Nous pouvons mettre ce que ie viens de dire entre les effects de la grace de Dieu: comme aussi les racines qu'il leur envoya au besoin, dont nous avons parlé, & sur-ce l'exercice des paresseux qui ne s'estoient voulu occuper à la terre, lesquels sans y penser en cultiverent vn beau champ en cherchant desdites racines. Mais particulierement encore l'exemption de maladies, qui est vn miracle tres-evident. Car és voyages precedens il ne s'en est iamais passé vn seul sans mortalité, quoy qu'on fust bien à l'aise. Et en cetui-ci non seulement les sains ont esté preseruez, 182 mais aussi ceux qui estoient affligez de maladie en France ont la receu guarison. Tesmoin vn honéte personnage nommé Bertrand, lequel à Paris estoit journellement tourmenté de la goutte, de laquelle il a esté totalement exempt par dela. Mais depuis qu'il est de retour, le méme mal est retourné avec plus d'effects de douleurs qu'auparauant, quoy qu'il se garde sans aucun exercice.
What I have just related may be attributed to the grace of God; as also the roots that were sent them in their need, which we have already mentioned; and furthermore, the exercise given the lazy ones who would not take part in tilling the soil, and who, without intending it, prepared for cultivation a fine field, while seeking for these roots. But more particularly the exemption from sickness; which is a very evident miracle. For, as to former sojourns, not one has been passed without some deaths, although they were well provided for. And in this one not only the healthy remained well, but also those who were afflicted with ill-health in France have there recovered. A witness of this is a worthy man named Bertrand,29 who, at Paris, was daily tormented with the gout, from which he was entirely free over there. But, since he came back here, the same trouble has returned with more severity than ever, although he takes care not to indulge in excesses.
[37] Mais qui ne recoignoistra vne speciale grace de Dieu en la persone dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt & ses gens, lors qu'il fut porté par vn vent de terre à la haute mer en danger d'aller voir la Floride, ou d'estre accablé des ondes, au retour de la conduite de son fils, ainsi que nous avons rapporté ci-dessus.
[37] But who will not recognize God's peculiar grace in the case of Sieur de Poutrincourt and his crew, when, upon his return from accompanying his son, he was carried by a land breeze out into the open sea, in danger of making a visit to Florida, or of being overwhelmed by the billows, as we have stated above.
I'appelle aussi miracle de voir que les pauvres peuples de delà ont conceu telle opinion de la Religion Chrétienne, que si-tost qu'ilz sont malades ilz demãdent estre baptizez, voire encore qu'ilz soient sains, ils y vont avec vne grande Foy, & disent qu'ilz veulent estre semblables à nous recognoissans fort bien leur defaut en cela. Membertou grand Sagamos exhorte vn chacũ des Sauvages à se faire Chretiens. Et tesmoignẽt tous que depuis qu'ils ont receu le baptéme ils ne craignent plus rien, ilz vont hardiment de nuict, le diable ne les tourmente plus.
I call it also a miracle that these poor people have conceived such an opinion of the Christian Religion, that as soon as they are sick they ask to be baptized; and, even when they are well, they approach it with great Faith, saying they wish to be like us, fully recognizing their own shortcomings. Membertou, the great Sagamore, exhorts every one of the Savages to become Christians. All bear witness that since they have been baptized they are afraid of nothing, and go out boldly at night, the devil no longer tormenting them.
Quand le Sieur de Sainct Iust arriva à Campseau, les Sauvages non baptizez s'enfuioient de peur. Mais les baptizés en nombre d'environ cinquante s'approcherent hardiment disans, Nous sommes tes freres Chretiens comme toy, & tu nous aymes. C'est pourquoy nous ne fuyons point, & n'avons point de peur: Et porterent ledit Sieur sur leurs bras & épaules jusques en leurs cabannes.
When Sieur de Sainct Just arrived at Campseau, the Savages who had not been baptized ran away in fear. But those who were baptized, about fifty in number, approached boldly, saying, "We are thy brothers, Christians as thou art, and thou lovest us. Hence we fly not away and are not afraid:" and they carried the Sieur upon their arms and shoulders to their wigwams.
184 Sur la fin du Printemps les enfans de Membertou estans allés à la chasse, en laquelle ilz firent long seiour, avint que ledit Membertou fut pressé de necessité de vivres, & en cette disette [38] il se souvint de ce qu'il avoit autrefois oui dire à noz gẽs que Dieu qui nourrit les oiseaux du ciel, & les bétes de la terre, ne delaisse iamais ceux qui ont esperance en lui, selon la parolle de nôtre Sauveur.
Towards the end of Spring, when Membertou's children had gone hunting, where they remained a long time, it happened that Membertou was sorely pressed for food; and in this time of need [38] he remembered that he had formerly heard our people say that God, who feeds the birds of the air and the beasts of the fields, never abandons those who have hope in him, according to the words of our Savior.
En cette necessité donc il se met à prier Dieu, ayant enuoyé sa fille voir au ruisseau du moulin s'il y auroit point apparence de pouuoir faire pecherie. Il n'eust esté gueres long temps en prieres que voici sadite fille arriver criant à haute voix, Nouchich', Beggin pech'kmok, Beggin ëta pech'kmok: c'est à dire: Père, le haren est venu; le haren certes est venu. Et vit par effect le soin que Dieu a des siens, à son contentement. Ce qu'il avoit vne autrefois eprouvé, ayant eu (ou les siens) à tel besoin la rencontre d'un Ellan, & encore vne autrefois vne Baleine échouée.
So, in this necessity, he began to pray to God, after having sent his daughter to see if there were any signs of fish in the mill-creek. He had not been a long time in prayer, when lo, his daughter comes running back crying in a loud voice, Nouchich', Beggin pech'kmok, Beggin ëta pech'kmok; that is, "Father, the herring have come; the herring have come indeed." And he saw effectually, and to his satisfaction, God's care over his own. He (or some of his family) also had proof of this upon another occasion, in a like time of need, when he encountered an Elk, and another time a stranded Whale.
Qui voudra nier que ce ne soit vn special soin de la providence de Dieu envers les siens, quand il enuoya au Sieur de Poutrincourt le secours desiré le iour de la Pentecoste derniere, duquel nous avons fait mention cy-dessus?
Who will deny that it was a special manifestation of the providence of God towards his own, when he sent to Sieur de Poutrincourt the desired help upon the day of last Pentecost, of which we have made mention above?
Ie ne veux rememorer ce que i'ay écrit en mon Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, livre 4. chap. 4. de la merveille avenuë au premier voyage du Sieur de Monts en la personne de Maitre Nicolas Aubri Prestre d'vne bonne famille de Paris, lequel fut se[i]ze iours perdu dans les bois, & au bout dudit temps trouvé fort extenué, à la verité, mais encore vivant, & vit encore à present, aymant singulierement les entreprises qui se font pour ce païs là, où le desit [39] le porte plus 186 qu'il ne fit iamais, comme aussi tous autres qui y ont fait voyage, lesquels i'ay préque tous veux desireux d'y hazarder leur fortune, si Dieu leur ouvroit le chemin pour y faire quelque chose. A quoy les grans ne veulent point entendre, & les petits n'ont les ailes assez fortes pour voler iusques là. Neantmoins c'est chose étrange & incroyable de la resolution tant dudit Sieur de Monts, que dudit Sieur de Poutrincourt, le premier desquels a toujours continué depuis dix ans d'envoyer par delà: & le second, nonobstant les difficultez que nous avons recitées ci-dessus, n'a laissé d'y r'envoyer nouuellement, attendant ici le renouveau, pour aller revoir les gens. Dieu doint à l'vn & à l'autre le moyen de faire chose qui reüsisse à la gloire de son nom, & au bien des pauvres peuples que nous appellons Sauvages.
A DIEV SEVL HONNEVR
ET GLOIRE.
I will not repeat what I have written in my History of New France, book 4, chap. 4, of the wonderful thing which happened, during Sieur de Monts' first sojourn, to Master Nicolas Aubry,46 Priest, of a good family in Paris, who was sixteen days lost in the woods, and at the end of that time was found, very much emaciated, in truth, but still living; and he is living yet, and is singularly devoted to the enterprises being carried on in behalf of that country, whither his [39] desires more than ever attract him, as well as all others who have once made the voyage; these I have observed are almost all desirous of risking their fortunes there, if God would open up the way for them to do something. To this the great do not care to lend their ears, and the small have not wings strong enough to fly so far. Nevertheless there is something strange and incredible in the perseverance of both Sieur de Monts and Sieur de Poutrincourt; the former having continued to send expeditions over there for ten years; and the latter, in spite of the difficulties enumerated above, having recently sent over another one, awaiting here the return of spring, to go again to see his people. May God grant to both the means of doing something which may succeed to the glory of his name, and to the welfare of the poor people whom we call Savages.
TO GOD ALONE THE HONOR
AND GLORY.
Par grace & Priuilege du Roy, il est permis à Iean Millot Marchant Libraire en l'Vniversité de Paris, d'imprimer, ou faire imprimer, vendre & distribuer par tout nostre Royaume tant de fois qu'il luy plaira, en telle forme ou charactere que bõ luy semblera, vn liure intitulé Histoire de la Nouvelle-France contenant les nauigations faites par les François és Indes Occidentales, & terres-neuves de la Nouuelle-France, & les decouuertes par eux faites esditz lieux, A quoy sont adjoutées les Muses de la Nouvelle France. Ensemble plusieurs Chartes en taille douce, où sont les figures des Provinces, & Ports, & autres choses seruans a ladicte Histoire, composée par Marc Lescarbot Advocat en la Cour de Parlement. Et ce jusques au temps & terme de six ans finis & accomplis, à cõpter du jour que ledit livre sera achevé d'imprimer. Pendant lequel tẽps defenses sont faictes à tous Imprimeurs, Libraires, & autres de quelque estat, qualité ou condition qu'ils soient, de non imprimer, vendre, contrefaire, ou alterer ledit liure, ou aucune partie d'iceluy, sur peine de cõfiscation des exemplaires, & de quinze cens livres d'amende appliquable moitié à nous, & moitié aux pauvres de l'hostel Dieu de cette ville de Paris, & despens, dommages, & interests dudit exposant: Nonobstant toute clameur de Haro, Charte Normande, Privileges, lettres ou autres appellations & oppositiõs formees à ce contraires faictes ou a faire. Et veut en outre ledit Seigneur, qu'en mettant vn extraict dudit Privilege au cōmencement, ou à la fin dudit livre, il soit 190 tenu pour deuëment signifié, cõme plus amplement est declaré par les patentes de sa Majesté. Donné à Paris le 27. iour de Novembre, l'an de grace 1608. Et de nostre regne l'vnziéme.
Par le Roy en son Conseil.
Signé, Brigard.
By the grace and Prerogative of the King, permission is granted to Jean Millot, Bookseller in the University of Paris, to print or to have printed, to sell and distribute throughout all our Kingdom, as often as he may desire, in such form or character as he may see fit, a book entitled, History of New France, containing the voyages made by the French to the West Indies, and new countries of New France, and the discoveries made by them in said places. To which are added The Muses of New France. Also a number of Charts in copper-plate, which represent the Provinces, Ports, and other things appertaining to said History, composed by Marc Lescarbot, Advocate in the Court of Parliament. And this to remain valid until the expiration of six full and complete years, counting from the day upon which said book shall be finished. During said period of time, all Printers, Booksellers, and other persons of whatsoever rank, quality, or condition, are prohibited from publishing, selling, imitating, or changing said book, or any part thereof, under penalty of confiscation of the copies, and of fifteen hundred livres fine, one half of which is to be paid to us, and one half to the poor of the public hospital of this city of Paris, together with the costs, damages and interests of the aforesaid petitioner. Notwithstanding all cries of Haro, Norman Charter, Licenses, letters, or other appeals and counter-claims, opposed to this, now or in future.47 And His Majesty also wills that in placing an extract from said License in the beginning or at the end of said book, it shall be regarded as a notice duly served, as has been more fully described in the patents of his Majesty. Given in Paris the 27th day of November, in the year of grace 1608, and of our reign the eleventh.
By the King in Council.
Signed, Brigard.
[Facsimile of Champlain's perspective sketch of fort at Port Royal, from "Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain" (Paris, 1613).]
Lyons: CLAUDE CAYNE, 1618
Source: We follow the general style of O'Callaghan's Reprint No. 6. The Title and Tabula Rerum are the work of that Editor. The Text is from the original volume of Annuæ Litteræ Societatis Iesu, Anni CIↃ IↃC XII, pp 562-605, in the Riggs Library, Georgetown, D. C. The bracketed pagination is that of the Annuæ; that in Roman, of O'Callaghan.
RELATIO
Rervm Gestarum
IN
Novo-Francica Missione
Annis 1613 & 1614.
Ex Annvis Litteris Societatis Iesv impressis
LVGDVNI,
Apvd Clavdivm Cayne,
typographvm.
CIↃ IↃC XIIX
A RELATION
Of Occurrences
IN THE
Mission of New France
DURING THE YEARS 1613 AND 1614.
From the Published Annual Letters of the Society of Jesus
LYONS,
Claude Cayne,
PRINTER.
1618
| Pag. | ||
| I | QUID sit Nova Francia | 1 |
| II | De climate | 2 |
| III | De moribus gentivm | 4 |
| IV | De prima exploratione Novæ Franciæ | 4 |
| V | De situ, flvviis et incolis | 5 |
| VI | De promontorijs, de quinqve Francorvm domicilijs | 8 |
| De ortu domicilij Sancti Saluatoris ad ostivm amnis Pentegoetij | 9 | |
| VII | Appvlvnt nostri ad Portvm Regalem | 16 |
| VIII | De laboribus nostrorvm | 17 |
| IX | De rebvs angvstis | 25 |
| X | Patres radices legvnt et pisces ad svstentvm domicilij [iv] | 36 |
| XI | Saussæus ex Francia solvit ad novas missionis sedes collocandas et Sancti Saluatoris domicilivm inchoat | 37 |
| XII | De impetu Anglorum in missionem Sancti Saluatoris et de ruina Sanctæ Crucis et Regii Portis arcium | 41 |
| XIII | Patres in Virginiam et inde in Angliam deportati | 53 |
| XIV | Svmma rervm in Novo-Francica missione gestarvm | 59 |
| Page. | ||
| I | WHAT New France is | 1 |
| II | Climate | 2 |
| III | Customs of the people | 4 |
| IV | First exploration of New France | 4 |
| V | Location, rivers, and inhabitants | 5 |
| VI | The capes; the five settlements of the French | 8 |
| Origin of the settlement of St. Sauveur at the mouth of the river Pentegoët | 9 | |
| VII | Our fathers land at Port Royal | 16 |
| VIII | Labors of our fathers | 17 |
| IX | Their hardships | 25 |
| X | The Fathers gather roots and fish for the support of the colony [iv] | 36 |
| XI | La Saussaye leaves France for the purpose of establishing new missionary stations, and begins the settlement of St. Sauveur | 37 |
| XII | Attack of the English upon the mission of St. Sauveur, and destruction of the forts of Ste. Croix and Port Royal | 41 |
| XIII | The Fathers are carried to Virginia and thence to England | 53 |
| XIV | Summary of occurrences, in the mission of New France | 59 |
NOVA FRANCIA, Brasiliæ ac Peruuio continens ad Boream vastissima regio, Aquitanico Galliæ littori ad occasum obuersa, directas ab Occidente in Orientem, & contrà, lineas cum [563] nostra Francia communes habet; ab eaque non ita longo maris traiectu octingentarum, aut is vbi latissimus est, mille leucarum dirimitur interuallo. Ex huiusmodi oppositu & vicinitate nostratis Frãciæ, Nouam Franciam maiores eam appellarunt; cui nomenclationi & illa altera, rei maximè congruens, accessit ex euentu causa, quòd eam terrarum adhuc incognitam oram primi mortalium Franci nostrates deprehenderunt, crebrísque nauigationibus, centum eóque ampliùs abhinc annis, frequentarunt. Canadiæ verò nomen, quod vulgò vniuersam in eam regionem confertur, eius modò plagæ Septemtrionalis proprium est, quæ Canadæ fluminis, & nobilis sinus, cui à Sancto Laurentio nomen est, copiosis aquis alluitur. Enimuerò vniuersæ Nouæ Franciæ amplitudo, nunc, ad Floridæ confinia, multò licet quam nuper contractior, vndequadragesimo tamen gradu, versùs Austrum, determinatur: vltráque nostratis Franciæ latitudinem non paucis leucis porrigitur: exinde autem ignotis adhuc finibus in Aquilonem, sicut & immẽsis tractibus in Sinicum mare ad Occidentem excurrit: quà denique Eurum spectat, nostro Aquitanico Oceano, Britannicóque, ipsi linearum parallelis obiecto, definitur.
NEW FRANCE, an immense region adjoining Brazil and Peru on the North, and opposite the coast of Aquitaine in a westerly direction, is situated between the same parallels of latitude as [563] is our France; and is separated from it by the very moderate voyage of 800 leagues, or, where the ocean is broadest, of 1,000 leagues. Because it is thus opposite and near to our France, our ancestors called it New France; and for this nomenclature another especially appropriate reason occurred in the good fortune by which our French fellow-countrymen were the first to take possession of this hitherto unknown region, and visited it in frequent voyages more than a hundred years ago. But the name of Canada, which is commonly given to this entire country, belongs only to that Northern region which is washed by the abundant waters of the river Canada,48 and of the noble gulf which is called St. Lawrence. Indeed, the whole territory of New France, although now much more confined than formerly, towards the frontiers of Florida, is nevertheless bounded on the South by the thirty-ninth parallel, and extends many leagues beyond the breadth of our France. Moreover, it stretches with yet unknown limits towards the North, and in vast expanses to the Chinese sea on the West; finally it is bounded Eastward by our Aquitanian and Breton Ocean, lying opposite and between the same parallels.
200 Caeli eadem omnino, quæ nostri Gallici temperatio, ex ea ratione Climatis eiusdem, quam indicauimus, inesse illi regioni debet, vti reuera inest. Soli autem quin par quoque sit ratio, nihil prohiberet, si iugis adesset campestris terræ cultura: & perpetuarum ferè siluarum abesset densa opacitas. [564] Nam opima omnino vniuersi terreni viscera, facilè prodit ingens arborum amplitudo, atque proceritas: summam quoque glebam vbertate multa pinguem, tota planitie camporum, hilariter herbescens terræ viriditas ostendit.
There ought to be in that region the same sort of Climate in every respect as that of our France, from the fact, as we pointed out, of its similar situation, and this is actually the case. Moreover, there is no reason why the soil should not be equally fertile, if the cultivation of the plains were long continued upon the uplands, and if it were not for the dense shades of the almost unbroken forests. [564] For the subsoil of the whole country is very rich, as trees of immense size and height readily demonstrate. That the surface-soil is also endued with great fertility is shown by the pleasing luxuriance of the vegetation over all the plains.
Gens ea distinctis lingua & sede multis populis continetur, nulla vsquam consiliorum aut fortunarum communione deuinctis: nulla nec lege, nec arte; nullo nisi piscatus, & venatus vitæ subsidio instructis: vix vlla Numinis cogitatione, aut salutis cura informatis: ad omne opus ignauis: stupidis ad artes, quæ ingenio aut memoria nitantur: in summa, belluinis pænè hominibus constat ea natio. Populus cum longinquo propinquóve populo vix habet commercium, nisi quod bello inferendo, aut defendendo potest interuenire. Immo, neque idem populus, eadem loci regione, ac tugurioram vicinitate iunctus, fermè vnquam coire solet, nisi vt de armis, aduersùm communes hostes capita conferat. Exterarum verò nationum Francicam vnam ferè suos in portus admittunt, Fibrinis, atque huiusmodi pellibus suis distrahendis, necessariáque veste, ac supellectile permutandis.
The people comprise many tribes diverse in language and situation, united by no mutual purposes or interests; possessing neither laws nor arts, and knowing no other means of gaining a livelihood than by fishing and hunting; having almost no conception of Deity or concern for salvation; indolent in every occupation, and dull in those pursuits which depend upon talent or memory. On the whole, the race consists of men who are hardly above the beasts. One tribe hardly ever has intercourse with another, either distant or near, except such as may arise in the prosecution of offensive or defensive warfare. Even the members of the same tribe, united by a common location and the vicinity of their dwellings, are seldom accustomed to meet together, except to take measures concerning war against a common enemy. Of foreign nations, the French are almost the only people whom they admit to their harbors, for the sake of disposing of their Beaver skins and other peltries, in exchange for necessary clothing and utensils.
Hanc noui orbis partem ex Francis nauarchis primi explorarunt Britones, anno quarto post millesimum 202 quingentesimum; de qua vbi renunciauerant, eius repetendæ nauigationis, vel comites, vel æmulatores habuerunt deinceps frequentissimè, tum Normannos, turn cæteros Gallici Oceani accolas. Vndeuicesimo pòst anno, Ioannes Verazanus [565] Florentinus, vicesimo item, ac tricesimo quarto Iacobus Quartierus Gallus, Brito, cum imperio missi ab Francisco Primo, Gallorum Rege, ipsius auspiciis occupatam regionem illam, eius posterorumque Regum iurisdictioni vindicarunt, cuius possessionem, per interualla sussectæ aliæ atque aliæ Francorum expeditiones, in hanc vsque diem Gallorum Regibus asserere perseuerarunt. De nostris verò missi quoque sunt anno superiore, qui Henrici Quarti auctoritate populos, Francico nomini amicitia & Societate iunctos, ac reliquos etiam Canadios, Euangelij tanto sanctiore fœdere, Christo regum regi deuincirent. Quo de negotio antè quàm instituamus dicere, præter ea quæ generatim complexi sumus, necesse est de loco ac gente sigillatim quædam capita enucleatiùs explicemus.
Among French navigators, the Bretons first explored this part of the new world in 1504;49 and after they brought back reports of it, they had in subsequent voyages thither, many companions or rivals,—not only the Normans, but also other dwellers on the Sea-coast of France. In the nineteenth and also in the twentieth year thereafter, John Verazano, [565] a Florentine; and, in the thirty-fourth year thereafter, Jacques Quartier, a Frenchman of Brittany, were sent as commanders by Francis I., King of France; and, by the occupation of this region under his authority, brought it under the jurisdiction of that King, and also of his successors. Various French expeditions, sent out at intervals, continue to this day to maintain that possession for the Kings of France. Some of our brethren were also sent last year in order, by the authority of Henry IV., to unite the tribes joined in friendship and Alliance with the French, and also the remaining Canadians, by the far holier tie of the Gospel, to Christ, the king of kings. Before we begin to speak concerning this undertaking, we must, in addition to our general description, explain more fully some matters concerning the country and people.
Nova Francia Gallis adeuntibus gemino littore patet; altero, quod angusta fronte Oceano nostro, & Orienti obtenditur: altero, quod productiore tractu ad Floridæ vsque confinia Austro obiacet. Istud latus portubus, atque ostiis fluminum frequens est, quibus commodè penetrari possit in regionis mediterranea, & hàc ferè Galli terras illas ineunt: illud verò, Franciæ nostræ obiectum littus, quoniam oppositu ingentis insulæ, quam Nouam Terram appellant, importuosum pænè est, ea regione nostrates non subeunt. Eius 204 orbis vastissimã planitiem ingentissimi aluei, aquis copiosissimum flumen irrigat, directo limite ab vltimo pænè occasu ad ortum, quoad angusto freto ad insulam Terræ [566] Nouæ, ipsiúsque insulæ oppositu, eius ostia in Austrinum littus inflectantur. Ei fluuio gentile nomen est Sacqué, Sanctum Laurentium Galli appellarunt; cuius caput ampliùs quingentis inde leucis indigenæ ab lacu in trecentas patente leucas repetunt. In hunc amnium principem alij amnes nobiles ab Aquilone influunt, nempe Saguenaiüm, Tergeminus amnis, seu tres amnes, simul coëuntes, Algomequium, & cæteri non pauci. Saguenaij quingentarum, Tergemini quadringentarum leucarum nauigatio longè porrigitur in Boream. E montibus, ad ripam Austrinam Saquéi amnis, transuersi feruntur in Meridianum Oceani littus alij quoque fluuij celebres; vnde populis, atque illius tractus regionibus plerisque gentilia ducta sunt nomina; sed eorum nonnullis sui moris appellationes Franci posteà indiderunt. Fluuij autem sunt hi ad Austrum conuersi, Sanctus Ioannes, Pentegoëtius, Quinibequius, Choüacoetius, Norembega, quem postremum amnem Champlænius eumdem ac Pentegoetium esse contendit. Populi trans Saquéum, Sanctúmve-Laurentium, versùs Aquilonem, non procul illius ostiis, sunt Canadij & Excomminquij: longè verò ab his, eadem Boreali ripa, versùs occasum, è regione Floridæ, incolunt Algomeguij, atque Ochasteguij. Cis Sanctum-Laurentium, in Australi ora degunt item Canadij, ad ipsum magni amnis flexum, ab Euro in Austrum declinãtis. Post eos ad Occasum 206 vergũt Souriquij, Acadiæ regionis incolæ: deinde ad Pentegoetium, seu Norembegam fluuium, Pentegoetij: [567] ad horum dextram, Occasum spectantium, circa Quebecum arcem, Montagnetij: post Pentegoetios recto tractu Eteminquij, ad amnem Quinibequium: inde Almochiquij ad flumen Choüacoetium, latissimis campis diffusi: denique inter Floridam, & Sacquéum magnum amnem, Iroquij campestribus, montosisque locis latissimè habitant. Reliquos Nouæ Franciæ populos multos, præsertim trans magnum Sacquéum amnem, Aquilonares, Galli nostrates non nisi ex auditione norunt. Ex notis autem, amicos, ac pæne Socios habent Souriquios, Eteminquios, Montagnetios, Almochiquios, Algomequios, & Ochasteguios: istis capitales hostes Iroquios, hostili quoque in se animo experiuntur, eo maximè nomine, quòd Iroquiis Galli cum ipsorum hostibus bellum intulerint. Horum quidem populorum soli agriculturam, inscienter tamen, exercent Almochiquij, Iroquij, & Ochasteguij, miliumque Indicum, & fabam Brasilicam ferunt.
New France presents to the French, as they approach it, two coasts, one which borders with a narrow frontage upon our Ocean to the East; and another far longer, which extends Southward to the confines of Florida. The former side abounds in bays and estuaries, by which one may readily penetrate into the interior; by these routes the French usually enter these regions; but, since the other coast, lying opposite our France, is rendered almost inaccessible by the intervention of a great island which they call Newfoundland, our people do not approach in that direction. The immense plain in that quarter is watered by a river of vast size and mighty volume, its course directly eastward from almost the farthest west, until, by reason of the narrow strait at the island of Newfoundland [566] and the opposition of the island itself, its mouth is broadly curved towards the Southern coast. The native name of that river is Sacqué;50 the French have called it St. Lawrence; its source the natives seek more than 500 leagues distant, in a lake 300 leagues in width. Into this main stream other noble rivers flow from the North, such as the Saguenay,51 the Three Rivers,52—or three rivers flowing together,—the Algomequi,53 and many others. These rivers are open for navigation far Northward—the Saguenay five hundred leagues, the Three Rivers four hundred leagues, From the mountains54 upon the Southern bank of the Sacqué River other notable streams flow across to the Southern coast of the Ocean, and from these the native names for most of the tribes and districts of that region are derived; but upon some of them the French afterward conferred names after their own fashion. The rivers flowing Southward are the St. John, Pentegoët, Quinibequi, Choüacoet,11 and Norembega, which last stream Champlain55 asserts to be the same as the Pentegoët. The tribes across the Sacqué or St. Lawrence, towards the North, not far from its mouth, are the Canadis56 and Excomminquis;10 but at a distance from these, on the same Northern shore, toward the west, in the direction of Florida, dwell the Algomeguis57 and the Ochasteguis.58 Across the St Lawrence, on the Southern bank, the Canadi live also, directly at the bend of the great river, which turns from the East towards the South.59 Beyond them, toward the West, lie the Souriquois, inhabitants of the country of Acadia;60 thence, toward the Pentegoët or Norembega River, the Pentegoëts;6 [567] to their right, looking Westward, about the fortress at Quebec,59 the Montagnais; beyond the Pentegoëts; directly toward the Quinibequi River, the Eteminquis; then the Almochiquois, at the Choüacoet River, scattered over a very extensive region; finally, between Florida and the great Sacqué River, the Iroquois inhabit enormous tracts of both level and mountainous country. Many of the remaining tribes of New France, especially those of the North, across the great Sacqué River, our French countrymen know only from hearsay. Among those whom they know, however, they have secured as friends, and almost as allies, the Souriquois, Eteminquis, Montagnais, Almochiquois, Algomequois, and Ochasteguis. The Iroquois, who are deadly enemies of these tribes, prove hostile to the French also, mainly because the latter have waged war against them, in company with their enemies. Certain of these tribes—the Almochiquois, Iroquois, and Ochasteguis—practice agriculture, though unskillfully, and plant Indian corn and the Brazilian bean.61
Promontoria celebria Franciam Nouam ineuntibus Meridiano littore occurrunt, Britonicum, ad ipsa ostia magni amnis, hoc est Sancti Laurentij; ab hoc deinde Heuæum, Arietinum, Sabulosum, Bifidum, Sanctus Ludouicus, Album, Sancta Helena. Eamdem oram à Promontorio Britonico legentibus obuij fiunt portus, Campsæus, Sesambræus, Regius, Pulcher. Mediterranea verò per Sacquéum amnem, & Canadiæ fines subire volentibus, præteruehenda sunt, Britonicum, ad ostia eiusdem fluuij; Sanctus-Laurentius; Episcopium, 208 [568] Chatæum, & alia nonnulla promontoria: Tadoussacus denique portus ad Saguenaij fluminis ostia Sacqéum ineuntis.
Numerous headlands meet those who approach New France by the Southern coast: Breton, at the very mouth of the great river St. Lawrence; next in order, La Hève, Mouton, Sable, Fourchu, St. Louis, Blanc, Ste. Hélène.62 Those who coast along the same shore from Cape Breton meet the harbors called Campseau, Sesambre, Port Royal, and Beaubassin.63 But those who wish to journey inland, beyond the borders of Canada, by way of the Sacqué river, must pass Cape Breton, at the mouth of the St. Lawrence; Cap de l'Evêque, [568] Cap Chat,64 and some other headlands,—finally reaching Tadoussac bay, at the mouth of the Saguenay river, where it enters the Sacqué.
Porrò in tam immenso terrarum ambitu, frequentibus expeditionibus, annis ampliùs centum, Franci domicilia omnino quinque constituerunt, quorum primum posuit Iacobus Quartierus posteriore sua nauigatione, non ad Sanctæ Crucis, quæ nunc est, importuosas angustias, & cautes: sed in iis pænè vestigiis vbi nunc est Quebecum, Sancta Cruce quindenis leucis citerius. Altertum Petrus du Gas, dominus de Monts, anno quarto supra millesimum sexcentesimum erexit, in angusta insula, inter Eteminquios, in Australi propemodum littore: cui domicilio ac insulæ nomen Sancta Crux indidit. Idem eodem anno, in quasi peninsula, oræ Acadicæ, ad Regium Portum, eiusdem nominis exiguam arcem fossa & aggere munitam exstruxit. Portus Regius, & portui cognominis arx, sunt in ea, quam Franciam Baïam vocant, centum quinquaginta leucis à Campsæo promontorio, leucas octo intra continentem. Baïa scilicet Francis, sicut Hispanis, est amplior terræ sinus ad oram maris, aut fluminis maioris, angulato orbiculatóve recessu, influenti aquæ ad interiora continentis præbens aditum. In extremo Francico Sinu portus est octingentorum passuum ostio peruius, duas leucas longus, vnam latus, duûm millium capax maiorum nauium, cui ab nobilitate Regius Portus nomen à Champlænio Franco est inditum. Tertiam sedem quarto pòst anno condidit dominus de [569] Monts ad Quebecium cornu, in 210 Australi ripa Sacquéi amnis, è regione Aurelianæ insulæ, in Montagnetiorum solo; quam arcem Champlænius, qui operi præfuit, Quebecum à soli nomine appellauit, & eodem pænè loco Sanctam Crucem Iacobi Quartieri arcem olim conditam fuisse obseruauit. Quinti & vltimi Francici domicilij fundamenta Patres nostri iaciebant, ad ostium amnis Pentegoetij, cùm ab irrumpentibus Anglis opere prohibiti, atque in captiuitatem contra fas, & ius gentium abducti sunt. Iis ad hunc modum præmissis capitibus, quæ alioqui moratura erant institutam rerum narrationem, ad susceptam à Patribus nostris Canadicam expeditionem stylum conferamus.
Moreover, in this great extent of territory, by means of numerous expeditions and in more than a century, the French have established only five settlements;65 the first of these was founded by Jacques Quartier during his last voyage, not at the inaccessible narrows and rocks of the place now called Saincte Croix,66 but in almost the very spot where now stands Quebec, fifteen leagues on this side of Ste. Croix. Another was built by Pierre du Gas, sieur de Monts, in the year 1604, upon a small island, among the Eteminquis, close to their Southern shore, to which settlement and island he gave the name of Saincte Croix. He also in the same year, upon a sort of peninsula on the Acadian coast, near Port Royal, erected a small fort of the same name, defended by a ditch and a rampart. Port Royal, and the fort of the same name as the harbor, are on what is called French Bay, one hundred and fifty leagues from Cape Campseau, eight leagues from the sea. A bay among the French, as among the Spanish, is a large indentation in the land at the shore of the sea or of a great river, angular or round in shape, giving the waters entrance to the interior regions. At the head of French Bay is a harbor, reached by a channel three-quarters of a mile long; it is two leagues long and one wide, capable of receiving 2,000 large ships, and because of its majestic appearance was named Port Royal by the Frenchman Champlain. A third settlement was founded by sieur de [569] Monts, four years later, at the point of Quebec, on the Southern bank of the Sacqué river, near the isle of Orleans,67 in the territory of the Montagnais; Champlain, who was in charge of the work, called this fort Quebec, from the name of the district,41 and observed that in almost the same place Jacques Quartier's post of Ste. Croix had in former days been built. Our Fathers were laying the foundations of the fifth and last French settlement at the mouth of the Pentegoët river, when they were prevented from prosecuting the work by a descent of the English, and carried off into captivity, contrary to justice and the law of nations. These details, which otherwise would have delayed the orderly narrative of events, having been thus first explained, let us devote our pen to the Canadian expedition undertaken by our Fathers.