Braintree, August 13th, 1779.
My Dear Sir,
Since I have had opportunity to converse a little in this country, and to read a few gazettes, I find that questions have been agitated here in the newspapers, and in private circles, as well as in Congress, concerning his Excellency, the Count de Vergennes, and Mr Arthur Lee, which seem to make it necessary that I should send the enclosed copies.[47] You can judge better than I whether it will be of any public utility to lay them before Congress. My first letter, and his Excellency's answer, I can see no objection to laying before Congress; but as the rest[48] contain little else besides mutual compliments, perhaps it will be as well to conceal them. I submit the whole, however, to your discretion, and am, with much esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, September 10th, 1779.
Sir,
Looking over the printed journals of the 15th of last April, I find in the report of the Committee appointed to take into consideration the foreign affairs of the United States, and also the conduct of the late and present Commissioners of these States, the two following articles.
1. "That it appears to them, that Dr Franklin is Plenipotentiary for these States at the Court of France; Dr Arthur Lee, Commissioner for the Court of Spain; Mr William Lee, Commissioner for the Courts of Vienna and Berlin; Mr Ralph Izard, Commissioner for the Court of Tuscany; that Mr John Adams was appointed one of the Commissioners at the Court of France, in the place of Mr Deane, who had been appointed a joint Commissioner with Dr Franklin and Dr Arthur Lee, but that the said commission of Mr Adams is superseded by the Plenipotentiary commission to Dr Franklin.
2. "That in the course of their examination and inquiry, they find many complaints against the said Commissioners, and the political and commercial agency of Mr Deane, which complaints, with the evidence in support thereof, are herewith delivered, and to which the Committee beg leave to refer."
The word "said" in the second article, refers to the Commissioners mentioned in the first, and as my name is among them, I learn from hence, that there were some complaints against me, and that the evidence in support of them was delivered to Congress by the Committee.
I therefore pray, that I may be favored with copies of those complaints, evidences, and the names of my accusers, and the witnesses against me, that I may take such measures as may be in my power to justify myself to Congress.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Boston, September 23d, 1779.
Sir,
I had yesterday the honor of your letter of the 7th of this month. I thank you, Sir, for your obliging congratulations on my return to my family and country.
The reason why my letters of the 27th of February, and the 1st of March, arrived so late was, that they were delivered at the time of their dates to gentlemen then bound to the seaports, who expected to sail directly for America, but were disappointed of passages, until the vessels sailed under the convoy of the Sensible.
I have not my letter book here, but I do not remember that they contained anything of much consequence, so that I suppose the inconvenience of their late arrival was not much.
You will be pleased to make my most respectful compliments to the members of Congress, and believe me, with great esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, October 17th, 1779.
My Dear Sir,
What shall I say to your favors of the 27th and 28th of September, which came by the last post? The unanimity of my election surprises me, as much as the delicacy, importance, and danger of the trust distress me. The appointment of Mr Dana to be Secretary pleases me more than my own to be Minister, Commissioner, Negotiator, call it what you will. I have communicated to him your letters in confidence, and all other material intelligence I had, and hope he will not decline, but you know the peculiarities of his situation, and if he should refuse, I hope you will not force your name out of nomination again. I did not suppose that such characters would be willing to go as Secretaries, because I did not know your plan, otherwise I should not have mentioned Mr Jennings to Mr Gerry for one to Dr Franklin. Your mastery of the language, and your indefatigability, would make you infinitely useful in any of these departments.
I rejoice that you produced my letter to the Count de Vergennes and his answer before the choice, because it contained a testimony in favor of Mr Lee, which was his due.[49] I am very much affected at his recall, because I know his merit, and, therefore, I am glad I was not placed in his stead, for suspicions would have arisen, and reflections would have been cast upon me, as having favored his removal in order to make room, which I certainly did not. I am infinitely obliged to you for those letters, and for that received the post before last, but I really tremble for your health. Let me entreat you, for the sake of our country, to take care of it. If I was to apply myself as you do, I should soon go to study politics in another sphere. Yet I am so selfish as to beg the continuance of your favors to me, and I pledge myself to you, I will not be in debt any more than may be made by the intrinsic difference in the value of the letters, which will be unavoidable.
I thank you for the extract from Mr Izard's letter. I am not a little surprised at its contents. It was written, I see, to his friend, and I suppose intended in confidence. I am fully persuaded he did not intend, that the whole should have been laid before Congress.[50] I utterly deny that I ever used to him any such language, as the indecent paragraph that closes what he says about me. Indeed, that is manifestly his own inference, and in his own words, from what he says he had heard me say, and he draws the same from what Dr Franklin and Mr Deane had said upon the same subject. I further deny that I ever threatened him with the displeasure of Congress, for writing his opinion concerning these articles to Congress, or for suggesting them to the Commissioners. But to enter into all the conversations that have passed between Mr Izard and me respecting those articles, and many other points in order to give a full and fair representation of those conversations, would fill a small volume. Yet there never was any angry or rude conversation between him and me, that I can recollect. I lived with him on good terms, visited him and he me, dined with his family, and his family with me, and I ever told him, and repeated it often, that I should be always obliged to him for his advice, opinions, and sentiments upon any American subject, and that I should always give it its due weight, although I did not think myself bound to follow it any further than it seemed to me to be just. As Congress have declined giving me the charges against me by their authority, and have, upon the whole, acquitted me with so much splendor, it would look like a littleness of soul in me to make myself anxious, or give them any further trouble about it. And as I have in general so good an opinion of Mr Izard's attachment to his country, and of his honor, I shall not think myself bound to take any further notice of this fruit of his inexperience in public life, this peevish ebullition of the rashness of his temper. I have written a few other observations to Mr Gerry on the same subject. You and he will compare these with them for your private satisfaction, but be sure that they are not exposed where they will do harm to the public, to Mr Izard, or me, unnecessarily.
If I should go abroad, cannot you lend me twenty or thirty complete sets of the journals? They are much wanted in Europe. A set of them is a genteel present, and perhaps would do me and the public more service than you are aware of. If Congress, or some Committee would order it, I should be very glad.
I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, October 19th, 1779.
Sir,
I had in Paris an opportunity of procuring information concerning the British whale fishery on the coast of Brazil, which it is proper to communicate to Congress, that if any advantage can be made of it the opportunity may not be lost.
The last year and the year before the English carried on this fishery to very great advantage, off the river Plate in South America, in the latitude of 35° south, and from thence to 40°, just on the edge of soundings, off and on, as the sailors express it, and about longitude 65° from London. They had about seventeen vessels in this fishery, which all sailed from London in the months of September and October. All the officers and men Americans from Nantucket and Cape Cod, two or three from Rhode Island, and one from Long Island. Four or five of these vessels went to Greenland, to which place they sail yearly, the last of February or the beginning of March.
The year before last, there was published in the English newspapers, a letter from the Lords of the Admiralty to Dennis de Bredt, in Coleman Street, informing him, that a convoy should be appointed to the Brazil fleet. But this I had certain information was a forgery, calculated merely to deceive American privateers, and no convoy actually went or was appointed, either last year or the year before, although the imposture was repeated both times, and will no doubt be renewed this.
For the capture or destruction of a fishery so wholly defenceless, not one of the vessels having any arms, a single frigate, or indeed a privateer of four and twenty guns, would be sufficient. The beginning of December would be the best time to proceed from Boston or Philadelphia, because the frigate would then find the whaling vessels nearly loaded. The cargoes of bone and oil are very valuable, and at least four hundred and fifty of the best kind of seamen would be taken out of the hands of the English, and might be gained into the American service. Most of the officers and men wish well to this country, and would gladly be in its service, if they could be delivered from that they are engaged in. Whenever the English men of war or privateers, have taken an American vessel, they have given to all the whalemen found among the crew, by order of government, their choice, either to go on board a man of war and fight against their country, or into the whale fishery. Such numbers have chosen the latter, as have made up the crews of seventeen vessels.
I thought it my duty to communicate this, that if so profitable a branch of commerce, and so valuable a nursery of seamen, can be taken from the English, it may be done. I prevailed with my colleagues last year to represent these facts to his Excellency, M. de Sartine, but it appears that his Majesty's service would not admit of any enterprise from France in consequence of it. Since my return I have represented them to the Council of this State, but whether anything can be done by them, after the disaster at Penobscot, I doubt. If Congress should not deem it consistent with the public service to send a frigate upon this service, nothing will be lost but the trouble of this letter.
I have the honor to congratulate your Excellency on your advancement to the chair, and to subscribe myself with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, October 20th, 1779.
Sir,
M. Schweighauser of Nantes, who is a native of Switzerland, observing me as I was one day at his house looking with some attention upon a stamp of the heroic deed of William Tell, asked me to take a few of them to America, as a present from him, which I agreed to do with pleasure. He accordingly sent on board the frigate a box containing, as he told me, one stamp for each State, neatly framed and glazed, which he desired me to present to Congress, as a small token of his respect. The box has never been opened, but I hope the pictures are safe, and with permission of Congress I will deliver it to the Navy Board in Boston, to be by them transmitted to the delegates from the several States, or to their order.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, October 21st, 1779.
Sir,
So many advantages might be derived to the United States in the conduct of the war, in furnishing the army and navy, in augmenting the value, or at least in preventing the further depreciation of their currency, in lowering the prices of goods, in supplying the wants of the people, and in preventing murmurs and discontents, that I have ever thought it of very great importance, in some way or other, to procure convoys to their trade, to and from the West India Islands, and Europe.
France and Spain have such advantages of England in carrying on the war in the American seas, and would receive such assistance from our commerce, privateers, and growing navy, that I have ever thought it a main principle of their policy to maintain a constant and decided superiority of naval power in the West Indies, and upon the coasts of this continent. I would, therefore, with due deference to the superior wisdom of Congress, beg leave to submit to their consideration, whether it would not be expedient for them, either by a direct representation from themselves to the French and Spanish Courts, or by instructions to their Plenipotentiary Ministers, to convince those Courts, that their true interest lies in adopting this plan. It is certainly their interest, reasoning upon French and Spanish principles simply, to conduct this war in such a manner as has a tendency in the shortest time, and with the least expense, to diminish the power of their enemies, and increase their own. Now I would submit it to Congress whether it may not be easily demonstrated, that these ends may be obtained the most easily in this way. A representation from Congress, either directly or by instructions to their Ministers, showing what assistance in provisions, artists, materials, vessels of war, privateers, land armies, or in any other way, France and Spain might depend upon receiving from these States, either for money or as the exertions of an ally, would have great weight.
Much has been already said to the French Ministry upon these subjects, and not wholly without effect; yet much more may be said to greater advantage, and perhaps to better purpose, for they are extremely well disposed to do what can be made to appear to them for the advantage of the common cause.
I have the honor to enclose some papers on this subject. One is a letter from the Commissioners to his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, which he received the beginning of January last,[51] the other is a letter from me to the Marquis de Lafayette[52] in February, with his answer.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, October 25th, 1779.
My Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 4th of this month gave me great pleasure, but I am afraid that you and some others of my friends felt more for me in the awkward situation you mention than I did for myself, though I cannot say that I was wholly insensible. I could compare it to nothing, but Shakspeare's idea of Ariel, wedged in the middle of a rifted oak, for I was sufficiently sensible, that it was owing to an unhappy division in Congress, and pains enough were taken to inform me, that one side were for sending me to Spain, and the other to Holland, so that I was flattered to find that neither side had any decisive objection against trusting me, and that the apparent question was only where.
That I was sent without the least solicitation of mine, directly or indirectly, is certainly true; and I had such formidable ideas of the sea and of British men of war, such diffidence in my own qualifications to do service in that way, and such uncertainty of the reception I should meet, that I had little inclination to adventure. That I went against my interest is most undoubtedly so, for I never yet served the public without losing by it. I was not, however, as you suppose, kept unemployed. I had business enough to do, as I could easily convince you. There is a great field of business there, and I could easily show you that I did my share of it. There is so much to do, and so much difficulty to do it well, that I am rejoiced to find a gentleman of such abilities, principles, and activity as Colonel Laurens undoubtedly is, without a compliment, appointed to assist in it.[53] I most sincerely hope for his friendship, and an entire harmony with him, for which reason I should be very happy in his company in the passage, or in an interview with him as soon as possible in Europe. He will be in a delicate situation, but not so much so as I was; and plain sense, honest intentions, and common civility will, I think, be sufficient to secure him, and do much good.
Your kind compliments on my safe return and most honorable re-election are very obliging. I have received no commission, nor instructions, nor any particular information of the plan; but from the advice and information from you and several other of my friends at Philadelphia and here, I shall make no hesitation to say, that, notwithstanding the delicacy and danger of this commission, I suppose I shall accept it without delay and trust events to Heaven, as I have been long used to do.
The convulsions at Philadelphia are very affecting and alarming, but not entirely unexpected to me. The state of parties, and the nature of their government, have a long time given me disagreeable apprehensions. But I hope they will find some remedy. Methods will be found to feed the army, but I know of none to clothe it without convoys to trade, which Congress, I think, will do well to undertake, and persuade France and Spain to undertake as soon as possible. Your packets for your friends in Europe will give me pleasure, and shall be forwarded with care and despatch.
With great truth and regard, I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, November 4th, 1779.
Sir,
I had yesterday the honor of receiving your letter of the 20th of October, enclosed with two commissions, appointing me Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, to negotiate peace and commerce with Great Britain, together with instructions for my government in the execution of these commissions, copies of instructions to the Ministers Plenipotentiary at Versailles and Madrid, and two acts of Congress of the 4th and 15th of October.
Peace is an object of such vast importance, the interests to be adjusted in the negotiations to obtain it are so complicated and so delicate, and the difficulty of giving even general satisfaction is so great, that I feel myself more distressed at the prospect of executing the trust, than at the thought of leaving my country, and again encountering the dangers of the seas and of enemies. Yet, when I reflect on the general voice in my favor, and the high honor that is done me by this appointment, I feel the warmest sentiments of gratitude to Congress, and shall make no hesitation to accept it, and devote myself without reserve or loss of time to the discharge of it. My success, however, may depend, in a very great degree, on the intelligence and advices that I may receive from time to time from Congress, and on the punctuality with which several articles in my instructions may be kept secret. It shall be my most earnest endeavor to transmit to Congress the most constant and exact information in my power of whatever may occur, and to conceal those instructions, which depend in any measure on my judgment. And I hope I need not suggest to Congress the necessity of communicating to me, as early as possible, their commands from time to time, and of keeping all the discretionary articles an impenetrable secret, a suggestion, however, that the constitution of that sovereignty, which I have the honor to represent, might excuse.
As the frigate has been some time waiting, I shall embark in eight or ten days at furthest. Your Excellency will please to present my most dutiful respects to Congress, and accept my thanks for the polite and obliging manner in which you have communicated their commands.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
INSTRUCTIONS FOR A TREATY OF PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN.[54]
Sir,
You will herewith receive a commission, giving you full power to negotiate a treaty of peace with Great Britain, in doing which you will conform to the following information and instructions.
1. The United States are sincerely desirous of peace, and wish by every means, consistent with their dignity and safety, to spare the further effusion of blood. They have, therefore, by your commission and these instructions, labored to remove the obstacles to that event, before the enemy have evidenced their disposition for it. But as the great object of the present defensive war, on the part of the allies, is to establish the independence of the United States, and as any treaty whereby this end cannot be obtained must be only ostensible and illusory, you are, therefore, to make it a preliminary article to any negotiation, that Great Britain shall agree to treat with the United States, as sovereign, free, and independent.
2. You shall take especial care also, that the independence of the said States be effectually assured and confirmed by the treaty or treaties of peace, according to the form and effect of the treaty of alliance with His Most Christian Majesty. And you shall not agree to such treaty or treaties, unless the same be thereby so assured and confirmed.
3. The boundaries of these States are as follows, viz. These States are bounded north, by a line to be drawn from the northwest angle of Nova Scotia along the highlands, which divide those rivers which empty themselves into the river St Lawrence, from those which fall into the Atlantic ocean, to the northwesternmost head of Connecticut river; thence down along the middle of that river to the fortyfifth degree of north latitude; thence due west in the latitude fortyfive degrees north from the equator to the northwesternmost side of the river St Lawrence or Cadaraqui; thence straight to the south end of Nepissing; and thence straight to the source of the river Mississippi; west, by a line to be drawn along the middle of the river Mississippi from its source to where the said line shall intersect the thirtyfirst degree of north latitude; south, by a line to be drawn due east, from the termination of the line last mentioned in the latitude of thirtyone degrees north from the equator to the middle of the river Appalachicola, or Catahouchi; thence along the middle thereof to its junction with the Flint river; thence straight to the head of St Mary's river; and thence down along the middle of St Mary's river to the Atlantic ocean; and east, by a line to be drawn along the middle of St John's river from its source to its mouth in the Bay of Fundy, comprehending all islands within twenty leagues of any part of the shores of the United States, and lying between lines to be drawn due east from the points where the aforesaid boundaries between Nova Scotia on the one part, and East Florida on the other part, shall respectively touch the Bay of Fundy and the Atlantic ocean. You are, therefore, strongly to contend that the whole of the said countries and islands lying within the boundaries aforesaid, and every citadel, fort, post, place, harbor, and road to them belonging, be absolutely evacuated by the land and sea forces of his Britannic Majesty, and yielded to the powers of the States to which they respectively belong, in such situation as they may be at the termination of the war. But, notwithstanding the clear right of these States, and the importance of the object, yet they are so much influenced by the dictates of religion and humanity, and so desirous of complying with the earnest request of their allies, that if the line to be drawn from the mouth of the lake Nepissing to the head of the Mississippi cannot be obtained without continuing the war for that purpose, you are hereby empowered to agree to some other line between that point and the river Mississippi; provided the same shall in no part thereof be to the southward of latitude fortyfive degrees north. And in like manner, if the eastern boundary above described cannot be obtained, you are hereby empowered to agree, that the same shall be afterwards adjusted, by commissioners to be duly appointed for that purpose, according to such line as shall be by them settled and agreed on, as the boundary between that part of the State of Massachusetts Bay, formerly called the province of Maine, and the colony of Nova Scotia, agreeably to their respective rights. And you may also consent, that the enemy shall destroy such fortifications as they may have erected.
3. Although it is of the utmost importance to the peace and commerce of the United States that Canada and Nova Scotia should be ceded, and more particularly that their equal common right to the fisheries should be guarantied to them, yet a desire of terminating the war has induced us not to make the acquisition of these objects an ultimatum on the present occasion.
5. You are empowered to agree to a cessation of hostilities during the negotiation, provided our ally shall consent to the same, and provided it shall be stipulated that all the forces of the enemy shall be immediately withdrawn from the United States.
6. In all other matters not abovementioned, you are to govern yourself by the alliance between His Most Christian Majesty and these States, by the advice of our allies, by your knowledge of our interests, and by your own discretion, in which we repose the fullest confidence.
INSTRUCTIONS FOR A TREATY OF COMMERCE WITH GREAT BRITAIN.
Sir,
You will herewith receive a commission, giving you full power to negotiate a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, in doing which, you will consider yourself bound by the following information and instructions.
1. You will govern yourself principally by the treaty of commerce with His Most Christian Majesty, and as, on the one hand, you shall grant no privilege to Great Britain not granted by that treaty to France, so, on the other, you shall not consent to any peculiar restrictions or limitations whatever in favor of Great Britain.
2. In order that you may be the better able to act with propriety on this occasion, it is necessary for you to know, that we have determined, 1st, that the common right of fishing shall in no case be given up; 2dly, that it is essential to the welfare of all these United States that the inhabitants thereof, at the expiration of the war, should continue to enjoy the free and undisturbed exercise of their common right to fish on the Banks of Newfoundland, and the other fishing banks and seas of North America, preserving inviolate the treaties between France and the said States; 3dly, that application shall be made to His Most Christian Majesty to agree to some article or articles for the better securing to these States a share in the said fisheries; 4thly, that if, after a treaty of peace with Great Britain, she shall molest the citizens or inhabitants of any of the United States, in taking fish on the banks and places hereinafter described, such molestation, being in our opinion a direct violation and breach of the peace, shall be a common cause of the said States, and the force of the union be exerted to obtain redress for the parties injured; and 5thly, that our faith be pledged to the several States, that, without their unanimous consent, no treaty of commerce shall be entered into, nor any trade or commerce carried on with Great Britain, without the explicit stipulation hereinafter mentioned. You are therefore not to consent to any treaty of commerce with Great Britain without an explicit stipulation on her part, not to molest or disturb the inhabitants of the United States of America in taking fish on the Banks of Newfoundland and other fisheries in the American seas anywhere, excepting within the distance of three leagues of the shores of the territories remaining to Great Britain at the close of the war, if a nearer distance cannot be obtained by negotiation. And in the negotiation you are to exert your most strenuous endeavors to obtain a nearer distance to the gulf of St Lawrence, and particularly along the shores of Nova Scotia, as to which latter we are desirous that even the shores may be occasionally used for the purpose of carrying on the fisheries by the inhabitants of these States.
In all matters you are to govern yourself by your own discretion, as shall be most for the interest of these States, taking care that the said treaty be founded on principles of equality and reciprocity, so as to conduce to the mutual advantage of both nations, but not to the exclusion of others.
Braintree, November 7th, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress a copy of the letter book of the Commissioners at the Court of Versailles, during the time I had the honor to be one of them. As the letter book was kept by me, and almost wholly in my hand writing, the Minister Plenipotentiary consented, that I should bring it home with me, leaving him a copy, which was done.
As there may be many things in it which Congress may have occasion to know, I have prevailed with Mr Thaxter to copy it. I shall submit to the consideration of Congress, whether he ought to have any allowance for this service, and how much. As Mr Thaxter will accompany me to Europe, in the character of my private Secretary, if Congress think proper to allow him anything for these copies, I can pay him in Europe if it is thought proper.
I chose to mention Mr Thaxter's going with me to Congress, because jealousies have arisen heretofore concerning private Secretaries. Mr Thaxter is known to Congress, and I think I can safely confide in his fidelity, diligence, and discretion, and from the experience I have had in Europe I am fully convinced, that it is my duty to take with me some one of this character.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Ferrol, December 8th, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that, Congress having judged it proper to appoint me to a new mission in Europe, I embarked on the 13th of November, at the instance of the Chevalier de la Luzerne and M. Gerard, on board the same frigate, that carried me to America. Soon after we got to sea, a formidable leak in the ship discovered itself, so as to oblige us to keep two pumps constantly going by night and day, which induced the captain to think it necessary to put into this place, where we have just now cast anchor. Whether I shall go to Paris by land or wait for the frigate is uncertain; I believe the former, as the latter might detain me four or five weeks. I have despatches for your Excellency from Congress, which I shall carry with me, and newspapers. These latter contain little remarkable save the evacuation of Rhode Island by the enemy, and the Count d'Estaing's progress in Georgia, in co-operation with General Lincoln, which was in a fair course of success.
I hope the Confederacy, which sailed from Philadelphia three or four weeks before us, with M. Gerard and Mr Jay, who is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary for Spain, has happily arrived, and made it unnecessary for me to enlarge upon the general state of affairs in America, which were upon the whole in a favorable train. I hope to have the honor of saluting you at Passy in a few weeks, and am, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Ferrol, December 11th, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform Congress, that on the 13th of November I embarked on board the French frigate, la Sensible, and on the 14th came on board Mr Francis Dana, the Secretary to my commission, when we fell down to King's Roads, and on the 15th we sailed for France.
A leak was soon discovered in the ship, which obliged us to ply the pumps; as it seemed a steady leak, it gave little alarm at first, but continuing to increase to such a degree as to make two pumps constantly necessary night and day, obliging the passengers to take their turns in common with the ship's people, the captain judged it necessary to make the first port he could find. Accordingly, on the 7th of December, we happily discovered Cape Finisterre, and on the 8th arrived in the magnificent Spanish port of Ferrol, where we found a squadron of French ships of the line, the officers of which think we were very happy in making this port, as the frigate, since she has been in this harbor, is found to make seven or eight feet of water an hour.
The advice of all the gentlemen here is to make the best of my way to Paris by land, as it is the opinion of many, that the frigate will be condemned, but if not, she certainly will not be ready to sail again from this port in less than four or five weeks.
This is unfortunate to me, because, by all the information I can obtain, travelling in this kingdom is attended with many difficulties and delays, as well as a very great expense, there being no regular posts as in France, and no possibility of passing over the mountainous part of this country in carriages.
I find there has been no engagement in the European seas between the English and the combined fleets of France and Spain, as was reported in America. There has been an epidemic sickness on board the French fleet, which caused it to return rather sooner than was intended. There are twentyfive Spanish ships of the line in Brest harbor with the French. It is reported that M. du Chaffault is appointed commander in chief of the French fleet, and that the Count d'Orvilliers has retired.
Captain Jones has done another brilliant action, by taking a fortyfour gun ship, after an obstinate engagement, which he carried into the Texel, but I cannot learn the particulars with much certainty or exactness.
I have been treated with the utmost attention and politeness since my arrival in this place, both by the Spanish and French officers, particularly by the Spanish Lieutenant General of Marine, Don Joseph St Vincent, who is commander in chief of the marine, by M. de Sade, the French Chef d'Escadré, and by the French consul and vice consul, who have all obligingly offered me every assistance in their power.
I shall endeavor to inform Congress of every step of my progress, as I may find opportunity. I have heard nothing as yet, which makes it probable to me, that I shall have anything to do openly and directly, in pursuance of my commission very speedily. There is a confused rumor here of a mediation of Russia and Holland, but I am persuaded without foundation. It seems to be much more certain, that the English continue in their old ill humor and insolent language, notwithstanding their impotence grows every day more apparent.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Corunna, December 16th, 1779.
Sir,
By the opportunity of a small vessel accidentally in this harbor, bound to Newburyport, I have the honor to inform Congress that I have been detained by violent rains, and several accidents, in Ferrol until yesterday, when I set out with my family for this place, and arrived last evening without any accident. I awaited immediately on the Governor of the province, and on the Governor of the town, and received many civilities from both, and particularly from his Excellency the Governor of the province of Galicia, an assurance that he was not only disposed personally to render me every hospitality and assistance in his power, but that he had received express orders from his Court, to treat all Americans who should arrive here like their best friends. These personages were very inquisitive about American affairs, particularly the progress of our arms, and the operations of the Count d'Estaing, and more particularly still about the appointment of a Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Madrid. They requested his name, character, nativity, age, whether he was a member of Congress, and whether he had been President, with many other particulars.
To all these questions I made the best answers in my power, and with regard to his Excellency, the Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Madrid, I gave them the most exact information, and such a respectable character as the high offices he has sustained, and his own personal merit require. It is the prevailing opinion here, that the Court of Madrid is well disposed to enter into a treaty with the United States, and that the Minister from Congress will be immediately received, American independence acknowledged, and a treaty concluded. The frigate la Sensible is found to be in so bad a condition, that I am advised by everybody to go to France by land. The season, the roads, the accommodations for travelling are so unfavorable, that it is not expected I can get to Paris in less than thirty days. But if I were to wait for the frigate, it would probably be much longer. I am determined, therefore, to make the best of my way by land. And it is possible that this journey may prove of some service to the public, although it will be tedious and expensive to me, at least, I hope the public will sustain no loss by it.
There are six battalions of Irish troops in Spain, in three regiments, several of whose officers have visited me to assure me of their regard to the United States. I have been this afternoon to the Tower de Fer to see the Island of Cezarga, which was rendered famous in the course of the last summer by being appointed the rendezvous of the French and Spanish fleets. The French fleet arrived at this Island on the 9th of June last, but were not joined by the Spanish fleet from Ferrol, till some time in July, nor by the fleet from Cadiz till much later, so that the combined fleets were not able to sail for the English Channel, until the 30th of July. To prevent a similar inconvenience another campaign, there are about twentyfive Spanish ships of the line now in Brest, which are to winter there, and to be ready to sail with the French fleets the approaching summer, at the first opening of the season.
God grant them success and triumph, although no man wishes for peace more sincerely than I, or would take more pleasure, or think himself more highly honored in being instrumental in bringing it about, yet, I confess, I see no prospect or hope of it, at least before the end of another summer. America will be amused with rumors of peace, and Europe too, but the English are not yet in a temper for it.
The Court of Russia has lately changed its Ambassador at the Court of London, and sometime in the month of October, M. Simolin, the new Minister Plenipotentiary from the Court of Petersburg to the Court of London, passed through France in his way to England, and resided three weeks in Paris. From this circumstance, a report has been spread in Europe, that the Court of Russia is about to undertake the office of mediator between the belligerent powers. But from conversation with several persons of distinction since my arrival in Spain, particularly with the Count de Sade, the Chef d'Escadré, commanding the French men of war now in Ferrol, I am persuaded, that if Russia has any thoughts of a mediation, the independence of the United States will be insisted upon by her as a preliminary, and Great Britain will feel much more reluctance to agree to this, than to the cession of Gibraltar, which it is said Spain absolutely insists upon.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Corunna, December 18th, 1779.
Mr Adams presents his compliments to the Governor of Corunna, and informs him, according to his desire expressed last evening, that the names of the persons for whom he requests a passport from his Excellency, the Governor of this Province, are as follows.
John Adams, a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America.
Francis Dana, Secretary to Mr Adams's commission, a member of Congress, and a member of the Council of Massachusetts Bay.
John Thaxter, private Secretary to Mr Adams.
John Quincy Adams, a son of Mr Adams, about twelve years of age.
Charles Adams, another son of Mr Adams, nearly ten years of age.
Jeremiah Allen of Boston, in Massachusetts, a private gentleman accidentally in company; he is a merchant travelling with the view of establishing a private commerce in Spain, as well as France.
Samuel Cooper Johonnot, ten or eleven years of age, a grandson of a particular friend of Mr Adams in Boston, going to Paris for an education in the University there.
Joseph Stevens, a servant of Mr Adams.
John William Christian Frieke, a servant of Mr Dana.
Andrew Desmia, a servant of Mr Allen.
Mr Adams requests a passport for all these persons to go to Madrid, and from thence to Bilboa, and from thence to Bayonne, in their way to Paris; with liberty at the same time to go directly to Bayonne by the nearest road, without going to Madrid, or to Bilboa; as it is uncertain whether Mr Adams will have the time to gratify his inclination with the sight of those cities.
Versailles, December 31st, 1779.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me on the 6th of October last.
I was well persuaded, that M. de Chavagne[55] would endeavor to procure for you everything in his power to render your passage agreeable. This was conformable to the instructions I had given him respecting the intentions of the King.
I learn with pleasure, that, being again charged with an important mission by Congress, you will be able to profit by the frigate Sensible a second time in your voyage to France.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE SARTINE.
Bilboa, January 16th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform Congress, that last night, and not before, I arrived at this place.
At Ferrol and Corunna I was advised by all the friends of America, to undertake a journey by land. The consul of France and M. Lagoanere, a gentleman who has acted for some time as the American agent at Corunna, obligingly offered me all the assistance in their power, and accordingly used their utmost diligence to procure me the necessary mules and carriages, for the transportation of the small number of persons in company with me, and the small quantity of baggage we found it indispensably necessary to take with us, having left more than two thirds of what we had with us to take the chance of a passage by sea to France. From the 8th of December, when we arrived at Ferrol, to the 26th of the same month, when we set off from Corunna, we were detained by the violent rains, and the impossibility of getting accommodations for travelling. All our beds and provisions we were obliged to carry with us. We travelled through the ancient kingdoms of Galicia, Leon, Old Castile, and Biscay, and although we made the best of our way without loss of time, we found it impossible to go more than eight leagues a day, and sometimes not more than four. The roads and inns are inconvenient to a degree that I should blush to describe, and the pain we suffered in a cold season of the year for want of fire, in a country where there are no chimnies, gave us all such violent colds, that I was under great apprehensions of our being seized with fevers.
As we were so near Madrid, within about forty leagues, I balanced some time in my own mind, whether to go to that fine city, but considering that this would lengthen our journey near a hundred leagues, the severe season of the year, and above all the political situation that I might be in, my country not being yet acknowledged as a sovereign State by any formal act of that Court, it being known, that another gentleman had a commission for that Court, and he being expected soon to arrive, I thought it upon the whole the least hazardous to the public interest to avoid that route.
It may be of some use to my countrymen to transmit a few observations upon the country I have passed through, because it appears to me that a commerce extremely advantageous to both countries may be opened between us and Spain, as soon as our independence shall be acknowledged by that power, at least as soon as we shall obtain the great object of all our wishes, peace.
The province of Galicia is one of the largest in Spain, and said to be one of the best peopled. Corunna is in effect the principal city, although St Jago, in respect to its patron Saint, or more probably to the Archbishop who resides there, is in name the capital. This province, one of those whereof the ancient Crown of Castile was formed, is washed by the ocean for more than seventy leagues from Ribadeo, on the frontiers of Asturias, to the mouth of the river Minks, which separates it from Portugal. This coast, which is divided by Cape Finisterre, is provided on both sides of the Cape with ports equally safe and convenient, which nature seems to have prepared around this Cape, an object oftentimes so necessary to be made by navigators, both at their departure from Europe, and at their return, as so many asylums both from the apprehensions and the consequences of storms. The most known of these ports are Ribadeo, Ferrol, Corunna, and Camarinas, to the eastward of Cape Finisterre; Corubios, Muros, Pontevidia, and Vigo to the westward; all proper to receive vessels of the first rate, especially Ferrol and Vigo; the first, the most considerable department of the marine of Spain, is embellished with everything that art and the treasures, profusely spent upon it for thirty years past, could add to its happy situation. Vigo, represented to be one of the most beautiful ports in the world, is another department of the marine, more extensive and proper, for such an establishment than Ferrol itself. Besides these ports, there are a multitude of harbors and bays round Cape Finisterre, which afford a safe and convenient shelter to merchant vessels. With all these advantages for foreign commerce, this province has very little but what is passive. It receives from abroad some objects of daily consumption, some of luxury, some of convenience, and some even of the first necessity. At present it offers little for exportation to foreign countries. The Sardiné of its coast, the famous fish which it furnishes to all Spain, the cattle which it fattens for the provision of Madrid, and a few coarse linens which are its only manufacture, and are well esteemed, are the objects of its active commerce, and form its balance with the other provinces. The wine and the grain, the chief productions of its lands, seldom suffice for its consumption, and never go beyond it.
The liberty of commerce with the Windward Islands, granted by the Court within a few years, and the particular establishment of —— opened the ports of that part of the new world to this province; and although without manufactures herself, or any of those productions proper for America, she renders to foreign hands the product of those which she receives from them and carries thither. In this circulation of so many treasures, she enriches herself with parts that she detaches from the whole.
The civil government of this province is formed by a superior tribunal called the Audience, to which an appeal lies from all the subaltern jurisdictions, public and private. This Court hears and determines, as sovereign and without appeal, all civil affairs of a less value than a thousand ducats, or three thousand livres. Appeals in those which exceed that value are carried to the Chancery of Valladolid, or to the Council of Castile. Although justice is gratis on the part of the judges, who are paid by the government, it is said to be not less costly, tedious, and vexatious. It may not be useless to observe that the Criminal Chambers, whose decrees extend to the punishment of death, and are executed without any application to the King or any other authority, is composed only of three judges, and these three are the youngest of the whole tribunal, and this order is generally followed in Spain in the composition of the criminal tribunals, although no one pretends to conjecture the motive of so singular a reverse of the rational order of things. The administration of the royal police belongs also to the Audience, and forms the third chamber into which this tribunal is divided.
All the military authority, and the government of the troops in this department, are in the hands of the Captain General of the province. There is not any one under him who has even the title of commandant. But in case of his death or absence, he is succeeded by the general officer, the most ancient in the province. To this title of Captain General is added, commonly, that of President of the Audience, a prerogative which, by uniting in his hands the civil authority to all that of his place, gives a power the most absolute and unlimited.
The inspection general, and all the economy of the affairs of the King in the province, belong to the Intendant. The different branches of the public revenue are all administered by officers appointed by the King, as in the rest of the kingdom, and there are no Farmers-General as in France. Their product is about twentysix millions of reals, or six millions five hundred thousand livres, the expense of collection being deducted. The expenses of the administration, including the maintenance of three regiments of infantry scattered about in different places, do not exceed two millions five hundred thousand livres. The surplus goes into the dry docks, arsenals, and fund of fortifications, to the support of which this sum is far from being sufficient. Such is in general the government, military, political, and civil of this province, and nearly pf all the others, except Biscay, Guipuscoa, and Alaba.
There is not in this province any particular jurisdiction of commerce, but there is a tribunal, under the name of the Judge Considerator of Commerce, which takes cognizance of all their causes, civil and criminal, except the case of contraband. At this day, the Judge Considerator of Strangers is the governor of the province himself, and the appeals from his judgment are carried directly to the Council of War, which is said to be a precious privilege, by the form and brevity of procedure compared with the expensive and insupportable delays of the ordinary jurisdiction.
I cannot but think that if some measures could be taken to convince the Court, that it is their interest to take off the vast duties with which commerce is overloaded in this port, fifteen per cent being to be paid upon all commodities exported and upon all imported, and if the rigid prohibitions of tobacco could be relaxed or repealed, several of the productions of America would find a good market here, and a commerce be opened that would put a new face upon this province, and be profitable to America too. The conveniency of such a number of excellent ports would be a vast advantage, which Bilboa cannot have, as her harbor is neither safe nor convenient, besides its being so much further down the stormy, turbulent Gulf of Biscay; yet Biscay, which is commonly used to comprehend Biscay proper, the principal city of which is Bilboa, although Orduna is the capital; Guipuscoa, the capital of which is St Sebastian, and Alaba, the capital of which is Vittoria, three free provinces, whose laws the Kings of Spain have hitherto been sworn to observe inviolate, have attracted almost the whole of the American trade, because the King has no custom house or officers here, and there are no duties to be paid.
It may seem surprising to hear of free provinces in Spain, but such is the fact, that the high and independent spirit of the people, so essentially different from the other provinces, that a traveller perceives it even in their countenances, their dress, their air, and their ordinary manner of speech, has induced the Spanish nation and her kings to respect the ancient liberties of these people so far, that each monarch at his accession to the throne takes an oath to observe the laws of Biscay. The government here is therefore diametrically opposite to that of Galicia, and the other provinces. The King of Spain has never assumed any higher title than Lord of Biscay. He has no troops of any sort in the lordship, nor is there any standing array, instead of which every man is obliged to serve in the militia. The King has no custom house officers, nor other revenue officers, nor any other officers whatsoever in the lordship except a corregidor, and lately a commissary of marine. This last is considered as an encroachment and a grievance, and the authority of the corregidor is very small, as there lies an appeal from his judgment to another tribunal, that of the two deputy generals, who are biennially elected by the people. Few of the grandees of Spain have any considerable estates here. The Duke of Medina Coeli, and the Duke of Berwick, have some lands here of no great value. The lands, generally, belong to the inhabitants and possessors, who hold them of no lord but the King of Spain, who is Lord of Biscay.
There is a Board of Trade here, which is annually instituted by the merchants of the place, partly by lot and partly by election, which decides all controversies arising in trade, and all the affairs of strangers. They have never admitted any foreign consul to reside here, although it has been solicited by Holland, England, and France.
It is not at all surprising, that a constitution in its nature so favorable to commerce, should have succeeded.
In travelling through the provinces of Leon and Castile, and observing the numerous flocks of sheep, with the most beautiful fleeces of wool in the world, I could not but wish that some communication might be opened, by which the United States of America might be furnished with this necessary article from this country. There are few of our articles of exportation but might be sent to the Spanish market to advantage, rice, pitch, tar, turpentine, tobacco, wheat, flour, ship timber, masts, yards, bowsprits, and salt fish might be supplied to Spain, and at an advantage, and in return, she might furnish us wine, oil, fruits, some silks, some linens, perhaps, and with any quantity of wool, which is now exported to foreign countries for manufacture, and might as well be sent to us, but above all with silver and gold.
It must be the work of time and a free intercourse between the two nations, and a future negotiation to ripen these hints into a plan that may be beneficial to both. The system of revenue, which it is dangerous and difficult to alter in Spain, as well as in all other countries of Europe, will be the principal objection. I have collected together with some difficulty a few gazettes, which I have the honor to transmit to Congress, from which all the news may be collected that I have been able to learn. Congress will easily perceive the eagerness with which the belligerent powers are bent on war, without manifesting the least disposition for peace, and most of all, Great Britain, whose ostentatious display of trifling successes, and whose weak exultation shows, that nothing can divert her from her furious course. But she is exhausting and sinking her forces every day, without gaining any lasting or solid advantage, and she has reason to fear, from the combined fleets of France and Spain, under such enterprising, experienced, and approved officers, as d'Estaing and du Chaffault, the entire ruin of her commerce and navy in the course of a campaign or two more.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.