Title: The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. 2: Acadia, 1612-1614
Editor: Reuben Gold Thwaites
Release date: March 29, 2014 [eBook #45256]
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Language: English
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The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents
Travels and Explorations
of the Jesuit Missionaries
in New France
1610-1791
THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES
EDITED BY
REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin
Vol. II
Acadia: 1612-1614
CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers
Company, PUBLISHERS, M DCCCXCVI
Copyright, 1896
by
The Burrows Brothers Co
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
The Imperial Press, Cleveland
| Editor | Reuben Gold Thwaites |
| Translator from the French | John Cutler Covert |
| Assistant Translator from the French | Mary Sifton Pepper |
| Translators from the Latin | { William Frederic Giese |
| { John Dorsey Wolcott | |
| Translator from the Italian | Mary Sifton Pepper |
| Assistant Editor | Emma Helen Blair |
| Preface To Volume II | 1 | |
| Documents:— | ||
| IX. | Lettre au R. P. Provincial, à Paris. Pierre Biard; Port Royal, January 31, 1612 | 3 |
| X. | Missio Canadensis. Epistola ex Porturegali in Acadia, transmissa ad Praepositvm Generalem Societatis Jesu. Pierre Biard; Port Royal, January 31, 1612 | 57 |
| XI. | Relation Dernière de ce qui s'est Passé au Voyage du Sieur de Potrincourt. Marc Lescarbot; Paris, 1612 | 119 |
| XII. | Relatio Rervm Gestarum in Novo-Francica Missione, Annis 1613 & 1614 | 193 |
| Bibliographical Data: Volume II | 287 | |
| Notes | 291 | |
| I. | Photographic facsimile of General Map, from Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain, (Paris, 1613) | Facing 56 |
| II. | Photographic facsimile of Map of Port Royal, from Ibid | Facing 118 |
| III. | Photographic facsimile of title-page, Lescarbot's Relation Dernière | 122 |
| IV. | Photographic facsimile of plan of Fort at Port Royal, from Ibid | Facing 192 |
Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume:
IX. The indefatigable Biard presents, herein, a graphic recital of his work among the Acadian savages, and particularly his journeys into the wilderness. His report of a trip with a party of Port Royalists to French trading posts on the St. Croix and St. John rivers, to an Etchemin town probably on the site of the present Castine, Me., and to an English fishing station on the Kennebec, is full of interest.
X. Herein, Biard sends to the general of his order a full report concerning: (1) New France, its physical characteristics, and its aborigines; (2) the circumstances attending the opening of the Jesuit mission in Acadia; (3) Fléché's work previous to the coming of the Jesuits; (4) visits to savage tribes by Massé and himself, with descriptions of conversions and baptisms, and a statement of the conditions and prospects of spiritual work among the aborigines.
XI. Lescarbot's Relation Dernière gives an account of Poutrincourt's voyage to New France, in 1610; of the conversion and baptism of the savage chief, Membertou, and others, by the priest, Fléché; of Biencourt's return to France; and of the experiences of Poutrincourt at Port Royal. The writer praises Poutrincourt for his exertions in Canada in behalf of both religion and civilization; and urges that he should be aided in his colonial enterprise, as a necessary basis for religious work in this portion of the New World. He gives a list of the sponsors of the baptized Indians, who included many of the French nobility and clergy. The life at Port Royal is pictured in some detail; its labors and privations are dwelt upon; and the customs of the natives described. Lescarbot does not fail, although cautiously, to exhibit his dislike of the Jesuits, and endeavors to show that their coming to Port Royal involved delay and expense to the colonial enterprise, thereby injuring Poutrincourt. Our author's closing chapter devoutly catalogues the "Effects of God's Grace in New France;" he describes how Providence cared for the colonists in their distress, saved them from shipwreck, kindly disposed the savages toward them and the Christian religion, and returned to the Frenchmen their ship, in time to prevent starvation. The rescue of Aubry is also mentioned.
XII. The Relatio Rerum Gestarum (1613 & 1614) opens with a description of New France, its geography, its climate, its peoples and their customs. The experience of the Jesuit fathers at Port Royal is related at length, from their own point of view. A description is given of the settlement of St. Sauveur, on Mount Desert Island, and its destruction by the Virginian, Argall. Then follows an account of the life of the Jesuit prisoners, in Virginia and England. The conclusion is reached that, despite these drawbacks, the Jesuit mission in Canada has made a hopeful beginning.
R. G. T.
Madison, Wis., September, 1896.
Port Royal, Janvier 31, 1612
Source: Reprinted from Carayon's Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada, pp. 44-76.
(Copiée sur l'autographe conservé dans les archives du Jésus, à Rome.)
Port-Royal, 31 janvier 1612.
Mon Reverend Pere,
Pax Christi.
S'il nous failloit entrer en compte devant Dieu et Vostre Reverence du geré et negocié par nous en ceste nouvelle acquisition du Fils de Dieu, ceste nouvelle France et Chrestienté, depuis nostre arrivée jusques à ce commencement de nouvel an, je ne doubte point certes, qu'en la sommation et calcul final, la perte ne surmontast les profits; le despensé follement en offençant, le bien et sagement ménagé en obeyssant, et le receu des talents, graces et tolerances divines, le mis et employé au royal et amiable service de nostre grand et autant bening Createur. Neantmoins, d'autant que (comme je croy) nos ruines n'édifiroyent personne, et nos rentes n'establiroyent aucun, il vaudroit mieux que pour le malacquitté, nous le plorions à part; [45] pour le receu, nous imitions le metayer d'iniquité loué par Nostre Seigneur en l'Evangile, sçavoir est que, faisant part à autruy des biens de nostre Maistre, nous nous en faisions des amis, et que communiquant à plusieurs ce qui est d'édification en ces premiers fondemens de Chrestienté, nous obtenions plusieurs intercesseurs envers Dieu, et fauteurs de cet œuvre. Mesme que ce faisant, nous ne defrauderons en rien la debte, ainsy 6 que fit le Censier inique, baillant à plusieurs le bien de Nostre Maistre avec profit, et peut-estre acquitterons par ceste œconomie une partie des redevances et de leur surcroy. Ainsy soit-il.
(Copied from the autograph preserved in the archives of Jesus, at Rome.)
Port Royal, January 31, 1612.
My Reverend Father,
The peace of Christ be with you.
Were we compelled to give an account before God and Your Reverence of our administration and our transactions in this newly acquired kingdom of the Son of God, this new France and new Christendom, from the time of our arrival up to the beginning of this new year, I certainly do not doubt that, in the aggregate and final summing up, the loss would exceed the profits; the foolish cost of transgression, the goodness and wisdom of obedience; and the reception of divine talents, graces, and indulgence would exceed their outlay and use in the royal and agreeable service of our great and so benign Creator. Nevertheless, inasmuch as (I believe) no one would be edified by our losses, or greatly benefited by our gains, it is better that we mourn our losses apart; [45] as to our receipts, we shall be like the unjust steward commended by Our Lord in the Gospels, namely, by sharing our Master's goods with others we shall make them our friends; and in communicating to many what is edifying in these early foundations of Christianity, we shall obtain intercessors with God and supporters of this work. Yet in doing this we shall in no wise diminish the debt, as did the wicked Steward, giving out Our Master's goods with profit; but we shall, perhaps, by this prudence acquit ourselves of a part of the dues and interests. So be it.
Aujourd'huy, 22 Ianvier, 1612, neuf [huict] mois sont passez dés notre arrivée en ceste nouvelle France. Peu aprés nostre arrivée, i'escrivy l'estat auquel nous avons retrouvé ceste Eglise et Colonie naissante. Voicy ce qui s'en est ensuivy.
To-day, January 22nd, 1612, eight1 months have passed since our arrival in this new France. Soon after that, I wrote you in regard to the condition in which we found this infant Church and Colony. Here is what followed:
Monsieur de Potrincourt s'en allant en France le mois de Iuin dernier, laissa icy son fils Monsieur de Biencourt, ieune seigneur de grande vertu et fort recommandable, avec environ 18 siens domestiques, et nous deux prestres de la Compagnie. Or la tasche et travail de nous deux prestres, selon nostre vocation, a esté, et icy dans la maison et habitation en residant, et dehors en voyageant. Commençons, comme l'on dict, de chez nous, de [46] la maison et habitation; puis nous sortirons dehors.
When Monsieur de Potrincourt went to France last June he left his son here, Monsieur de Biencourt, a young man of great integrity and of very estimable qualities, with about eighteen of his servants and us two priests of the Society. Now our duties and offices, in accordance with our calling as priests, have been performed while residing here at the house and settlement, and by making journeys abroad. Let us begin, as they say, at home, that is, at [46] the residence and settlement; then we shall go outside.
Icy donc nos exercices sont: dire messe tous les jours, la chanter solemnellement les dimanches et festes, avec les Vespres, et souvent la procession; faire prieres publiques matin et soir; exhorter, consoler, donner les sacremens, ensevelir les morts; enfin faire les offices de Curé, puisque autres prestres n'y a en ces quartiers que nous. Et de vray, bon besoing seroit que fussions meilleurs ouvriers de Nostre Seigneur; d'autant que gens de marine, tels que sont quasi nos paroissiens, sont assez d'ordinaire totalement insensibles au sentiment de leur ame, n'ayans marque de religion sinon leurs juremens et reniemens, ny cognoissance de Dieu sinon autant qu'en apporte la pratique connue de France, offusquée du libertinage et des objections et bouffonneries 8 mesdisantes des heretiques. D'où l'on peut aussy veoir, quelle esperance il y a de planter une belle chrestienté par tels evangelistes. La première chose que ces pauvres Sauvages apprennent, ce sont les juremens, parolles sales et injures; et orriés souvent les Sauvagesses (lesquelles autrement sont fort craintives et pudiques), mais vous les orriés souvent charger nos gens de grosses pourries et eshontées opprobres, en langage françois; non qu'elles en sachent la signification, ains seulement parce qu'elles voyent qu'en telles parolles est leur [47] commun rire et ordinaire passetemps. Et quel moyen de remedier à cecy en des hommes qui mesprennent (malparlent) avec (d'autant) plus d'abandon qu'ils mesprisent avec audace.
Here then are our occupations: to say mass every day, and to solemnly sing it sundays and holidays, together with Vespers, and frequently the procession; to offer public prayers morning and evening; to exhort, console, administer the sacraments, bury the dead; in short, to perform the offices of the Curate, since there are no other priests in these quarters. And in truth it would be much better if we were more earnest workers here for Our Lord, since sailors, who form the greater part of our parishioners are ordinarily quite deficient in any spiritual feeling, having no sign of religion except in their oaths and blasphemies, nor any knowledge of God beyond the simplest conceptions which they bring with them from France, clouded with licentiousness and the cavilings and revilings of heretics. Hence it can be seen what hope there is of establishing a flourishing christian church by such evangelists. The first things the poor Savages learn are oaths and vile and insulting words; and you will often hear the women Savages (who otherwise are very timid and modest), hurl vulgar, vile, and shameless epithets at our people, in the French language; not that they know the meaning of them, but only because they see that when such words are used there is [47] generally a great deal of laughter and amusement. And what remedy can there be for this evil in men whose abandonment to evil-speaking (or cursing) is as great as or greater than their insolence in showing their contempt?
A ces exercices chrestiens que nous faisons icy à l'habitation, assistent aucune fois les Sauvages, quand aucuns y en a dans le port. Ie dis, aucune fois, d'autant qu'ils n'y sont gueres stylés, non plus les baptisés que les payens, ne sçachant gueres davantage les uns que les autres faute d'instruction. Telle fut la cause pourquoy nous resolusmes dés nostre arrivée de ne point baptiser aucun adulte, sans que prealablement il ne fust bien catechisé. Or catechiser ne pouvons-nous avant que sçavoir le langage.
At these christian services which we conduct here at the settlement, the Savages are occasionally present, when some of them happen to be at the port. I say, occasionally, inasmuch as they are but little trained in the principles of the faith—those who have been baptized, no more than the heathen; the former, from lack of instruction, knowing but little more than the latter. This was why we resolved, at the time of our arrival, not to baptize any adults unless they were previously well catechized. Now in order to catechize we must first know the language.
De vray, Monsieur de Biancourt, qui entend le sauvage le mieux de tous ceux qui sont icy, a pris d'un grand zele, et prend chaque jour beaucoup de peine à nous servir de truchement. Mais, ne sçay comment, aussi tost qu'on vient à traitter de Dieu, il se sent le mesme que Moyse, l'esprit estonné, le gosier tary, et la langue nouée. La cause en est d'autant que ces sauvages n'ont point de religion formée, point de magistrature 10 ou police, point d'arts ou libéraux ou mechaniques, point de commerce ou vie civile; et par consequent les mots leur défaillent [48] des choses qu'ils n'ont jamais veues ou apprehendées.
It is true that Monsieur de Biancourt, who understands the savage tongue better than any one else here, is filled with earnest zeal, and every day takes a great deal of trouble to serve as our interpreter. But, somehow, as soon as we begin to talk about God he feels as Moses did,—his mind is bewildered, his throat dry, his tongue tied. The reason for this is that, as the savages have no definite religion, magistracy or government, liberal or mechanical arts, commercial or civil life, they have consequently no words to describe [48] things which they have never seen or even conceived.
D'avantage, comme rudes et incultes qu'ils sont, ils ont toutes leurs conceptions attachées aux sens et à la matiere; rien d'abstraict, interne, spirituel ou distinct. Bon, fort, rouge, noir, grand, dur, ils le vous diront en leur patois; bonté, force, rougeur, noircissure, ils ne scavent que c'est. Et pour toutes les vertus que vous leur sauriez dire, sagesse, fidelité, justice, misericorde, recognoissance, pieté, et autres, tout chez eux tout n'est sinon l'heureux, tendre amour, bon cœur. Semblablement un loup, un renard, un esquirieu, un orignac, ils les vous nommeront, et ainsy chaque espece de celle qu'ils ont, les quelles, hors les chiens, sont toutes sauvages; mais une beste, un animal, un corps, une substance, et ainsy les semblables universels et genres, cela est par trop docte pour eux.
Furthermore, rude and untutored as they are, all their conceptions are limited to sensible and material things; there is nothing abstract, internal, spiritual, or distinct. Good, strong, red, black, large, hard, they will repeat to you in their jargon; goodness, strength, redness, blackness—they do not know what they are. And as to all the virtues you may enumerate to them, wisdom, fidelity, justice, mercy, gratitude, piety, and others, these are not found among them at all except as expressed in the words happy, tender love, good heart. Likewise they will name to you a wolf, a fox, a squirrel, a moose, and so on to every kind of animal they have, all of which are wild, except the dog; but as to words expressing universal and generic ideas, such as beast, animal, body, substance, and the like, these are altogether too learned for them.
Ajoutez à cecy, s'il vous plaist, la grande difficulté qu'il y a de tirer d'eux les mots mesmes qu'ils ont. Car, comme ny eux ne sçavent nostre langage, ny nous le leur, sinon fort peu, touchant le commerce et vie commune, il nous faut faire mille gesticulations et chimagrées pour leur exprimer nos conceptions, et ainsy tirer d'eux quelques noms des choses qui ne se peuvent monstrer avec [49] le sens. Par exemple, penser, oublier, se ressouvenir, doubter: pour sçavoir ces quatre mots, il vous faudra donner beau rire à nos messieurs au moins toute une aprés-disner, en faisant le basteleur; et encore, aprés tout cela, vous trouverez-vous trompé et mocqué de nouveau, ayant eu, comme l'on dit, le mortier pour un niveau, et le 12 marteau pour la truelle. Enfin nous en sommes là encore, après plusieurs enquestes et travaux, à disputer s'ils ont aucune parolle qui corresponde droictement à ce mot Credo, je croy. Estimez un peu que c'est du reste du symbole et fondemens chrestiens.
Add to this, if you please, the great difficulty of obtaining from them even the words that they have. For, as they neither know our language nor we theirs, except a very little which pertains to daily and commercial life, we are compelled to make a thousand gesticulations and signs to express to them our ideas, and thus to draw from them the names of some of the things which cannot be pointed out [49] to them. For example, to think, to forget, to remember, to doubt; to know these four words, you will be obliged to amuse our gentlemen for a whole afternoon at least by playing the clown; and then, after all that; you will find yourself deceived, and mocked anew, having received, as the saying is, the mortar for the level, and the hammer for the trowel. In short we are still disputing, after a great deal of research and labor, whether they have any word to correspond directly to the word Credo, I believe. Judge for yourself the difficulty surrounding the remainder of the symbols and fundamental truths of christianity.
Or tout ce discours de la difficulté du langage, ne me servira pas seulement pour monstrer en quels efforts et ahan de langue nous sommes, ains aussy pour faire veoir à nos Europeans leur felicité mesme civile: car il est assuré qu'encore mesme enhanée,[I.] cette miserable nation demeure touiours en une perpetuelle enfance de langue et de raison. Ie dis, de langue et de raison, parce qu'il est évident que là où la parolle, messagere et despensière de l'esprit et discours, reste totalement rude, pauvre et confuse, il est impossible que l'esprit et raison soient beaucoup polis, abondans et en ordre. Cependant ces pauvres chetifs et enfants s'estiment [50] plus que tous les hommes de la terre, et pour rien du monde ne voudroyent quitter leur enfance et chetiveté. Mais ce n'est pas de merveille; car, comme j'ay dict, ils sont enfans.
Now all this talk about the difficulty of the language will not only serve to show how laborious is our task in learning it, but also will make our Europeans appreciate their own blessings, even in civil affairs; for it is certain that these miserable people, continually weakened by hardships [enhanée],[II.] will always remain in a perpetual infancy as to language and reason. I say language and reason, because it is evident that where words, the messengers and dispensers of thought and speech, remain totally rude, poor and confused, it is impossible that the mind and reason be greatly refined, rich, and disciplined. However, these poor weaklings and children consider themselves [50] superior to all other men, and they would not for the world give up their childishness and wretchedness. And this is not to be wondered at, for, as I have said, they are children.
Ne pouvans doncques pour encores baptiser les adultes, comme nous avons dict, nous restent les enfans, à qui appartient le royaume des cieux; ainsy nous les baptisons de la volonté des parens et soubs la caution des parrains. Et en cette façon, en avons jà baptisé quatre, Dieu mercy. Les adultes qui sont en extreme necessité, nous les instruisons autant que Dieu nous en donne le moyen; et la pratique nous a faict veoir, que lors Dieu supplée interieurement le défaut de son outil externe. Ainsy, une vieille femme dangereusement malade, et une jeune fille, 14 ont esté receues au nombre des enfans de Dieu. La vieille est encore debout; la fille est allée à Dieu.
Since we cannot yet baptize the adults, as we have said, there remain for us the children, to whom the kingdom of heaven belongs; these we baptize with the consent of their parents and the pledge of the god-parents. And under these conditions we have already, thank God, baptized four of them. We instruct the adults who are in danger of death, as far as God gives us the means to do so; and experience has shown us that then God inwardly supplements the defects of his exterior instruments. Thus, an old woman, dangerously ill, and a young girl have been added to the number of the children of God. The woman still lives, the girl has gone to Heaven.
Je vis cette fille de 8 a 9 ans, toute transie et n'ayant plus que la peau et les os. Je la demanday à ses parens pour la baptiser. Ils me respondirent que si je la voulois, ils me la donnoyent tout à faict. Car aussy bien, elle et un chien mort, c'estoit tout un. Ainsy parloyent-ils, d'autant que c'est leur coustume d'abandonner entierement ceux qu'ils ont une fois entierement jugés incurables. Nous acceptasmes l'offre, affin qu'ils vissent la difference du [51] Christianisme et de leur impieté. Nous fismes conduire ce pauvre squelette en une cabane de l'habitation, la secourusmes et nourrismes à nostre possible, et l'ayant tolerablement instruite, la baptisasmes. Elle fut appelée Antoynette de Pons, en memoire et recognoissance de tant de benefices qu'avons receus et recevons de Madame la Marquise de Guercheville; et laditte Dame se peut resjouir que jà son nom est au ciel, car quelques jours aprés son baptesme, cette ame choysie s'envola en ce lieu de gloire.
I saw this girl, eight or nine years old, all benumbed and nothing but skin and bone. I asked the parents to give her to me to baptize. They answered that if I wished to have her they would give her up to me entirely. For to them she was no better than a dead dog. They spoke like this because they are accustomed to abandon altogether those whom they have once judged incurable. We accepted the offer, so that they might see the difference between [51] Christianity and their ungodliness. We had this poor skeleton brought into one of the cabins of the settlement, where we cared for and nourished her as well as we could, and when she had been fairly well instructed we baptized her. She was named Antoynette de Pons, in grateful remembrance of the many favors we have received and are receiving from Madame la Marquise de Guercheville, who may rejoice that already her name is in heaven, for a few days after baptism this chosen soul flew away to that glorious place.
Ce luy aussy fut nostre premier né, sur lequel nous avons pu dire ce que Ioseph prononça sur le sien, que Dieu nous avoit faict oublier tous nos travaux passés et la maison de nostre Père. Mais à propos de ce que les Sauvages abandonnent leurs malades, une autre occasion de semblablement exercer la charité chrestienne envers ces délaissés, a eu son issüe plus joyeuse, et profitable pour détromper ces nations. Cette occasion fut telle.
This was also our firstborn, for whose sake we could say, as Joseph did about his, that God had made us forget all our past hardships and the homes of our Fathers. But in speaking of the Savages abandoning their sick, another similar occasion to exercise charity toward those who are deserted has had a more happy issue and one more useful in undeceiving these people. This occasion was as follows:
Le second fils du grand sagamo Membertou, de qui nous parlerons tantost, appelé Actodin, jà chrestien et marrié, estoit tombé en une griefve maladie. 16 Monsieur de Potrincourt, s'en allant en France, l'avoit visité, et, comme il est bon seigneur, l'avoit invité de se faire porter en l'habitation, pour y estre medicamenté. Je m'attendois à cela, qu'on [52] le nous apporteroit; mais on n'en faisoit rien. Ce voyant, pour ne laisser cette ame en danger, je m'y en allay de là à quelques jours (car il estoit à 5 lieuës de l'habitation). Mais je trouvay mon malade en un bel estat. On estoit sur le poinct de faire tabagie ou convive solemnel sur son dernier adieu. Trois ou quatre vastes chaudieres bouilloyent sur le feu. Il avoit sa belle robe soubs soy (car c'estoit en esté), et se preparoit à sa harangue funebre. La harangue devoit finir en l'adieu et comploration commune de tous. L'adieu et le deuil se clost par l'occision des chiens à ce que le mourant ait des avants-coureurs en l'autre monde. L'Occision des chiens est accostée de la tabagie et de ce qui suyt la tabagie, du chant et des danses. Après cela, il n'est plus loysible au malade de manger ou demander aucun secours, ains se doibt jà tenir pour un des manes ou citoyens de l'autre vie. Je trouvay donc mon hoste en tel estat.
The second son of the grand sagamore Membertou, of whom we shall speak by and by, named Actodin, already a christian, and married, fell dangerously ill. Monsieur de Potrincourt, as he was about to depart for France, had visited him; and being a kind-hearted gentleman, had asked him to let himself be taken to the settlement for treatment. I was expecting this suggestion [52] to be carried out; but they did nothing of the kind. When this became evident, not to leave this soul in danger, I went there after a few days (for it was five leagues from the settlement). But I found my patient in a fine state. They were just about to celebrate tabagie, or a solemn feast, over his last farewell. Three or four immense kettles were boiling over the fire. He had his beautiful robe under him (for it was summer), and was preparing for his funeral oration. The oration was to close with the usual adieus and lamentations of all present. The farewell and the mourning are finished by the slaughter of dogs, that the dying man may have forerunners in the other world. This slaughter is accompanied by the tabagie and what follows it—namely, the singing and dancing. After that it is no longer lawful for the sick man to eat or to ask any help, but he must already consider himself one of the "manes," or citizens of the other world. Now it was in this state that I found my host.
I'invectivay contre cette façon de faire, plus de geste que de langue, car pour la langue, mes interpretes ne disoyent pas la dixiesme partie de ce que je voulois. Neantmoins le vieil Membertou, pere du malade, conceut assés l'affaire, et me promit qu'on s'arresteroit à tout ce que j'en dirois. Ie luy dis donc que pour l'adieu et deuil moderé, et encores pour la tabagie, cela se pourroit tolerer; mais [53] que le carnage des chiens, et les chants et danses sur un trespassant, et beaucoup moins l'abandonnement d'iceluy, ne me playsoyent point; que plus tost, selon 18 qu'ils avoyent promis à Monsieur de Potrincourt, ils l'envoyassent en l'habitation; qu'à l'ayde de Dieu, il pourroit bien encore guerir. Ils me donnerent parolle d'ainsy faire le tout; ce neantmoins, le languissant ne nous fut apporté que deux jours après.
I denounced this way of doing things, more by actions than by words; for, as to talking, my interpreters did not repeat the tenth part of what I wanted them to say. Nevertheless, old Membertou, father of the sick man, understood the affair well enough, and promised me that they would stop just where I wanted them to. Then I told him that the farewells and a moderate display of mourning, and even the tabagie, would be permitted, but [53] that the slaughter of the dogs, and the songs and dances over a dying person, and what was much worse, leaving him to die alone, displeased me very much; that it would be better, according to their promise to Monsieur de Potrincourt, to have him brought to the settlement, that, with the help of God, he might yet recover. They gave me their word that they would do all that I wished; nevertheless, the dying man was not brought until two days afterward.
Il prenoit des symptomes si mortels, que souvent nous n'attendions sinon qu'il nous demeurast entre les mains. En effet un soir, sa femme et enfans l'abandonnerent entierement, et s'en allerent cabaner ailleurs, pensant que c'en estoit vuidé. Si pleut-il à Dieu tromper heureusement leur desespoir; car, de là à peu de jours, il fut plein de santé, et l'est encore aujourd'hui (à Dieu en soit la gloire); ce que M. Hébert, Parisien et maistre en Pharmacie assés cognu, qui solicitoit ledit malade, m'a souvent asseuré estre un vray miracle. De moi, je ne sçay qu'en dire, d'autant que je ne veux affirmer ny le si ny le non en ce dont je n'ay évidence. Cela scay-je, que nous mismes sur le dit languissant un os des precieuses reliques du glorieux Sainct Laurens, archevesque de Dublin en Hibernie, que M. de la Place, digne abbé d'Eu, et Messieurs les Prieurs et Chapitre de laditte abbaye d'Eu nous donnerent de leur grace pour convoyer nostre voyage en ces quartiers. Nous [54] doncques mismes sur le malade de ces sainctes reliques, faisant vœu pour luy, et depuis il emmeilleura.
His symptoms became so serious that often we expected nothing less than that he would die on our hands. In fact, one evening, his wife and children deserted him entirely and went to settle elsewhere, thinking it was all over with him. But it pleased God to prove their despair unfounded; for a few days afterwards he was in good health and is so to-day (to God be the glory); which M. Hébert, of Paris, a well-known master in Pharmacy, who attended the said patient, often assured me was a genuine miracle. For my part, I scarcely know what to say; inasmuch as I do not care either to affirm or deny a thing of which I have no proof. This I do know, that we put upon the sufferer a bone taken from the precious relics of the glorified Saint Lawrence, archbishop of Dublin in Ireland, which M. de la Place, the estimable abbé d'Eu, and the Priors and Canons of the said abbey d'Eu, kindly gave us for our protection during the voyage to these lands. So we [54] placed some of these holy relics upon the sick man, at the same time offering our vows for him, and then he improved.
Par cet exemple, Membertou, le pere du guery, comme j'ay dict cy devant, fut fort confirmé en la foy, et à cette cause sentant le mal dont depuis il est decedé, voulut aussy tost estre apporté icy; et quoyque nostre cabane soit tant estroitte que trois personnes estant dedans, à peine s'y peuvent-elles remuer, neantmoins si demanda-t-il de grande confiance 20 qu'il avoit en nous, d'estre logé dans l'un de nos deux licts; ce qu'il fut pour six jours. Mais après, sa femme, fille et brue estans venues, il cogneut bien de luy mesme qu'il falloit tramarcher; ce qu'il fit, s'excusant fort, et nous demandant pardon du continuel travail qu'il nous avoit donné jour et nuict en son service. Certes le changement de lieu et traitement ne lui allegea pas son mal. Par ainsy, le voyant sur son declin, je le confessay au mieux que je pus, et luy après (c'est tout leur testament) fit sa harangue. Or en sa harangue, entre autres choses il dict sa volonté estre d'avoir sepulture avec ses femmes et enfants, ez-anciens monumens de sa maison.
Influenced by this example, Membertou, the father of the one who had recovered, as I have said before, was very strongly confirmed in the faith; and because he was then feeling the approach of the malady from which he has since died, he wished to be brought here immediately; and although our cabin is so narrow that when three people are in it they can scarcely turn around, nevertheless, showing his implicit confidence in us, he asked to be placed in one of our two beds, where he remained for six days. But afterwards his wife, daughter, and daughter-in-law having come, he himself recognized the necessity of leaving, and did so with profuse excuses, asking our pardon for the continual trouble he had given us in waiting upon him day and night. Certainly the change of location and treatment did not improve him any. So then, seeing that his life was drawing to a close, I confessed him as well as I could; and after that he delivered his oration (this is their sole testament). Now, among other things in this speech, he said that he wished to be buried with his wife and children, and among the ancient tombs of his family.
Ie me monstray fort mal content de cecy, craingnant que les Françoys et Sauvages ne prinssent de la suspicion qu'il n'estoit mort gueres bon Chrestien. [55] Mais on m'opposa que telle promesse lui avoit esté faicte avant qu'il fut baptisé; et qu'autrement si on l'enterroit en nostre cimetière, ses enfans et amis ne nous viendroyent jamais plus veoir, puisque c'est la façon de cette nation d'abhorrer toute memoire de la mort et des morts.
I manifested great dissatisfaction with this, fearing that the French and Savages would suspect that he had not died a good Christian. [55] But I was assured that this promise had been made before he was baptized, and that otherwise, if he were buried in our cemetery, his children and his friends would never again come to see us, since it is the custom of this nation to shun all reminders of death and of the dead.
Je disputay contre, et avec moy M. de Biancourt (car c'est quasi mon unique truchement), neantmoins en vain; le mourant demeuroit resolu. Le soir assez tard, nous luy donnasmes l'extreme onction, puisque autrement il y estoit assez preparé. Voyez l'efficace du sacrement: le lendemain matin, il mande M. de Biancourt et moy, et de nouveau il recommence sa harangue. Par icelle il declaroit avoir de soy mesme changé de volonté; qu'il entendoit d'estre inhumé avec nous, commandant à ses enfans de ne point pour 22 cela fuyr le lieu comme infideles, ains d'autant plus le frequenter comme chrestiens, à celle fin d'y prier pour son ame et pleurer ses pechez. Il recommanda aussi la paix avec M. de Potrincourt et son fils; que de luy, il avait toujours aymé les Françoys, et avoit souvent empesché plusieurs conspirations contre eux. De là à peu d'heures il mourut entre mes mains fort chrestiennement.
I opposed this, and M. de Biancourt, for he is almost my only interpreter, joined with me, but in vain; the dying man was obdurate. Rather late that evening we administered extreme unction to him, for otherwise he was sufficiently prepared for it. Behold now the efficacy of the sacrament; the next morning he asks for M. de Biancourt and me, and again begins his harangue. In this he declares that he has, of his own free will, changed his mind; that he intends to be buried with us, commanding his children not, for that reason, to shun the place like unbelievers, but to frequent it all the more, like christians, to pray for his soul and to weep over his sins. He also recommended peace with M. de Potrincourt and his son; as for him, he had always loved the French, and had often prevented conspiracies against them. A few hours afterward he died a christian death in my arms.
C'a esté le plus grand, renommé et redouté sauvage qui ayt esté de memoire d'homme: de riche [56] taille, et plus hault et membru que n'est l'ordinaire des autres, barbu comme un françoys, estant ainsy que quasi pas un des autres n'a du poil au menton; discret et grave, ressentant bien son homme de commandement. Dieu luy gravoit en l'ame une apprehension plus grande du Christianisme, que n'estoit ce qu'il en avoit pu ouyr, et m'a souvent dict en son sauvageois. "Apprend vistement nostre langue, car aussy tost que tu la sçauras et m'auras bien enseingné, je veux estre prescheur comme toy." Avant mesme sa conversion, il n'a jamais voulu avoir plus d'une femme vivante; ce qu'est esmerveillable, d'autant que les grands sagamos de ce païs entretiennent un nombreux serail, non plus pour luxure, que pour ambition, gloire et necessité: pour ambition, à celle fin d'avoir plusieurs enfans, en quoy gist leur puissance; pour gloire et necessité, d'autant qu'ils n'ont autres artisans, agens, serviteurs, pourvoyeurs ou esclaves que les femmes; elles soustiennent tout le faix et fatigue de la vie.
This was the greatest, most renowned and most formidable savage within the memory of man; of splendid [56] physique, taller and larger-limbed than is usual among them; bearded like a Frenchman, although scarcely any of the others have hair upon the chin; grave and reserved; feeling a proper sense of dignity for his position as commander. God impressed upon his soul a greater idea of Christianity than he has been able to form from hearing about it, and he has often said to me in his savage tongue: "Learn our language quickly, for as soon as thou knowest it and hast taught me well I wish to become a preacher like thee." Even before his conversion he never cared to have more than one living wife, which is wonderful, as the great sagamores of this country maintain a numerous seraglio, no more through licentiousness than through ambition, glory and necessity; for ambition, to the end that they may have many children, wherein lies their power; for fame and necessity, since they have no other artisans, agents, servants, purveyors or slaves than the women; they bear all the burdens and toil of life.