TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 4th, 1780.

Sir,

There is an anecdote from Malaga, which ought to be mentioned to Congress, because, it cannot fail to have serious consequences.

The Swedish frigate, the Illerim, of thirtyfour guns, commanded by Captain Ankerloo, on the 28th of February, at half after eight o'clock at night met an English privateer belonging to Minorca, of twentyeight guns. The Swedish Captain, after hailing the privateer, let her continue her course, and went on quietly his own; about half an hour after the privateer returning, ranged herself astern of the frigate, and unexpectedly discharged both his broadsides, loaded with langrage, which killed three sailors, broke the thigh and the right leg of the Captain, wounded the Lieutenant and some people of the crew. Ankerloo, who in the evening had been obliged by a violent gale of wind to draw in his guns and shut up his ports, not finding himself prepared for battle, his officers took immediate measures, with the utmost alertness, for repulsing the privateer, which did in fact at last receive one broadside from the frigate; but, upon the whole, she escaped in the night, by the force of sails and of oars. After this perfidy on the part of the English, Ankerloo would have entered Marseilles for the sake of dressing his wounds, but having met with contrary winds and bad weather for three days, he put into Malaga, where he went ashore to the house of the Swedish consul, where he is since dead of his wounds.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 6th, 1780.

Sir,

It may be necessary to transmit the decree of Sir James Mariott, against the Dutch ship la Sybellina Hillegonda, in order fully to comprehend the proceedings, which I have sent before. The decree is this.

"The fact in this case is, a Dutch ship loaded with naval stores, for a port in France, under the convoy of not less than five men-of-war, and the commander of these men-of-war, not measuring his conduct by the line of the treaty, resists, fires upon the boat of the English Commodore, and forbids the execution of the treaty. The English Commodore returns the fire. The Dutch Admiral fires again, and strikes; so that the fact is to be adjusted, and it is of such a nature as has never before happened in the history of this nation. It falls unfortunately to my share, to decide upon these facts and their consequences.

"It is, nevertheless, a consolation, that although the judge of this court may decide, in the first instance, there is still a superior tribunal, in the last resort. This court ought to judge of the case of the treaty, since, in virtue of a special commission, under the great seal of the kingdom, the judges of the courts of admiralty are authorised and required to take cognizance of, and proceed judicially in all manner of captures, seizures, prizes, and reprisals, and decide upon them according to the course of the admiralty and the law of nations.

"The claimant disdains to found his right in any other way than upon the treaty. My idea is, that all the marine treaties, which subsist between two friendly powers, form but one code of laws, one great confederation, one indivisible union. They are, if it is lawful to make use of these sacred words, the Bible, the Book, or the Testament of the social contract between the nations, to be maintained inviolably, as a system, whereof we cannot break one part without dissolving the whole.

"The Dutch subjects have, in virtue of the treaty, particular privileges, superior to those of every other country, but they may overleap the bounds of these privileges, and from that time they ought to be weighed in the balance, like other neutral nations. To be found under a convoy is not, in itself, an infraction of the treaty, but the conduct of this convoy is to be considered.

"The fifth article of the treaty of 1674 is reciprocal. 'If any ship, belonging to the subjects of his Majesty of Great Britain, shall in open sea, or elsewhere, out of the dominions of the said States, meet any ships of war of the Lords the States, or privateers belonging to their subjects, the said ships of the Lords the States, or of their subjects, shall keep at a convenient distance, and only send out their boat, with two or three men only, to go on board such ships or vessels of the subjects of his Majesty, in order that the passport, or sea-brief, concerning the property thereof, according to the form hereunder annexed, may be produced to them, by the captain or master of such ship or vessel, belonging to the subjects of his Majesty; and the said ships, so producing the same, shall freely pass; and it shall not be lawful to molest, search, detain, or force such ship from her intended voyage. And the subjects of the Lords the States shall enjoy in all things, the same liberty and immunity, they in like manner showing their passport, or sea-brief, made out according to the form prescribed at the foot of this treaty.'

"The sixth article is, 'If any ship or vessel, belonging to the English or other subjects of Great Britain, shall be met making into any port belonging to an enemy of the Lords the States, or, on the other side, if any ship belonging to the United Provinces of the Netherlands, or other subjects of the Lords the States, shall be met in her way, making into any port under the obedience of the enemies of his said Majesty, such ships shall show, not only a passport, or sea-brief, according to the form hereunder subscribed, wherewith she is to be furnished, but also her certificate or cocket, containing the particulars of the goods on board, in the usual form, by the officers of the customs of that port, from whence she came; whereby it may be known whether she is laden with any of the goods prohibited by the third article of this treaty.'

"Such are the terms of this treaty, which this court will not declare to be now in force; but one of the parties may renounce it; and it would be from that time, so far forth, a good cause of annulling it. It could not ever have been the intention of the contracting parties, that the merchant ships of the subjects of the States should become the transport vessels for the service of the King of France, nor that the men-of-war of the States should serve as a convoy to them. It is impossible to form an idea more unworthy of the sovereignty of the States. The idea of granting a convoy to all Dutch ships destined for the port of an enemy is offensive, and still more aggravating, when accompanied with resistance, or orders to resist, when they go so far as to reject ipso facto all the ordinary ways of public justice, and to set at nought the articles, which had been established to prevent the consequences of the intervention of neuters, as parties in a war, by public acts; articles which stipulate a legal procedure for discussing all the points in controversy, before the courts of admiralty reciprocally; and in case the parties should not be satisfied, they ought to be finally heard by their respective sovereigns in council. Such is the tenor of the twelfth article of the treaty of 1674.

"In the present state of the cause, this court will not say, nevertheless, that the States have annulled the treaty; because the orders of Admiral Byland have not appeared, and his conduct may be disavowed by the States; but even the granting of a convoy, and above all of a squadron, is essentially offensive, since the Dutch subjects are already sufficiently armed by the treaty, and by the methods of redress prescribed, which are the same with all maritime nations. The party complaining follows the ship and the papers, which she has on board, into the jurisdiction of the place and country where he is carried, as the subject, who in the nature of things and proceedings, can only of necessity be judged there, where the original proofs exist; the judges specially constituted, for the decision of prizes, both in the first instance and in the last resort, are, by common consent, charged to hear and determine all national differences between powers who are friends and allies, like the Council of Amphyctions in ancient Greece. But seamen do not well comprehend this language. They speak roughly, like the mouths of their cannons. If this vessel had fired upon the boat, and any one had thereby lost his life, I think I should not have hesitated to condemn her upon general principles. Neither Admiral Byland, nor his instructions, are before me. I know not how to give a sentence against him or his vessels; nevertheless, he ought not to have fired upon the boat of Commodore Fielding; but he was bound to send to him his boat, and to propose an interview and an amicable conference. He might have made him a visit, which he immediately would have returned; and all the captains of the Dutch merchant ships might have been ordered on board the English Commodore, to produce their passports and cockets. The effect of his resistance is thus the cause, that, although I do not declare the treaty null generally, nevertheless, in retaliation to these vessels taken in time of resistance, I ought to declare the ship forfeited of its privilege, and foreclosed of the treaty, by the act of M. Byland. There was certainly never any vessel under convoy without instructions, at least in her course, and without signals. If the claimants had not withheld them, it would have appeared, whether the Dutch Admiral ought, or ought not to have escorted these ships even into the ports of France, which would have aggravated the offence against the treaty. A convoy of a single ship, destined for the States, destined for the Colonies of the States, or loaded generally with innocent commodities, is, in itself, inoffensive; because, in these times, there are in all the seas little pirates, furnished with all sorts of commissions, American, French, Spanish, and English; but a squadron of a line of battle ships, and which appears force [?] even to the treaty, which they claim the benefit of, is a serious affair. To engage in hostilities is not the way of protecting commerce; and those who have solicited the States to grant such a convoy, were rather factious Americans, or intriguing French politicians, than solid, sensible Dutchmen, true and real friends of their country. There is certainly among them a number of worthy people, who can never desire to become, in fact, a Province, under the obedience of the King of France, or his resident Minister.

"The case of the Swedish convoy is not applicable to this case. That convoy had not made any resistance. The ships entered the Downs by the bad weather, and were there taken without their convoy, which came to anchor near them. This was represented, and the course of justice was followed. The ship's papers were produced directly in this court, the requisites were done, and the causes finally discussed according to the style of the admiralty, velo levato; no time was lost, either in contesting the justice or demanding right; and the captains of the ships returned contented with their vessels after they had been paid the freight, as well as the expense; and the naval stores, which they had on board, were purchased by the government, by virtue of powers granted to the Council of the Royal Marine, by act of Parliament, in conformity to acts of Parliament in former wars.

"The question, whether the hemp and flax are contraband, is clear. Both of them have been adjudged such on all former occasions, when the quantity has been considerable, and particularly, when they are not of the produce of the country of the party which carries them. The flax is as necessary for sails, as the hemp for cordage; and if this court has once ordered that flax should be sold to the Commissioners of the navy, it was because it was of little value, and in very small quantity. I am sorry to learn, that the Navy Board makes any difficulty upon this subject. The iron on board was only for ballast."

I cannot go through with the whole of this decree for want of time; but the following curious and convenient doctrine ought not to be omitted.

"That, which in the natural or intellectual world is called quality, is not relative. Good and evil are relative. Everything is what it is, and acquires its denomination from comparison, degree, manner, quality, place, time, person, fault, &c. &c. These relations constitute the metaphysical essence of every complex idea in the human understanding. Hence that source, without end, of disputes, the glory of the bar, and of the schools of philosophy.

"Grotius and Bynkershoeck agree, and who is there that will deny, that necessity gives a right to make ourselves masters of everything, without the seizure of which a nation cannot defend herself? As in relation to want, if the enemy, on one part, is in want of stores, the want to intercept them on the other is equal. And in relation to blockades, every port of the enemy is blocked relative to a neutral vessel loaded with stores, which is seized, and, by consequence, blocked, or hindered to go there. It imports little, that whether the blockade be made across the narrows at Dover, or off the harbor at Brest, or L'Orient. If you are taken, you are blocked. Great Britain, by her insular situation, blocks naturally all the ports of Spain and France. She has a right to avail herself of this situation, as a gift of Providence.

"In fine, it is necessary to observe, that the claimants, founding themselves upon the privilege of the treaty, have not a single paper on board to prove the property of the cargo, in which respect all are defective. The sentence then, is, that, under the circumstances of this case, the claim of privilege is rejected, and that the Dutch master be enjoined to produce his sailing orders, and certificates and cockets from the Custom House of the port from whence the ship sailed, according to the stipulations of the sixth article of the treaty of 1674. The hemp and flax are condemned as contraband on board of this ship, and the owners of the iron are held to prove their property."

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 7th, 1780.

Sir,

There are several articles of intelligence today, which are connected with the subject of my letter of yesterday. One is from the Hague, the 2d of April. "Thursday night last two couriers from Petersburgh arrived here, alighted at the hotel of the Prince Gallitzen, the Envoy Extraordinary of her Majesty the Empress of all the Russias to the States-General. One of the couriers set off immediately for London, to the Russian Minister who resides there. The Prince Gallitzen having been in conference the next day with the President of the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, relative to the said despatches, this Minister sent back, the next night after his arrival, the same courier. From that time the report runs, that the object of these despatches was to communicate to the Republic the measures taken by Russia, with some of the northern powers, for ensuring respectively the safety of the navigation and commerce of their subjects, and to invite the States-General to enter into the same arrangements."

The other is from Constantinople, the 14th of February. "The privateers continue to vex the neutral ships in the seas of the Grand Seignior, by visiting and stopping them wherever they find them, and even without any discretion, at the entry of the ports and under the guns of our fortresses. The French frigate, the Gracieuse, which lay at anchor in the road of Cyprus, having learned that an English privateer had brought into the port of this island a French prize, sent to her some boats armed to retake her, which they could not accomplish, however, without having some men killed on both sides. The English consul having carried his complaints to the government of the Island, of a violation of the laws of nations and demanded assistance, he was so well succored, that the French were obliged to abandon the prize, and all of their nation who were in the island came very near being massacred by the Turks. As the Porte has also been informed, that on the other hand the ship Smyrna, of Rotterdam, has run a risk of undergoing the same fate with the ship of Captain Kinder, of Amsterdam, and perhaps to suffer treatment still harder, and in sight of the city of Smyrna; she has not only resolved to send new orders to all the commandants, to enjoin them very seriously to observe a neutrality the most exact, by fulfilling their duty, but she has also testified her sensibility in regard to all these depredations to the Ambassadors of the Courts of France and England, by sending to them last Saturday a representation in writing, purporting, that as the Porte had not failed to observe, during the war between France and England, an exact and perfect neutrality to facilitate their commerce upon an equal footing, and to afford to their ships all possible safety in her seas, it was natural that she should, and ought to expect, that the two powers would answer her conduct with a sincere friendship. That at the news of the first differences arisen between the two kingdoms, there were conferences held with their Ambassadors, in which it was agreed upon an equal footing; that the rules of the sea should not be violated, and that they should be, on the contrary, exactly observed and respected. That in consequence of this agreement, the Porte had not neglected anything to fulfil of fortresses and castles in the empire, to protect the ships of war and merchant-men against every attack, and not to suffer that any hostilities should be commenced in the ports of the Grand Seignior, and under the cannon and in sight of his fortresses.

"But in spite of all these measures, these powers had not taken care to observe them, which was the cause that no nation could now navigate freely and safely; that even to this time, the Porte had not received the least answer on the subject of a regulation of neutrality, which had been formed upon the footing of that which had been established during former wars between Christian powers, and of which communication had been made to the said Ambassadors, with a view to put a stop to the intolerable irregularities which had taken place in his seas, and to the end to prevent in consequence continual complaints and representations. That the Porte was informed foreign privateers held his ports blocked up, and forced the ships which entered into them or went out, without even excepting the Turkish vessels, to submit to their unjust visits and searches.

"That such a conduct, being contrary to the honor of the empire, the Porte ought to determine, as soon as possible, and communicate to the belligerent powers a good regulation, to the end, to procure by that means repose, to his subjects, whom Providence had confided to his care, and to this end it was necessary, that the Ambassadors of these two powers should be advertised to request their Courts, in the first place, to send, as soon as possible, to the captains and officers of ships armed for war, or privateers, precise orders, and as some time must pass before they can receive such orders, the Porte hopes that the gentlemen, the Ambassadors, will be so good in the meantime, as to order the captains and officers to suspend their operations, and abstain from all acts of hostility.

"And as, in consequence of the ancient regulations, every time that any vessels of war or armed ships come into the seas of the Grand Seignior, the foreign Ministers were held to give notice to the Porte of the object of their expedition or voyage, of their destination, and of the time they were to stay, it could not but be regarded as unreasonable, and entirely contrary to the reciprocal friendship, if these formalities should not be observed, the Porte, considering it as one of its principal duties, to employ all possible means to procure the tranquillity of its merchants, to protect their possessions against all force and injustice, as also to grant its protection to the subjects of the belligerent powers, and those of other powers who are equally good friends of this empire."

The Porte finishes, by giving notice to the Ambassadors, that the Capitan Pacha was ordered to oppose himself in a friendly manner to the enterprises of those, who should pursue the ancient proceedings, and to protect the merchants and the ships of all nations, who carry on commerce in the countries of this empire, whose sovereigns live in friendship with the Porte.

A third is a letter from Petersburg, 7th of March. "The rencounter which the Dutch convoy, on going out of the Texel the later end of December, under the command of Admiral Byland, had with the English squadron under Commodore Fielding, as well as the violent and hostile manner in which they made prize of this convoy, have occasioned here the greatest astonishment, and it is very much desired to know the consequences of this measure, which is generally considered as very offensive to the Republic of the United Provinces, and derogatory both to the treaties subsisting between the two nations, to the law of nations, and to the respect which ought to take place between two free and independent powers."

But that which is thought more extraordinary still, is, that the Court of London should have ordered a step so violent and insulting at a time when, having to maintain a war so dangerous as that against France, Spain, and the United States of America, her situation must appear not less anxious than dangerous, which this Court itself seems to acknowledge, by representing as she has done, that not finding herself in a condition to oppose the dangerous designs of the House of Bourbon, which, if you believe her, threaten the safety of all Europe, she believed herself consequently to have cause to demand succors here, as well as from the Republic of the United Provinces. However this may be, it is nevertheless notorious, that the solicitations of England have produced no effect here, which has given no small satisfaction to those, who consider in their proper point of light the designs and the conduct of this power, since the commencement of this war against the liberty of commerce and the navigation of free and independent powers, by means of which people in general seem so much the more pleased with the present resolution taken by her Majesty the Empress of all the Russias, relative to the said solicitation, as well as with the system of neutrality, which she has adopted, because without this wise measure there is no doubt but Great Britain would have pushed much further the irregularity of her proceedings.

The English, who are here, exert themselves as much as they can to justify and even to praise this proceeding of their nation towards the said convoy, but in vain have they attempted to induce the public to adopt this error, by advancing boldly, that the Court of Russia approves the violence, which they have exercised in this rencounter. No man believes them, since in fact it is impossible that the Empress can approve an action so diametrically opposite to the tenor of treaties, to the law of nations, as well as to the dignity of a sovereign and independent power, the injustice of which is so notorious, that if it had been committed with similar circumstances upon the Russian flag, the Princess herself would have been the first to have condemned it. Thus the reports, which the English propagate here, of the approbation given to these proceedings, imply so much the more of a manifest contradiction to the sentiments and manner of thinking of the Empress and her Ministers, that it is well known, that from the beginning of the present troubles, the Court of Russia has made representations and complaints against that of London, for the violent and arbitrary manner of acting, which this last has indulged herself in, against the navigation and commerce of neutral powers, from whence it has resulted, that other nations, in imitation of this proceeding, have embarrassed business more and more, until there exists no safety for any, which causes the greatest embarrassment to merchants and the freighters of ships.

I ought to add to this letter, that the English emissaries, who propagate false news everywhere and about everything, having circulated a report, that the Porte was discontented with the peace made with Russia, the Grand Seignior thought it necessary to order the interpreter of the Court to declare to all foreign Ministers, that the Sultan and all his Ministers had every reason to be very well satisfied with the accommodation with the Empress of Russia, and that he was determined to maintain religiously all the articles contained in that treaty. All these things tend to show, that the state of Europe continues the same, and that England, instead of getting an ally, is likely to have a combination of all maritime powers to bring her to reason.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, SECRETARY OF THE AMERICAN EMBASSY AT MADRID.

Paris, April 8th, 1780.

Sir,

I have this moment the honor of your letter from Madrid of the 29th of February, as I suppose, although the month is not mentioned. I thank you, Sir, for commencing a correspondence, which I have for some time wished to begin. I wrote to Mr Jay at Madrid, on the 22d of February, and wish to know if he has received the letter. It is certainly proper, that those who are intrusted abroad should maintain a correspondence and cultivate a good understanding with each other, because, although their departments are in some respects separate, yet in others they are intimately connected. From all that I heard in Spain, I expected, that you would meet with an agreeable reception at Madrid; and I am much pleased to learn from you, that I was not mistaken.

I have sometimes wondered at the slowness of Spain in making a treaty with us; but, when I reflected upon a certain secret article, my surprise ceased. We are already bound in a treaty to her, but she is not bound to us. It would be ungenerous in her, however, to hold us long in this situation. The treaty, notwithstanding all that has been justly said of the advantages to us, is not less advantageous to our allies. The single article, that binds us to exclude all armed vessels of the enemies, in all future wars, from our ports, is worth more millions to them than this war will cost; nay, it will be a severer loss to Great Britain, than all that she has spent in it. Whether Great Britain has considered this or not I do not know; but she will some time or other discover it, and feel the inconvenience of it.

You ask for news from America. A vessel from Baltimore is arrived at Bordeaux, but not a single letter to Dr Franklin or me. She brings two or three Baltimore newspapers, one as late as the 15th of February. There has been a hard winter, deep snows, uncommon frosts, frozen over from Connecticut to Long Island, and from New Jersey to Staten Island. Lord Sterling went over to Staten Island with a party on the ice, burnt a few vessels and a guard house, took a few prisoners, and brought off a few deserters. Some New Jersey people went over at the same time, and plundered without mercy. Finding the communication open with New York, which had been supposed to be obstructed by the ice, he returned. An article from a Fishkill paper says, that Clinton and Cornwallis sailed the 26th of December, with seven thousand men, for the West Indies, but that the storm, which happened soon after their departure, was supposed to have done him mischief. A ship, brig, and schooner were lost in the storm on Cape Cod, unknown who or whence, all perished. Congress had recommended to all the States to regulate prices at twenty for one, which, by the speculations in the papers, was not well liked. Governor Johnson is a delegate for Maryland, General Ward for Massachusetts, in the room of Mr Dana, (who desires me to return you his compliments and respects.) The other delegates as last year. This is all the news I can recollect, having seen the papers only a few minutes in a large company.

The general state of affairs appears very well. I see no probability of England's obtaining an ally; on the contrary, there are many symptoms of an approaching combination of the maritime powers, to protect neutral ships from searches and insults. Ireland is in the full career of independence. England seems determined to force Holland into a war against her, that she may have an opportunity to plunder her.

The correspondences and associations in England distress the Ministry very much; and, if the war continues and they should not be very successful, it seems likely, that they would save us the trouble of despatching them. I wish, however, that France and Spain were more convinced of the advantages they have in America and the West Indies. The more ships they send into those seas, the more they will force England to send there; and the more she sends there, the weaker she is in Europe, and the less she is dreaded and respected. Holland, Ireland, the opposition in England, and the other maritime powers all feel a confidence rising in proportion to the diminution of the British naval force in Europe, besides the innumerable advantages the French and Spaniards have, in supporting the war in the American seas over the English, which they have not in Europe; but I am apprehensive of being tedious. My compliments to Mr Jay and his family.

I am, with much respect, your most obedient and humble servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 8th, 1780.

Sir,

It will not be disagreeable to Congress to see a list of the naval losses of the English, since the commencement of the war.

Taken by the Americans and the French.

Lost, or cast away.

Burnt, sunk, or otherwise destroyed, to prevent their falling into the Hands of their Enemies.

Making a total number of fortysix vessels.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 10th, 1780.

Sir,

There are several miscellaneous articles of intelligence, which ought to be mentioned to Congress.

One from Copenhagen, of the 25th of March. "The Count de Lucchese, Minister of the King of the Two Sicilies, and charged at the same time with the affairs of the Court of Madrid, has received orders to declare to ours, that the King of Spain had it in contemplation to make arrangements relative to merchant ships of neutral powers, and with which we should have cause to be very well pleased. However this may be, we have not any news that the Danish ships detained, to the number of twenty, at Cadiz and Malaga, have been as yet released, which is a great damage to those who are interested in those vessels.

"There is arrived in this city a courier coming from St Petersburg, who has also passed through Stockholm, who after having delivered his despatches to the Envoy Extraordinary of her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, at this Court, immediately continued his journey for Hamburg."

Another is from Madrid, the 13th of March. "It is said that our Court will soon publish a new regulation relative to the Dutch navigation. In the meantime, they have released two ships of this nation, viz. the Griffin and the Zandam, which were detained at Algeziras.

"The register ships destined for the Havana and Vera Cruz, which are ready at Cadiz, are to sail immediately; these ships will be convoyed by twelve ships of the line and two frigates, as far as the Canary Islands. It is assured, that there will be embarked on board of this fleet, twelve thousand men, who are to be transported to America under the command of Don Victa de Nava, Lieutenant General. The last letters from the Havana import, that there were in that port fourteen ships of the line, as well as four thousand men ready to embark for an expedition, the object of which is yet unknown. Two of our cruisers have entered Barcelona with five very rich prizes, among which, one had on board eighteen thousand guineas, destined for Mahon."

Another from Paris. "Letters from Malta of the 11th of February inform, that the King's frigate, the Syracuse, commanded by M. Clavel, off Candia, has taken the English cutter, the Buck, of twentyfour guns, twelve swivels, and two hundred and three men, commanded by Captain George Flagg, and that the bad condition to which the engagement had reduced her, had induced him to sink her."

Another from Francfort, of the 1st of April. "They write from Hesse, that they continued to raise many recruits, and that there were at Ziagenham six hundred and eight volunteers, who were to set off in a little time with eleven hundred and twenty men for America."

Another from Amsterdam, of the 6th of March. "We learn from Dort, that they expected there the English vessels destined to transport the German troops for the service of England, which were still at Nimeguen; and they write from the Hague, that General Faucet had arrived there a few days since."

Another from London, of the 31st of March. "The despatches, which the Court has last received from Sir Joseph Yorke, excite the particular attention of the Ministry. Although the contents of them have not yet been made public, it is said, nevertheless, that in consequence of the memorial, presented on the 21st to the States-General by the British Minister, their High Mightinesses have taken the Pre-avis, relative to the succors demanded by Great Britain, which, although conceived in very moderate terms, contains, nevertheless, a refusal to furnish the succors demanded. The Republic, as it is pretended, founding its inability to comply with this demand principally upon the non-existence of the case of invasion of the British States, as a case, which alone could lay them under obligation to accede to the requisition of the King of England, the Count de Welderen, Envoy Extraordinary of the States-General, has been on the 29th in conference with Lord Stormont, and communicated to him the Pre-avis of their High Mightinesses, relative to the requisition of his Britannic Majesty, upon the subject of which the States-General will soon take a formal resolution. It is reported also, that his Excellency has likewise imparted to our Ministry the sentence of a court martial, which has adjudged, that Count Byland was not the aggressor in the affair of the seizure of the Dutch ships by Commodore Fielding. However, it is asserted, that the Court of St James has declared afresh, 'That if the States-General refuse to furnish to England the succors demanded in virtue of the treaties, she will give orders to search, without distinction, all Dutch ships under convoy and without convoy, and that all the merchandises and effects destined for the French and Spaniards, which shall be found loaded on board of these vessels, shall be seized and confiscated; adding, that it is neither just nor reasonable, that the Republic should be excused, on her part, from the observation of the treaties, while England should be held on hers to fulfil the conditions, and that thus, in consequence of her former declaration, the Republic should be no more considered but on the footing of other neutral powers.'

"They say, moreover, that the reasons alleged by their High Mightinesses in justification of their refusal to acquiesce in the demand of England, are of a nature to convince our Ministry, that such an acquiescence would produce consequences equally hurtful to the respective interests of the two powers in the present conjuncture.

"We are assured, that each man of the crews of the squadron of Commodore Fielding, will receive more than nine pounds sterling, for his share of the proceeds of the captures made of the Dutch convoy, and that there will be two hundred pounds sterling paid to the King's ships at Spithead, for their part of the prizes which they have made.

"The Court has received, within a few days, a great number of despatches from its Ministers at foreign Courts, the contents of which have given occasion to several cabinet councils. Those of Sir Joseph Yorke have excited a particular attention.

"The officers of all the vessels of war destined for sea, have received orders to repair on board as soon as possible, and be ready to sail on the first notice. The officers of the regiments of regular troops, and of the militia, must also join their respective corps without delay, that they may be ready to march by the middle of April. The forces will encamp nearly in the same place as last year; and there will be some detached corps ready to join the different camps according to circumstances."

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and esteem, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 10th, 1780.

Sir,

The Memoire of the Prince Gallitzen, Envoy Extraordinary from the Empress of all the Russias to the States-General, presented the third of this month, is of too much importance to the United States of America, and their allies, to be omitted to be sent to Congress. It is of the following tenor.

"High and Mighty Lords,

"The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary of her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, has the honor to communicate a copy of the declaration, which the Empress, his Sovereign, has made to the powers actually at war. Your High Mightinesses may regard this communication, as a particular mark of the attention of the Empress to the Republic, equally interested in the reasons which have given birth to this declaration.

"He has, moreover, orders to declare, in the name of her Imperial Majesty, that how much soever she may desire, on the one hand, to maintain during the present war the strictest neutrality, she will, nevertheless maintain, by means the most efficacious, the honor of the Russian flag, and the safety of her commerce, and the navigation of her subjects, and will not suffer that any injury should be done to it by any of the belligerent powers. That to avoid, on this occasion, all misunderstanding or false interpretation, she has thought it her duty to specify in her declaration the terms of a free commerce, and of that which is called contraband; that if the definition is founded upon notions the most simple, the most clear, and the most determinate by the law of nature, that of the latter is taken by her literally from the treaty of commerce of Russia with Great Britain; that by this she proves incontestably her good faith, and her impartiality towards both parties; that she thinks, consequently, that she ought to expect, that the other commercial powers will be earnest to accede to her manner of thinking relative to the neutrality.

"In pursuance of these two views, her Majesty has charged the subscriber to invite your High Mightinesses to make a common cause with her; insomuch, that this union may serve to protect commerce and navigation, observing at the same time the most exact neutrality, and to communicate to you the measures which she has taken in consequence. Similar invitations have been already made to the Courts of Copenhagen, Stockholm, and Lisbon, to the end, that by the common cares of all neutral maritime powers, a neutral system, founded on justice, and which, by its real utility, may serve as a rule for future ages, may be established and made legal in favor of the commercial navigation of neutral nations. The subscriber makes no doubt, that your High Mightinesses will take into consideration the invitation of her Imperial Majesty, and concur in making, without delay, a declaration to the belligerent powers, founded upon the same principles with those of the Empress, his sovereign, by explaining your sentiments at the same time upon the subject of the protection of your commerce, of your navigation, and of the nature of contraband goods, conformably to the terms of your particular treaties with other nations. Moreover, the subscriber has the honor to assure your High Mightinesses, that if, for establishing solidly a system, equally glorious and advantageous to the prosperity of navigation in general, you will commence a negotiation with the neutral powers abovementioned, to the end to establish a particular convention upon this subject, the Empress, his sovereign, will be ready to engage in it.

"Your High Mightinesses will readily perceive the necessity of coming to a resolution upon subjects equally important and advantageous to humanity in general.

"The subscriber requests the favor, that your High Mightinesses would furnish him with a speedy answer.

GALLITZEN."

DECLARATION

Of her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, made to the Courts of Versailles, Madrid, and London, mentioned in the foregoing Memorial.

"The Empress of all the Russias has manifested so visibly the sentiments of justice, equity, and moderation, which animate her, and has given, during the whole course of the war maintained against the Ottoman Porte, such convincing proofs of her attention to the rights of neutrality, and the freedom of commerce in general, that, in this respect, she may appeal to the testimony of all Europe. This conduct, as well as the scrupulous exactness with which she has observed the rules of neutrality during the Course of this war, has given her room to hope, that her subjects would peaceably enjoy the fruits of their industry, and the advantages, which belong to all neutral nations. Experience has, however, taught her the contrary, since neither these considerations, nor the regard due to what the law of nations in general prescribes, have been able to hinder the subjects of her Majesty from being oftentimes troubled in their navigation, or interrupted or retarded in their commerce, by the subjects of the belligerent powers. These interruptions having come upon business in general, and that of Russia in particular, are of a nature to awaken the attention of all the neutral nations, and oblige her Majesty, the Empress, to seek to deliver herself from them by all means suitable to her dignity and the well being of her subjects.

"But before she shall put them in execution, being filled with a sincere desire to prevent all subsequent acts of violence, she has thought that it was consistent with her equity to lay open to all Europe the principles, which will govern her, and which are indispensable to prevent all misunderstanding, as well as all which might give occasion to it. To this she has determined herself with so much the more confidence, as these principles are drawn from the primitive law of nations, and adopted by all nations, which the belligerent powers themselves cannot enervate, at least not without violating the laws of neutrality, and contemning the fundamental rules which they themselves have adopted, in divers treaties and alliances now existing.

"Article i. That all neutral vessels ought to navigate freely from one port to another, as well as upon the coasts of the powers now at war.

"Article ii. That the effects belonging to the subjects of the belligerent powers shall be free in neutral ships, excepting always contraband goods.

"Article iii. That her Imperial Majesty, in consequence of the limits above fixed, will adhere strictly to that which is stipulated by the tenth and eleventh articles of her treaty of commerce with Great Britain, concerning the manner in which she ought to conduct towards all the belligerent powers.

"Article iv. That as to what concerns a port blocked up, we ought not in truth to consider as such any but those, which are found so well shut up by a fixed and sufficient number of vessels belonging to the power which attacks it, that one cannot attempt to enter into such port without evident danger.

"Article v. That these principles above laid down ought to serve as a rule in all proceedings, whenever there is a question concerning the legality of prizes.

"From these considerations, her Imperial Majesty makes no difficulty to declare, that wishing to insure the execution of that, which is herein before declared, to maintain at the same time the honor of her flag, as well as the safety of the commerce of her States, and also to protect the navigation of her subjects against all those whom it may concern, she has given orders that a considerable portion of her maritime forces shall be put to sea, with no other intention than to insure the observation of the most exact and the most strict neutrality, which her Majesty proposes to keep as long as she shall not see herself absolutely forced to depart from that system of moderation and of perfect neutrality, which she has adopted; in such sort, that it will not be but in the last extremity, that her fleet will exercise her final orders to go wherever the necessity and the circumstances may require.

"It is then by assuring the belligerent powers in the most solemn manner, and with all that rectitude and sincerity, which form the distinguishing character of her Imperial Majesty, that she declares to them that she proposes to herself no other thing, than to convince them of the sentiments of equity with which she is animated, as well as of the tendency of her salutary views towards the well being of all nations in general, and particularly of those now at war, and that consequently her Imperial Majesty will provide her Admiralty as well as her Generals with instructions relative to this system, extracted from the code of nations, and which they have so often taken for rules in their treaties."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, April 11th, 1780.

Sir,

The counties in England, which have agreed to petitions upon the expenditure of public money, the influence of the Crown, and the corruption of Parliament, are these.