. Let us have the same co-operation in German South-West Africa. The undertaking before us is difficult, but if we all do our duty it will be carried to a successful conclusion. Now that German territory has become a refuge for Maritz and the other rebels it is more than ever necessary that we should persist in our operations there. We cannot tolerate the existence of a nest of outlaws on our frontier, a menace to the peace of the Union." In that interview General Botha paid a warm tribute to General Smuts, whose "brilliant intellect, calm judgment, amazing energy and undaunted courage had been assets of inestimable value to the Union in her hour of trial." His own services to the Union and to the Empire cannot fitly be appraised until events have fallen into perspective; but the language applied to General Smuts, generous and eloquent as it is, would be inadequate as an expression of gratitude for the labours of General Botha. To review the events of the rebellion is to wonder whether South Africa would not temporarily have ceased to be a British Dominion in 1914 had not General Botha given a strong lead in loyalty and policy, and had the frustration of the German plot fallen to a man less influential than himself with the Dutch-speaking people or to one less skilful in military generalship.
The total casualties in the Union Defence Forces up to December 23 were 755—334 during the fighting with rebels and 369 from the fighting with the Germans. The killed in the rebel campaign numbered seventy-eight and in the German engagements sixteen. The rebels killed in action numbered 170. The rounding up of rebel parties was still going on. On December 30, however, it was reported that Maritz, with Kemp second in command, had successfully attacked a Union force, 480 strong, near Schuit Drift on the 22nd, and had compelled it, with its reinforcements, to retire with the loss of ninety prisoners, a maxim, 80,000 rounds of ammunition, an ambulance and twenty-six empty waggons. As Maritz's force was described as 800 rebels, with four field guns and four maxims, and as the Union force lost only one man killed and one wounded, though it offered "a vigorous resistance," the despatch was clearly incomplete. On December 31 the Government put in force the provisions of the Defence Act, empowering them to commandeer men for military service, and it was officially admitted that dependence on voluntary service was inadequate in view of the German menace.
The war and the rebellion have reduced other events of the South African Union to relative insignificance. But there are matters of permanent interest which cannot here be left aside; and first in importance is the renewal of the strife between white Labour and Capital, a strife which shook Johannesburg to its foundations in the summer of 1913 (A.R., 1913, p. 416 sq.). The superficial cause of the renewal in January was the dismissal of sixty men from the Government railways, men paid by the day and subject to twenty-four hours' notice of dismissal. The real question, however, was whether the Trades Federation should control such dismissals and the administration of the railways. The dismissals were due to a policy of retrenchment. Mr. Poutsma, the secretary of the Railwaymen's Union, failing to get satisfaction at the hands of Mr. Burton, the Minister for Railways, threatened a strike. The Railway Union resolved to strike and the Executive of the Federation of Trades called upon all unionists and non-unionists to support them. Much anxiety was felt in view of the previous riots, when Imperial troops had to be brought into Johannesburg and there was serious rioting and loss of life; but by this time the Union Defence Forces had been organised and when the plans of the strikers were put into operation on January 9 the Government were prepared for emergencies. Simultaneously with the stoppage of the railways they called up the Citizen Defence Force in certain areas and let it be known they would call out the entire force if needs be. They also arrested a number of labour leaders, including Mr. Poutsma, on charges of having used seditious language, and lodged them in jail. By the following day there were 60,000 burghers under arms. The Trades Federation threatened a general strike of all trades and ordered a ballot to be taken. The Government, through the Railway Minister, reiterated their refusal to reinstate the men and drop the policy of retrenchment. They attempted to run a partial service, with which the strikers interfered where it was possible. The trouble spread throughout the Union and was complicated by an outbreak of Basutos at Jagersfontein Mine, the cause being the death of a Basuto, the result, it was alleged, of a kick by a white man employed by the management. The dismissal of the man was demanded and refused. The Basutos broke out of the compound, which they wrecked, and caused a panic in the town. Troops were brought on the scene and in the fighting eleven Basutos were killed and thirty-six wounded. A Committee of Public Safety was set up in Johannesburg, and the Government took a very serious view of the situation. There was a two-thirds majority of the Federated Trades for a general strike, which was proclaimed on the 13th. The miners were to come out the following day. The Government at once proclaimed martial law and mobilised 20,000 men on the Rand. Trouble was apprehended in the native compounds. The town was full of troops. Ministers went about with armed guards. Business was suspended. The president and secretary of the Federation of Trades, with some 200 of their supporters, barricaded themselves in the Trades Hall and successfully resisted arrest. There was an affray outside the hall in which the police used bayonets. The Trades Hall was besieged by a force of burghers with machine guns, and means were taken to impress the besieged with the Government's determination to effect the arrest of the leaders. On a field gun being placed in position the secretary of the Federation appeared at a window and after protesting against the display of force offered an unconditional surrender. With the arrests thus accomplished the situation became less alarming and in a few days the strike collapsed. Normal industrial conditions were quickly resumed and the citizen force demobilised. On the 21st the general strike was formally declared "off." By this time there was scarcely a Labour leader anywhere in the Union who was not under arrest. Among those arrested was Mr. Cresswell, a member of Parliament, who was sentenced to a month's imprisonment and a fine of 20l. for publishing a pamphlet; but this sentence was remitted on the ground that the Government did not desire to deprive the Labour party of its spokesmen in Parliament in the coming discussions. On the 27th it was announced that the Government had decided to deport ten of the principal labour leaders, Mr. Watson, president of the federation, Mr. Poutsma, secretary of the Railway Men's Society, Messrs. Bain, Mason, Crawford, Waterson, Kendall, McKerrell, Livingstone and Morgan. The men were secretly conveyed to Natal and put on board a steamer—the Umgeni—which sailed forthwith for England (pp. 12, 24, 35). Application on behalf of the men was made to the courts but without result. The deportation had taken place and the restraining power of the courts forestalled. The illegality caused profound resentment in South Africa.