In all, twentyfive counties.

The first meeting of the delegates was March the 11th, 1780. The cities and towns, which have agreed upon similar petitions, are London, Westminster, York, Bristol, Cambridge, Nottingham, Newcastle, Reading, and Bridgewater.

The counties, which have not yet agreed upon petitions, are Westmoreland, Durham, Lancaster, Salop, Stafford, Lincoln, Leicester, Warwick, Oxford, Worcester, Cornwall, and Rutland. Hants agreed on a petition, but appointed no committee, and Northampton agreed to instruct their members on the points of the petition.

This account takes no notice of the twelve Welsh counties; these, however, are small.

The counties, which have already petitioned, it seems, therefore, are a vast majority of the kingdom in numbers as well as property and understanding; and the meeting of their committees may be reasonably considered as a more equitable and adequate representation of the people of England, than the House of Commons.

Amidst all the addresses, instructions, petitions, associations, and resolutions, I never found one that dared to expose the true cause of their miseries, and to propose a remedy, until the association of the county of York appeared, which was agreed to by the committee of sixtyone, to be recommended to the general meeting of the county of York, held the 28th of March, 1780.

They declare their unanimous assent,

1st. To the economical reform requested by the petitions of the people.

2dly. To the proposition for obtaining a more equal representation of the people in Parliament, by the addition of at least one hundred Knights, to be chosen in a due proportion by the several counties of Great Britain.

3dly. To the proposition for the members of the House of Commons to be elected, to serve in Parliament for a term not exceeding three years.

But the most important resolution of all was also unanimous, "That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the prosecution of an offensive war in America is most evidently a measure, which, by employing our great and enormously expensive military operations against the inhabitants of that country, prevents this from exerting its united, vigorous, and firm efforts against the powers of France and Spain, and has no other effect upon America, than to continue, and thereby to increase the enmity, which has so long and so fatally subsisted between the arms of both, can be productive of no good whatever, but by preventing conciliation, threatens the accomplishment of the ruin of the British Empire."

This meeting, which is said to have been the largest ever known, and perfectly unanimous, gave power to the committee of association to call the county together when they should judge proper.

After all, even this committee does not appear to see the true interest of the country, the necessity of peace. Peace alone can save them. They are for leaving America, which is a great thing; but it does not appear but that they are still for continuing the war with our allies.

An article of the 4th of April says, that commotions are reported to have arisen in the County of York, many of the inhabitants of which have peremptorily refused to pay the taxes.

Congress will observe by the paragraphs in the Morning Post of April the 1st, that they seem to be in England totally ignorant of the designs of the Empress of Russia, and of the other neutral powers.

The paper of April the 3d contains Major General Campbell's and Lieutenant Colonel Dickson's account of the surrender of the port of Baton Rouge, &c. with about five hundred regular troops prisoners of war, to Don Bernado de Galvez, the 21st of September.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 14th, 1780.

Sir,

Everything which tends to show the probability of a general association of the maritime powers, against the violences at sea, which the English have practised, and which other nations, after their example, have begun, and which tends to prove the justice, the wisdom, and the humanity of such an association, is worthy of observation. For my own part, I think, that the abolition of the whole doctrine of contraband would be for the peace and happiness of mankind; and I doubt not, as human reason advances, and men come to be more sensible of the benefits of peace, and less enthusiastic for the savage glories of war, all neutral nations will be allowed, by universal consent, to carry what goods they please in their own ships, provided they are not bound to places actually invested by an enemy.

Constantinople, March the 3d. "The Porte having received the disagreeable news, that three xebecs from Malta had seized upon a large Turkish ship with a rich cargo of coffee, rice, hemp, and other productions, this advice has accelerated the departure of two men-of-war and four gallies, which will go before the fleet of the Grand Admiral, to cruise in the Archipelago, and protect the navigation of the European nations against the vexations of the French and English."

Copenhagen, March the 28th. "Captain Zagel, the courier of her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, is returned to Petersburgh, accompanied by Captain Socolousky, Secretary of the Russian Consul in the Sound. They are very busy here in equipping the vessels of war, the Wagrie, of sixtyfour guns, the Infodstretten, of sixtyfour, and the frigate Combord, of thirtyfour."

London, April the 4th. "There are lately arrived here interesting despatches to government from Sir Joseph Yorke, which contain some further explanations of the dispositions of the Republic, in consequence of the last Memorial presented to their High Mightinesses by that Minister, and the resolution to protect the commerce of their subjects. However this may be, there are actually in the ports of this kingdom fifty Dutch vessels seized by our ships of war, because they were found loaded with naval stores for our enemies; and, already the most of their cargoes have been adjudged good prizes. These articles being considered as contraband, and their transportation to an enemy contrary to treaties subsisting between the Republic and England."

Hague, April the 9th. "We learn, that the States of the Province of Overyssell have sent to the Assembly of their High Mightinesses their instructions, relative to the two Memorials presented by Sir Joseph Yorke, the 28th of July, and the 26th of November, of the last year, the first purporting a demand of succors stipulated by the treaty of 1678, and the second demanding an immediate and categorical answer. The contents of the instructions are, 'That their Noble Mightinesses, after having maturely reflected upon all which concerns the matter in question, especially upon the treaties existing between the kingdom and the Republics, as well as the obligations, which the two nations had mutually laid themselves under, and also in particular, upon the present situation in which this republic now stands in several points respecting her own preservation, the maintenance of her rights and possessions, and respecting the powers actually at war, judge, that the two Memorials presented by Sir Joseph Yorke may and ought to be answered in the following manner. That all the principles alleged, and the circumstances at this time existing, oblige their High Mightinesses more than ever to watch carefully their own preservation and defence, to use every effort to ward off all further dangerous consequences, and to this end, to request his Majesty not to take it in ill part, if in the critical situation of affairs, in which the least diminution of their forces might be dangerous, their High Mightinesses think themselves lawfully authorised to refuse the succors demanded by his Majesty, although these succors, considering certain engagements, the pretended application of which it would be useless at this time to search into, may be judged indispensable by his Majesty, in the firm confidence, that, in the circumstances in which their High Mightinesses find themselves, his Majesty, not disapproving, of their conduct, will desist, not only from demanding their assistance, but on the contrary, as a proof of the affection of which his Majesty had so often given them assurances, will permit them invariably to pursue that neutrality, which from the beginning of the present troubles they have adopted.'

"It is asserted, that on the Memorial presented by the Prince Gallitzen, Envoy Extraordinary of the Empress of Russia, their High Mightinesses have provisionally concluded, 'That having taken the said Memorial into consideration, the deputies of the respective Provinces have sent copies of it, as well as of the papers annexed to it, to be communicated to their Assemblies, praying them to procure, as soon as possible, the resolutions of the States, their constituents.'

"In the meantime, since the said Memorial has been made public, it is given out, that the convention between the Courts of Petersburgh, Stockholm, and Copenhagen, will in a little time be confirmed, and that Denmark will procure, on certain conditions, five or six thousand seamen for this Republic.

"We learn that the answer of his Britannic Majesty to the representations which the Count de Walderen, Minister of the States-General at the Court of London, has been charged by their High Mightinesses to make to the British Government, relative to a prolongation of the term of three weeks, prescribed in the last Memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke, for giving him a definitive answer, &c. arrived the 31st of last month, and is found to be in the negative, the King insisting on an answer by the time fixed, which will expire next Tuesday.

"They give out, that the cities of Dantzic, Lubec, Bremen, Hamburgh, &c. will adopt, as well as most of the northern powers, the party of neutrality, and that, if England persists in the practice of visiting, stopping, and searching neutral vessels, Denmark is resolved to exclude English vessels from the Sound."

To judge of things the most impartially, no man can doubt, that proceedings so violent, and so contrary to the natural rights of nations, will make the neutral powers feel how much it imports them to set bounds to the intolerable excesses, to which their vessels, sailing under the faith of treaties, are daily exposed by the ships of one party in the present war.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 15th, 1780.

Sir,

There is an article from Hamburgh which deserves attention; it is this.

"The neutrality of the powers of the north is decided. They have profited of the divisions, which have arisen between England and North America, by selling to the former, timber, cordage, hemp, and tar, which she formerly drew from her Colonies. The occasions, which the enemies of Great Britain have also had for these articles, have established a competition, which has procured great advantages to the commerce of the north. They have everywhere taken measures to protect it."

In vain has England sought assistance from that quarter; her conduct has irrevocably deprived her of it.

Leghorn, 22d of March. "We learn from Naples, that the King has purchased of the Order of Malta two vessels, to increase the marine of that kingdom. His Majesty is attentively engaged in the care of forming officers for this department. The young gentry, whom he has sent to serve on board of the squadrons of the belligerent powers, have all of them distinguished themselves; and those who remain at Naples, under the direction of the Chevalier Aston, have discovered equal zeal, intelligence, and good will, for the service of the marine."

Madrid, 25th of March. "Our squadrons, they write from Cadiz the 16th of this month, will put to sea without delay. Transport ships are taken up on freight with great activity, and all the troops are arrived. The following is an exact state of the armament.

"The complete regiments of the King, Guadalajara, Arragon, Soria, and the second regiment of Catalonia; in all ten battalions, making six thousand and six hundred men.

"The squadron of D. Solano; the St Louis, of eighty guns, the St Augustine, the Orient, the Gaillard, the Arrogant, all of seventy guns, and the Rule of sixty guns.

"The squadron of D. Tomaseo; the St Nicholas, of eighty guns, the Eugene, the Damase, the St Janizer, the St Francis, the Assisse, and the Warrior, all of seventy guns.

"The first squadron takes in provisions for five months, and the second for four months and a half. They fill up the regiments, which are destined for the expedition, with soldiers from the regiment of Hibernia.

"The beautiful wools of Segovia have not been always employed within the kingdom, because the love of labor has not been predominant; but since the establishment of the royal patriotic society, industry has recovered its activity. D. Laurent Ortiz de Paz has established spinneries of wool in that city, and in St Ildephonso, and other places. His Majesty has assigned rewards for men and women, who shall distinguish themselves in this kind of labor. This measure cannot fail to establish the royal manufacture of fine cloth, which the Marquis of Enseñada had already erected at Segovia, and which had fallen into decay with the favor of that Minister."

There are in some of the papers hints of a plan of pacification, which is said to come from the Rockingham party. The substance of it is as follows.

"Let us open our eyes! The hope of subjecting America is a chimera. Nothing but clemency can ever open a way for a reconciliation with its inhabitants. To show that we wish it sincerely let us give up Nova Scotia, that dry, uninhabitable, and languishing colony, which produces nothing. Let us also permit the Canadians to institute a form of government, which may be agreeable to themselves, and let the independence of North America become the object of our support. Sooner or later it will be unavoidable, that America should separate herself from us, and I should be very glad that a permanent system of alliance should take place between them and their mother country, before our ancient colonies shall be united to France, by ties too strict to be relaxed. I am persuaded, that neither Nova Scotia nor Canada will remain long under the government of England; and it is to be feared, that in contending for them we shall still further embroil affairs. Nova Scotia is not worth the trouble of keeping it, and it will require continual succors. Canada will occasion us more expense than it will bring us in profit, and will never become flourishing under an European government; at least unless the whole country should be recovered. We deceive ourselves if we imagine, that by emancipating the Americans we shall lose our American islands. We hold these by the strongest of all ties, which is, that of their own interest. North America will not seek to make conquests so long as it shall be divided into distinct States, and under a republican form of government; and it is probable, that several centuries will pass away before she will change the form of her administrations. Commerce will return into England, and into our islands, without any other motive than that which actuates all the commercial nations of the earth. If we were now disembarrassed of the objects of dispute, concerning which Spain discovers so many pretensions, and if we could content ourselves with a superiority at sea, all that would result from it would be, that our trade to the Levant would increase, we should become more respectable, and we should see ourselves more in a condition to maintain our quarrels, and protect our rich possessions, without hazarding a bankruptcy by expenses, which we cannot sustain. Our maritime power will always be sufficient to protect our islands. Our naval forces will never want anything so long as we shall have divers markets, where our vessels may go. The northern powers of Europe, and the northern States of America, will be competitors to serve us, so long as we preserve the superiority upon the sea, and while, by means of our manufacturers, we can pay for them, or make an advantageous exchange, with the one and the other. We have as good a right to things, which we can purchase in divers foreign markets, as if the things were the productions of our own establishments.

"Are France and Spain in want of warlike stores? Are they not as well supplied with them as we are? And do they not make Sweden rather incline to their side, by means of their commerce with that country for these articles? Is it probable that they can ever shut up from us the ports of America, of Russia, of Denmark, and of Sweden, while it is the interest of these States to furnish us? It is necessary, then, to resolve to demand peace by the means which offer themselves, and which are not only able to obtain it, but may still be preserved, and in which there is no appearance that we shall be disturbed, if, at least, at all times we preserve our marine upon a respectable footing; and, if we do not, we ever subject ourselves to be restrained upon the article of the number of ships, and in the places where we shall employ them. In that case we shall not perceive that Gibraltar or Minorca is wanting to us. We shall always be ready to meet our enemies in those parts where our safety, security, and riches lie, and which nature points out to us as our proper element. Surrounded on all sides by the sea, there is one half of the nation whose inhabitants understand navigation, from their infancy, and they are disposed to become seamen because they are almost educated with the sea. But whenever we shall engage ourselves in the wars of the continent, we shall never draw from them any solid advantages. Where are the trophies so dearly purchased of King William and Marlborough? And where is the benefit of the two last wars? The balance of power will not remain long in our hands, although we have engaged the annual produce of an innumerable quantity of taxes.

"In America we have destroyed the balance, which held our colonies in dependence. We ought not, then, to lose the opportunity of binding the interests of the United States with ours by some amicable convention, which will assure us of their attachment, and deliver us from the cruel necessity of continuing the war with our own children. It is by this means we may preserve for a long time our insular property, and enjoy still a superiority at sea."

Paris, April 11th 1780. "The Ambassador of Russia has notified, within a few days past, to our Court, that it was the intention of his sovereign that the commerce of the subjects of her empire should not be troubled, and that under no pretence should their vessels be stopped by those of the belligerent powers, and that she is arming to defend her flag, and protect it from insults. This declaration was to be made at the same time to the Courts of Madrid and London. It is asserted, that it is the first fruit of a treaty of commerce, which Russia has concluded with us, and of a confederation which she has entered into with the other northern powers, and in which they wish to engage Holland and Portugal. We are very inquisitive to learn how this notification will be received by the Court of St James."

The English ministerial gazettes propagate a report, that there was arrived in Europe a deputy of Congress to offer peace to Great Britain. Those of the opposition assert, that this deputy who is in fact arrived, will do nothing but in concert with France, when it shall please England to propose a negotiation of peace.

The following article is published in the English papers, to excite the people against the opposition.

"If the Marquis of Rockingham should come again into the administration, his first operation would most probably be, to declare America independent. This would, nevertheless, be a fatal resolution, which, instead of giving us peace, would throw that event still farther off. A proof so striking of our pusilanimity would raise still higher the hopes and the pride of the House of Bourbon. France would demand that we should restore to them Canada, Cape Breton, and Nova Scotia, as well as the islands which were taken from her the last war. Nothing less would be necessary for Spain than the restitution of Gibraltar and Jamaica. But it cannot but be supposed, that the Marquis of Rockingham is too much attached to his head to expose it to danger by so shameful a dismemberment of our empire. He would then make us continue the war with the disadvantage of not being able any longer to rein in the Americans, who would assist everywhere their allies by land and by sea. But every Englishman of good sense sees to what disasters this plan of conduct would lead us. The ambition of this Marquis and of his party is not to triumph over rebels, and the natural enemies of England; it is to humble his King and ruin his country."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO M. DE SARTINE.

Paris, April 16th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the two letters, which your Excellency did me the honor to write to me, on the 5th and on the 12th of this month.

I do not mean to give your Excellency the trouble of answering these letters of mine, which contain extracts of letters from abroad, or simply news. This would be giving your Excellency too much trouble, and taking up too much time. Indeed, I think it will very probably be often, if not always unnecessary, because your Excellency's information must be, beyond all comparison, earlier, more exact, and more particular than mine; yet, as it is possible that sometimes a circumstance of importance may escape one channel of intelligence, and yet pass in another, I thought it to be my duty sometimes to send your Excellency an extract. In this view, I now have the honor to send your Excellency another extract from a letter of the 6th of this month; but I pray your Excellency not to take the trouble to answer it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

END OF THE FOURTH VOLUME.