"Whether so much as provides that the second article shall be expunged, shall stand?"
And, on the question to agree to this part of the report, it passed in the affirmative—yeas 30, nay 1, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Bingham, Bloodworth, Brown, Chipman, Cocke, Dayton, T. Foster, D. Foster, Franklin, Greene, Gunn, Hillhouse, Hindman, Howard, Langdon, Latimer, Livermore, S. T. Mason, J. Mason, Morris, Nicholas, Paine, Read, Ross, Schureman, Tracy, and Wells.
Nay.—Mr. Marshall.
On motion, it was agreed to reconsider the vote of the 23d of January, on the second division of the report, to wit:
"Whether so much as provides that the third article shall be expunged, shall stand?"
And, on the question to agree thereto, it passed in the negative, two-thirds of the Senators present not agreeing thereto—yeas 18, nays 13, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Bingham, Chipman, Dayton, D. Foster, Greene, Hillhouse, Hindman, Howard, Latimer, Livermore, J. Mason, Morris, Paine, Read, Ross, Schureman, Tracy, and Wells.
Nays.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown, Cocke, T. Foster, Franklin, Gunn, Langdon, Marshall, S. T. Mason, and Nicholas.
On the question to agree to the ratification, as follows:
Resolved by the Senate of the United States, (two-thirds of the Senators present concurring therein,) That they do consent to, and advise the ratification of the convention between the French Republic and the United States of America, made at Paris, the eighth day of Vendemaire, of the ninth year of the French Republic, the thirtieth day of September, anno Domini, eighteen hundred: Provided, The second article be expunged, and that the following article be added or inserted:
It is agreed, that the present convention shall be in force for the term of eight years, from the time of the exchange of the ratifications.
It passed in the affirmative—yeas 22, nays 9, as follows:
Yeas.—Messrs. Anderson, Armstrong, Baldwin, Bloodworth, Brown, Chipman, Cocke, Dayton, T. Foster, Franklin, Greene, Gunn, Hindman, Howard, Langdon, Latimer, Livermore, Marshall, S. T. Mason, Nicholas, Paine, and Schureman.
Nays.—Messrs. Bingham, D. Foster, Hillhouse, J. Mason, Morris, Read, Ross, Tracy, and Wells.
Ordered, That the Secretary lay this resolution before the President of the United States.
The following Message was received from the President of the United States:
Gentlemen of the Senate:
I request of the Senate, that the letter and journal of our late Envoys to France, and the copy of their instructions, and other documents relative to that negotiation, may be returned to me, or to the office of State.
JOHN ADAMS.
United States, Feb. 20, 1801.
The Message was read: Whereupon,
Ordered, That the papers specified in the Message of the President of the United States, of this day, be returned to him.
This being the day appointed by law for the commencement of the second session of the sixth Congress, the following members of the House of Representatives appeared, and took their seats in the House, to wit:
From New Hampshire.—Abiel Foster, and Jonathan Freeman.
From Massachusetts.—William Shepard, Jno. Read, Joseph B. Varnum, Theodore Sedgwick, (Speaker,) Peleg Wadsworth, Silas Lee, and Lemuel Williams.
From Connecticut.—John Davenport.
From New York.—John Smith, Philip Van Cortlandt, Jonas Platt, Henry Glen, John Thompson, and Theodorus Bailey.
From Pennsylvania.—Michael Leib, Richard Thomas, Joseph Heister, Robert Brown, Peter Muhlenberg, Henry Woods, and John Smilie.
From Maryland.—George Dent, Geo. Baer, William Craik, Gabriel Christie, John C. Thomas, and Joseph H. Nicholson.
From Virginia.—Leven Powell, John Nicholas, Robert Page, John Dawson, Anthony New, George Jackson, and David Holmes.
From North Carolina.—Nathaniel Macon, Richard Stanford, and Willis Alston.
From South Carolina.—Thomas Sumter, and Benjamin Huger.
From Tennessee.—William C. C. Claiborne.
A new member, to wit, John C. Smith, returned to serve as a member of this House, from the State of Connecticut, in the room of Jonathan Brace, who has resigned his seat, appeared and produced his credentials.
The Speaker observed that it had heretofore been the invariable practice of the House to admit new members to take their seats previously to being sworn, though the constitution directed directly the reverse. As there was a new member present, he suggested the propriety of administering the oath to him before he took his seat.
Mr. Macon thought such a step premature. He was of opinion that no inconvenience would arise from delaying to administer the oath until a House was formed, and he thought great caution should attend an innovation opposed to all precedent.
Mr. Nicholas asked whether it had heretofore been usual, in the case of a new House, to swear the members before the choice of a Speaker?
The Speaker replied that it had not.
Mr. Nicholas said, that though, on first thought, he was favorable to administering the oath at the present time, yet this precedent inclined him to think such a step improper.
The Speaker waived the question.
The members present not being sufficient to form a quorum, the Speaker adjourned the body till to-morrow.
Several other members, to wit: from Connecticut, Elizur Goodrich, William Edmond, and Roger Griswold; from New York, William Cooper and Lucas Elmendorph; from New Jersey, James H. Imlay and Franklin Davenport; from Pennsylvania, Robert Waln; from Maryland, Samuel Smith; from Virginia, Henry Lee, Thomas Evans, and John Trigg; from North Carolina, Richard Dobbs Spaight, and Joseph Dickson; and from Georgia, Benjamin Taliaferro, appeared and took their seats in the House.
And a quorum, consisting of a majority of the whole number, being present,
The oath to support the Constitution of the United States, as prescribed by the act, entitled "An act to regulate the time and manner of administering certain oaths," was administered by the Speaker to John C. Smith, a new member, who appeared and took his seat in the House yesterday.
Ordered, That a message be sent to the Senate to inform them that a quorum of this House is assembled, and ready to proceed to business; and that the Clerk of this House do go with said message.
Several other members, to wit: from Vermont, Lewis R. Morris, and from Virginia, Josiah Parker and John Randolph, appeared, and took their seats in the House.
Two other members, to wit: from Virginia, Abram Trigg, and from Pennsylvania, Andrew Gregg, appeared, and took their seats in the House.
Several other members, to wit, from Massachusetts, George Thatcher; from New Jersey, John Condit, Aaron Kitchell, and James Linn; from Pennsylvania, John A. Hanna; and from South Carolina, Robert Goodloe Harper, appeared, and took their seats in the House.
A message from the Senate informed the House that a quorum of the Senate is assembled, and ready to proceed to business, and that, in the absence of the Vice President, they have elected the Hon. John Howard, President of the Senate, pro tempore.
Resolved, That Mr. Griswold, Mr. Samuel Smith, and Mr. Craik, be a committee, on the part of this House, jointly, with such committee as may be appointed on the part of the Senate, to wait on the President of the United States, and notify him that a quorum of the two Houses is assembled, and ready to receive any communications he may think proper to make to them.
Ordered, That the Clerk of this House do acquaint the Senate therewith.
A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate have appointed a committee jointly, with the committee appointed by this House, to wait on the President of the United States, and notify him that a quorum of the two Houses is assembled, and ready to receive any communications he may think proper to make to them.
Mr. Griswold, from the joint committee appointed to wait on the President of the United States, and notify him that a quorum of the two Houses is assembled, and ready to receive any communications he may think proper to make to them, reported that the committee had performed that service, and that the President signified to them he would make a communication to both Houses to-morrow at twelve o'clock, in the Senate Chamber.
Two other members, to wit: from North Carolina, Archibald Henderson; and from Virginia, Edwin Gray, appeared, and took their seats in the House.
A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate are now ready, in the Senate Chamber, to attend this House in receiving the communication from the President of the United States, agreeably to his notification to both Houses yesterday.
Mr. Speaker, attended by the members of this House, then withdrew to the Senate Chamber, for the purpose stated in the Senate's message; and, being returned, Mr. Speaker laid before the House a copy of the speech delivered by the President of the United States to both Houses of Congress, in the Senate Chamber. [See Senate proceedings of this date, ante, page 482.]
Ordered, That the said speech be committed to a Committee of the whole House immediately.
The House, accordingly, resolved itself into the said committee; and, after some time spent therein, Mr. Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. Harper reported that the committee had had the said speech under consideration, and come to a resolution thereupon; which was twice read, and agreed to by the House, as follows:
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee that a respectful address ought to be presented by the House of Representatives to the President of the United States, in answer to his speech to both Houses of Congress, at the commencement of the present session, containing assurances that this House will duly attend to the important objects recommended by him to their consideration.
Ordered, That Mr. Griswold, Mr. Macon, Mr. Craik, Mr. Henderson, and Mr. Nicholas, be appointed a committee to prepare an address, pursuant to the said resolution.
Ordered, That the Speech of the President of the United States be committed to the Committee of the whole House on the state of the Union.
And then the House adjourned.
Several other members, to wit: from Massachusetts, Harrison G. Otis, and Phanuel Bishop; from Virginia, Matthew Clay; and from North Carolina, David Stone, appeared, and took their seats in the House.
William M'Millan, returned to serve as a Representative for the Territory of the United States north-west of the Ohio, in the room of William Henry Harrison, who has resigned his seat, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat in the House.
Another member, to wit, John Wilkes Kittera, from Pennsylvania, appeared, was qualified, and took his seat in the House.
A new member, to wit, Nathan Read, returned to serve as a member of this House from the State of Massachusetts, in the room of Samuel Sewall, who has resigned his seat, appeared, produced his credentials, and took his seat in the House.
A new member, to wit, Lyttleton W. Tazewell, returned to serve as a member of the House for the State of Virginia, in the room of John Marshall, who has resigned his seat, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat in the House.
The House went into a Committee of the Whole on the reply to the President's Speech, which was read by paragraphs, and reported to the House without any amendments, as follows:
To John Adams, President of the United States:
Sir: The House of Representatives have received with great respect the communication which you have been pleased to make to the two Houses of Congress, at the commencement of the present session.
The final establishment of the seat of National Government which has now taken place within the District of Columbia, is an event of no small importance in the political transactions of our country: and we cordially unite our wishes with yours, that this territory may be the residence of happiness and virtue.
Nor can we, on this occasion, omit to express a hope, that the spirit which animated the great founder of this city, may descend to future generations, and that the wisdom, magnanimity, and steadiness, which marked the events of his public life, may be imitated in all succeeding ages.
A consideration of those powers which have been vested in Congress over the District of Columbia will not escape our attention; nor shall we forget that, in exercising these powers, a regard must be had to those events which will necessarily attend the Capital of America.
The cheerfulness and regularity with which the officers and soldiers of the temporary army have returned to the condition of private citizens, is a testimony clear and conclusive of the purity of those motives which induced them to engage in the public service; and will remain a proof, on all future occasions, that an army of soldiers drawn from the citizens of our country, deserve our confidence and respect.
No subject can be more important than that of the Judiciary, which you have again recommended to our consideration, and it shall receive our early and deliberate attention.
The Constitution of the United States having confided the management of our foreign negotiations to the control of the Executive power, we cheerfully submit to its decisions on this important subject. And in respect to the negotiations now pending with France, we sincerely hope that the final result may prove as fortunate to our country, as the most ardent mind can wish.
So long as a predatory war is carried on against our commerce, we should sacrifice the interests and disappoint the expectations of our constituents, should we, for a moment, relax that system of maritime defence, which has resulted in such beneficial effects. At this period, it is confidently believed that few persons can be found within the United States, who do not admit that a Navy, well organized, must constitute the natural and efficient defence of this country against all foreign hostility.
The progress which has been made in the manufacture of arms, leaves no doubt that the public patronage has already placed this country beyond all necessary dependence on foreign markets for an article so indispensable for defence; and gives us assurances that, under the encouragement which government will continue to extend to this important object, we shall soon rival foreign countries, not only in the number, but in the quality of arms completed from our own manufactories.
Few events could have been more pleasing to our constituents, than that great and rapid increase of revenue which has arisen from permanent taxes. Whilst this event explains the great and increasing resources of our country, it carries along with it a proof which cannot be resisted, that those measures of maritime defence which were calculated to meet our enemy upon the ocean, and which have produced such extensive protection to our commerce, were founded in wisdom and policy. The mind must, in our opinion, be insensible to the plainest truths, which cannot discern the elevated ground on which this policy has placed our country. That national spirit, which alone could vindicate our common rights, has been roused, and those latent energies, which had not been fully known, were unfolded and brought into view, and our fellow-citizens were prepared to meet every event which national honor or national security could render necessary. Nor have its effects been much less important in other respects.
Whilst many of the nations of the earth have been impoverished and depopulated by internal commotions and national contests, our internal peace has not been materially impaired; our commerce has extended, under the protection of our infant Navy, to every part of the globe; wealth has flowed without intermission into our seaports, and the labors of the husbandman have been rewarded by a ready market for the productions of the soil.
Be assured, sir, that the various, and important subjects recommended to our consideration, shall receive our early and deliberate attention; and, confident of your co-operation in every measure which may be calculated to promote the general interests, we shall endeavor, on our part, to testify, by our industry and despatch, the zeal and sincerity with which we regard the public good.
The report of the committee was immediately taken up, and, on the question to agree to the Address,
Mr. Nicholas rose and observed that he regretted the introduction of political matter, calculated to produce discord and division. He was averse to the House spending time in propounding political theories, as no good, but much mischief, might flow from such a procedure. Had no other topics or sentiments been alluded to than those contained in the President's Speech, there would have been much less division in the House than was to be expected from the insertion of extraneous ideas. He had no intention, however, to enter into a detail of the objections he entertained to the Address. For the reasons he had assigned, and others which he felt, he thought the style of the Address not only unnecessary, but worse than useless. He concluded by desiring the yeas and nays to be taken.
The question, being taken, was carried in the affirmative—yeas 36, nays 32, as follows:
Yeas.—Bailey Bartlett, William Cooper, Wm. Craik, John Davenport, Franklin Davenport, George Dent, Joseph Dickson, William Edmond, Thomas Evans, Abiel Foster, Jonathan Freeman, Elizur Goodrich, Roger Griswold, Archibald Henderson, Benjamin Huger, Jas. H. Imlay, Henry Lee, Silas Lee, James Linn, Lewis R. Morris, Harrison G. Otis, Robert Page, Josiah Parker, Jonas Platt, Leven Powell, John Read, Nathan Read, Wm. Shepard, John C. Smith, Richard Dobbs Spaight, George Thatcher, Richard Thomas, Peleg Wadsworth, Robert Waln, Lemuel Williams, and Henry Woods.
Nays.—Phanuel Bishop, Robert Brown, Gabriel Christie, Matthew Clay, William C. C. Claiborne, John Condit, John Dawson, Lucas Elmendorph, Edwin Gray, Andrew Gregg, John A. Hanna, Joseph Heister, David Holmes, George Jackson, Aaron Kitchell, Michael Leib, Nathaniel Macon, Peter Muhlenberg, Anthony New, John Nicholas, John Randolph, John Smilie, John Smith, Richard Stanford, David Stone, Thomas Sumter, Benjamin Taliaferro, John Thompson, Abram Trigg, John Trigg, Philip Van Cortlandt, and Jos. B. Varnum.
Resolved, That Mr. Speaker, attended by the House, do present the said Address; and that Mr. Griswold, Mr. Macon, and Mr. Craik, be a committee to wait on the President to know when and where it will be convenient for him to receive the same.
Mr. Dent, from the Committee of Elections, to whom were referred the certificates and other credentials of the members returned to serve in this House, made a report, in part, which was read as follows:
"That they have examined the credentials of several members, claiming seats in the House, in consequence of resignations which have taken place, and find that, by the certificate of the Governor of Massachusetts, dated the eleventh day of November, eighteen hundred, under the seal of the State, Nathan Read (of Danvers) is duly elected, in the place of Samuel Sewall; that by the certificate of the Governor of Connecticut, bearing date twentieth day of October, eighteen hundred, with the seal of the State annexed, John Cotton Smith is duly elected, in the place of Jonathan Brace; and that, by the certificate of the Deputy Sheriff of Henrico, the Sheriff of Hanover, the Sheriff of New Kent, the Deputy Sheriff of Charles City, and the Sheriff of James City Counties, composing one entire district in the Commonwealth of Virginia, under their respective seals, Lyttleton Waller Tazewell is duly elected, in the place of John Marshall.[58]
"The committee also find, by an authenticated certificate signed by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and the President of the Legislative Council of the Territory north-west of the river Ohio, dated the seventh day of November, eighteen hundred, that Wm. McMillan is duly elected to represent the said Territory, in the place of William Henry Harrison.
"Whereupon, the committee are of opinion that Nathan Read, (of Danvers,) John Cotton Smith, and Lyttleton Waller Tazewell, are entitled to take their seats in the House in the place of Samuel Sewall, Jonathan Brace, and John Marshall, who have resigned; and that William McMillan is entitled to take his seat therein, with the right of debating, but not of voting, in the place of William Henry Harrison, who has resigned."
Ordered, That the said report do lie on the table.
Another member, to wit, John Bird, from New York, appeared, and took his seat in the House.
The Speaker, attended by the House, then withdrew to the house of the President of the United States, and there presented to him the Address of this House in answer to his Speech to both Houses of Congress; to which the President made the following reply:
Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
Compelled by the habits of a long life, as well as by all the principles of society and government which I could ever understand and believe, to consider the great body of the people as the source of all legitimate authority, no less than all efficient power, it is impossible for me to receive this Address from the immediate Representatives of the American people, at this time, and in this place, without emotions which it would be improper to express, if any language could convey them.
May the spirit which animated the great founder of this city descend to future generations; and may the wisdom, magnanimity, and steadiness, which marked the events of his public life, be imitated in all succeeding ages.
I thank you, gentlemen, for your assurance that the Judiciary System shall receive your deliberate attention.
With you, gentlemen, I sincerely hope that the final result of the negotiations now pending with France, may prove as fortunate to our country, as they have been commenced with sincerity, and prosecuted with deliberation and caution. With you, I cordially agree, that so long as a predatory war is carried on against our commerce, we should sacrifice the interests and disappoint the expectations of our constituents, should we for a moment relax that system of maritime defence, which has resulted in such beneficial effects. With you, I confidently believe that few persons can be found within the United States, who do not admit that a Navy, well organized, must constitute the natural and efficient defence of this country, against all foreign hostility.
Those who recollect the distress and danger to this country, in former periods, from the want of arms, must exult in the assurance, from their Representatives, that we shall soon rival foreign countries, not only in the number, but in the quality of arms, completed from our own manufactories.
With you, gentlemen, I fully agree, that the great increase of revenue is a proof that the measures of maritime defence were founded in wisdom. This policy has raised us in the esteem of foreign nations. That national spirit and those latent energies which had not been and are not yet fully known to any, were not entirely forgotten by those who had lived long enough to see, in former times, their operation, and some of their effects. Our fellow-citizens were undoubtedly prepared to meet every event which national honor or national security could render necessary. These, it is to be hoped, are secured at the cheapest and easiest rate: if not, they will be secured at more expense.
I thank you, gentlemen, for your assurance that the various subjects recommended to your consideration, shall receive your deliberate attention. No further evidence is wanting to convince me of the zeal and sincerity with which the House of Representatives regard the public good.
I pray you, gentlemen, to accept of my best wishes for your health and happiness.
JOHN ADAMS.
Washington, Nov. 27, 1800.
The members then returned to their Chamber.
A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate have proceeded to the appointment of a Chaplain to Congress, on their part, and the Right Reverend Bishop Clagett has been duly elected.
The House proceeded, by ballot, to the appointment of a Chaplain to Congress on the part of this House; and upon examining the ballots, a majority of the votes of the whole House was found in favor of the Reverend Thomas Lyell.
Another member, to wit, Abraham Nott, from South Carolina, appeared, and took his seat in the House.
Several other members, to wit: from Maryland, John Dennis; from Virginia, Joseph Eggleston; from North Carolina, William H. Hill; and from Georgia, James Jones, appeared, and took their seats in the House.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of the Navy, accompanying a report of the Commissioners of the fund for navy pensions and half-pay, pursuant to the act for the better government of the Navy of the United States; which was read, and ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. Lee, from the committee appointed for that purpose, reported a bill for erecting a Mausoleum to George Washington, which was read twice and referred to a Committee of the Whole to-morrow.
The bill directs that the mausoleum shall be of marble, to be erected in the City of Washington, under the superintendence of the four Secretaries.
Mr. Claiborne stated that during the last session a committee was appointed to inquire into the state of the trade, authorized by law, with the Indian nations. That committee had reported unfavorably to the trade. But desirous of maturing with deliberation a new plan before the old one was supplanted, they had reported a bill for continuing the existing system for one year. The bill had passed the House of Representatives unanimously, but had been postponed by the Senate to this session.
For his own part, he was altogether unfavorable to the trade; for he believed that it answered no good purpose in relation to the Indians, while it was a loss to the United States.[59] It was, however, proper that some Legislative provision should be made immediately. The old law regulating the officers who had the superintendence of the trade, had expired, and they were of consequence under no legal control.
He, therefore, moved the appointment of a committee, to inquire into the expediency of carrying on any further trade on a capital furnished by the United States, to report by bill or otherwise; which motion being read a second time, was agreed to, and a committee of three appointed.
Another member, to wit, Samuel Goode, from Virginia, appeared, and took his seat in the House.
The Speaker informed the House that the Chaplains had proposed, if agreeable to the House, to hold Divine service every Sunday in their Chamber.
Mr. Hill presented a memorial from Samuel Harrison Smith and Thomas Carpenter, representing that they had undertaken to report the debates of the House; that, contrary to their expectation—on the suggestion of inconvenience to the members—they had not received permission to occupy a situation within the bar, without which they were unable to state with fidelity the proceedings and debates; and praying the permission of the House to be admitted within the bar.
As soon as the memorial was read, the Speaker rose and observed, that feeling himself responsible to the House for the faithful discharge of the duties attached to his situation, he thought it proper to state the line of conduct he had pursued in this business. He stated that he was applied to by letter on the first day of the session, by Mr. Stewart, requesting permission to occupy a place within the bar; that he immediately took the request into consideration; that, in the mean time, similar requests were made by other individuals; that, on observing the structure of the room and the arrangement of the furniture, it at once appeared to him inconsistent with the dignity of the House or the convenience of the members to grant the permission asked; that the area was too small to afford the necessary accommodation; that the position considered as the least inconvenient to the House was within the window-frames; that, in his opinion, this position would not be agreeable to the stenographers, as the view of the members on the opposite side of the House from either window would be obstructed; that, if a position was assigned in any other part of the House, the stenographers would be between the chair and some of the members, which would render the preservation of order impossible; that he had stated these reasons, and informed the applicants that, if agreeable to them, he would assign a place in the gallery, which should be set apart for their exclusive use; and that he considered that to be the most eligible position. He concluded by repeating, that it was, in his opinion, absolutely impossible to preserve the dignity of the House and to maintain the convenience of the members, if the requested permission were given. Such was his first, his invariable opinion—it was unaltered—it was still the same.
Mr. Nicholas said, that the members of the House must feel a common interest in having the debates taken with fidelity. If the debates were taken, they ought to be taken with precision. Those who took them should not be debarred from the best means of hearing with accuracy. For his part he could not discern the inconvenience alleged to exist. The desk, which it was necessary to admit within the bar, would not project beyond the window-frame; and as to the remark of the Speaker respecting the inconvenience of such a position to the stenographers, it was easily obviated by the consideration, that any inaccuracy which might occur in the report of the individual who took them on one side of the chair, would be checked by the reporter situated on the other side.
He thought the desire of the memorialists ought not to be passed over lightly. They had a right to the best place the House could assign. He moved the reference of the memorial to a select committee.
Mr. Hill observed that as the memorial contained no facts that required the investigation of a committee, and as the House possessed all the information that could guide their decision, he did not discern the propriety of the proposed reference. He had prepared a resolution, which, if the motion for a reference were withdrawn, he would offer.
Mr. Nicholas immediately withdrew his motion. Mr. Hill then proposed a resolution substantially to this effect: that Mr. Speaker be requested to assign places within the bar for the stenographers.
Mr. Otis was sorry the gentleman from Virginia had withdrawn his motion to refer the memorial to a select committee, as he thought the subject required examination before a decision was made. There appeared to him much weight in the ideas of the Speaker. Grant, for the sake of argument, that four persons may be accommodated at the windows. Might there not be other applications? Was any gentleman prepared to say how many would be made? If the permission were once granted to one, would it not be necessary to extend it to all? Would the House suffer any individual to have an exclusive benefit whereby a stamp of authenticity would be fixed on his statements.
This business, in one shape or other, had often been before the House, and all conversation respecting it had always issued in leaving it to the regulation of the Speaker. This appeared to him the best termination it could receive.
From the attention he had paid to the debates reported this session, he believed them to be better and more accurately taken, than they had been on former occasions. This to him was a proof that the present situation of the stenographers was a good one. He acknowledged, at the same time, that the ability with which the debates were taken entitled those who took them to the best accommodation the House could afford. He concluded with renewing the motion for a reference to a select committee.
Mr. Nicholas replied, that no debate had taken place which could test the accuracy of the stenographers. From his own experience he pronounced the situation at present occupied utterly inconvenient. What he had some days since remarked had been misstated. He well knew that this did not arise from the inability of the reporter to state correctly what occurred. He knew him to be intelligent, and fully capable of conceiving and conveying the meaning of any remarks which could be made in that House. But it arose from his situation, from which it was impossible to hear distinctly.
He declared the objections of Mr. Otis, in relation to the number of applicants, perfectly chimerical. Did the gentleman suppose that the number would be so great as to make a demand on their seats? As well might he imagine this, as that they would swell to the ideal compass he had given them. It was known to the House, that at Philadelphia the number was small; seldom more than two, and often not more than one persevered during the session, though a greater number appeared on its earliest days. Fact and experience, therefore, demonstrated the fallacy of the danger apprehended from this source.
The question was then taken on the reference to a select committee, and carried—ayes 42, noes 34.
And a committee of five, viz: Messrs. Otis, Nicholas, Platt, Morris, and Hill, was appointed.
Several members, to wit: from North Carolina, William Barry Grove; from Kentucky, Thomas T. Davis; and from Rhode Island, Christopher G. Champlin, appeared, and took their seats in the House.
Mr. H. Lee moved that the House do go into a Committee of the Whole on the bill "directing the erection of a mausoleum to George Washington."
On which motion the House divided—yeas 36, nays 34. Mr. Morris took the chair.
The Chairman, after reading the bill through, proceeded to read it by paragraphs. The first section is as follows:
"Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That a mausoleum of American granite and marble, in a pyramidal form, one hundred feet square at the base, and of a proportionate height, shall be erected, in testimony of the love and gratitude of the citizens of the United States, to George Washington."
Mr. Alston moved an amendment to the first section, which was, in substance, "that a monument of marble be erected in the Capitol, at the city of Washington, commemorative of the great events of the military and political life of George Washington."
Mr. H. Lee said, that during the last session the House, after a long debate, had declared itself in favor of a mausoleum, and that as no reasons had been assigned for a change of opinion, he hoped they would persevere in the deliberate result of their judgment.
Mr. Otis was ready to acknowledge himself unacquainted with many of the circumstances embraced by the subject. He therefore wished additional information to that which he had received. His present opinion was, that a mausoleum was preferable to a monument. He acknowledged that, in forming this opinion, he had felt great deference for the judgment of the committee which had recommended it. It was undoubtedly a subject but little understood. The formation of a proper decision depended upon a concurrence of several circumstances—upon a comparison of the expense with the value of the object to be accomplished. Besides this, it had many peculiar features not comprehended by every gentleman. He thought these considerations sufficient to induce the House to decline voting for the amendment, whereby the plan of the committee, who had maturely considered the subject in all its relations, would be frustrated, unless stronger reasons were assigned than he had yet heard.
Mr. Nicholas observed, that the bill directed the erection of a mausoleum of certain dimensions, to ascertain the expense of which an estimate had been made. But that estimate was not satisfactory. It was made without information. The sum to be expended was not fixed. It might vastly exceed any sum now contemplated. The mausoleum was to consist of a huge, ugly mass of stones heaped upon one another, to raise which a heavy and useless expense would be incurred. And what was the object? It was to perpetuate the memory of George Washington. Was the memory of that great man to be perpetuated by a heap of large inanimate objects? The best way in which his fame could be preserved would be by bringing his ashes from the place where they now lie, by depositing them in the Capitol at the will of the nation, in interring them in such a manner as had never before been done, in placing over them a plain tablet, on which every man could write what his heart dictated. This, and this only was the basis of his fame. It was not to be blazoned by figures or representations of any other sort. It consisted in the undecaying recollection of his virtues. It must live in the national feeling, and this called not for useless expense. Twenty thousand dollars was as competent to its expression as two hundred thousand. He hoped, therefore, the amendment would be adopted, and that the terms which related to military and political achievements would be omitted. He hoped a plain monument would be erected.
His preference of a monument to a mausoleum arose not from any indisposition to celebrate the memory of our American hero. He could say as much in his praise as any man. Neither a committee of Congress nor the four Secretaries, on whom the bill devolved the superintendence, felt more zeal for the character of this great man than he did.
Mr. Nott did not rise to consume the time of the committee by going at large into an examination of the subject, but to explain the reasons for the vote he meant to give. He had, last session, co-operated most cheerfully in all those measures which had been pursued to express the national sensibility at the loss of that great and immortal character. In the feelings of gratitude which his services excited, no man could outdo him. Among other measures, he had been friendly to the erection of a mausoleum. But, on more reflection, he had changed his opinion. He did not believe that a huge mass of stones would add to the reputation of Washington, or be more expressive of national affection, than a marble monument. This being the case, he preferred the latter, because it was the least expensive.
Mr. Griswold hoped the amendment would not prevail. It was the object of the bill to raise a monument which would last for ages, and which should be a perpetual memorial of the gratitude of America. Such would not be the case if the proposition made by the gentleman from North Carolina should be adopted. The monument proposed by him might be broken and destroyed by a lawless mob or by a set of schoolboys. For his part, he would not consent to raise such a monument to the memory of a man who had deserved so well of his country.
The bill proposed the erection of a monument that would stand unimpaired for ages. It is true that it will not perpetuate the fame of Washington: his fame required nothing which we could do to give it perpetuity; but it will perpetuate the gratitude of the country. It would be a structure that will command respect; it will be pointed out to our children; they will enter it with reverence, as the spot in which the ashes of this great man are deposited.
It was undoubtedly a subject of sentiment; and subjects of such a kind must be guided by feeling. Various opinions, therefore, may naturally be expected. His opinion was, that the national sentiment called for the erection of a structure correspondent in size to the character of the man to whom it was raised.
The general outlines of the bill might now be adopted; and if there existed a variance of opinion, the subordinate members of it might be modified.
Mr. H. Lee said, if it were the wish of gentlemen to avoid the adoption of measures commemorative of the talents of the great man we have lost, it would be candid to tell us so at once. For his part, he saw little difference between the adoption of the amendment and the rejection of every plan proposed that was adequate to the occasion. Sir, said Mr. L., there is not a rich man in Europe who loses his mistress that does not raise a trophy to her memory; and shall it be said that we, who have sustained the most irreparable loss in the death of our Chief—shall it be said that we refuse to pay him those honors which are lavished so liberally upon such inferior objects? If you do not mean to come forward on the occasion, say so. Then we shall understand the reasons of opposition to the ground taken by this House last session. As yet no reasons had been assigned for abandoning it. We then declared that we would act. We exhibited a spirit worthy of the immortal Washington—worthy of the distinguished character of this House.
But should this honorable spirit, kindled by an enthusiasm in the virtues and talents of our departed benefactor, subside and be chilled by the adoption of the proposed amendments, he would condole with the House, and would rather they would be silent for ever than disgrace themselves and their country by so subordinate an act.
It is true, sir, that the celebrity and the glory of Washington hang not on our plaudits. History will transmit to posterity the lustre of his fame, glittering with untarnished purity. It is not in our power either to increase or diminish it. But, sir, we may imitate his virtues and his great example. We are deeply interested in holding them forth as illustrious models to our sons. Is there, then, I ask you, any other mode for perpetuating the memory of such transcendent virtues so strong, so impressive as that which we propose? The grandeur of the pile we wish to raise will impress a sublime awe in all who behold it. It will survive the present generation. It will receive the homage of our children's children; and they will learn that the truest way to gain honor amidst a free people is to be useful, to be virtuous.
This will not be the act of an individual. It will be the act of a Government expressing the will of a great nation. Seize then, I pray you, seize with rapture, the occasion that is now presented, thankful to the Supreme Disposer of events for giving you an opportunity of rearing some future Washington. This is a great object; frown, then, upon all the little efforts made to defeat it.
It is certainly true, that if you erect a mausoleum, you must expend some public money. But are you not the guardians of the public treasure? Does not the selection of the best objects to which to appropriate it devolve on you? And can there be a greater, a more patriotic purpose than this? Is it not your great duty to promote the public good; and can that be more completely promoted in any other way? The sum asked is seventy thousand dollars. Who can show me in what other manner the same good can be effected by so small a sum?
But it is said that the bill vests a discretion in the Secretaries, and they may exceed the estimate. But, sir, are the Secretaries unworthy of confidence? Do not we know that we may safely rely upon them? Besides, if thought expedient, the expenditure may be limited. Thus, surely, without prodigality on the one hand or parsimony on the other, you may do honor to yourselves and your country.
Mr. Macon did not pretend to know much about that kind of things proposed by the bill; but he believed, from the little he did know, that such a thing had not been attempted for a thousand years. The expense attending the proposed measure had been treated lightly. For himself, he was not disposed to consider seventy thousand dollars a trifling sum. He thought it a great sum, and believed every man in the country thought as he did. In forming his idea of any particular sum, he was not carried away by the visionary notions of speculation; he looked at the labor it required to produce it; and he well knew how hardly earned was the money from which this enormous sum must proceed.
He further believed that no man could tell how much the mausoleum would cost. The seventy thousand dollars was only a beginning; and when the object was once begun, experience tells us that we must finish it at all events, let it cost what it might. The base was fixed at a hundred feet. Why not decide its other proportions? Did not the silence of the bill on this point show the ignorance of gentlemen? All was doubt. What strengthened his opinion of the total want of information, was the exhibition last session of two estimates: one of which was predicated on a base of sixty feet, and required sixty-seven thousand dollars; the other was predicated on a base of one hundred feet, making the structure nearly three times as large, and requiring only seventy thousand dollars. Could this be correct? Both estimates certainly could not be true. The probability was that neither could be depended upon.
For what purpose was this great mass to be raised? He saw no good purpose likely to be answered by it under the sun. Can stones show gratitude? If the nation wished to show its gratitude, let them do it by making a history of the life of Washington a school-book. Our children then will learn and imitate his virtues. This will be rendering the highest tribute to his fame, by making it the instrument of enlightening the mind and improving the heart.
While there are such rational modes of distinguishing the memory of Washington, can Congress so far forget the interest of the nation; can they so far forget their own duty, as to expend millions in acts of useless and pernicious ostentation? Since the invention of types, monuments are good for nothing. The records of history will remain long after their decay or destruction.
We are told that the best mode of perpetuating the memory of Washington is to erect a mausoleum. I have heard, said Mr. M., of Aristides, I have heard of Hampden, but I have never heard of monuments raised to their memories. Yet their virtues shine as bright now as they did while they lived. I have heard of a place called Westminster Abbey, full of the monuments of kings; yet, notwithstanding these grand memorials, I have heard very little of them after they left this world, and I question very much whether any man, let him have heard what he may, if he were to go there could tell one of them from the other.
But, it is said that the monument, proposed by the amendment, may be thrown down and destroyed by mobs or schoolboys. God forbid that this should ever be the case! I do not believe, said Mr. M., this to be possible. If it were made of glass, frail as it is, it would be safe; all would revere, all would respect it.
The House is told by one gentleman, who advocates the mausoleum, that a rich man in Europe cannot lose his mistress without raising a monument to her memory. Was the gentleman serious when he made this remark? Would he place the memory of Washington on a footing with that of a rich man's mistress? Better, sir, said Mr. M., far better would it be, more honorable to the Government, and more conformable to the wish of our deceased friend, to devote the seventy thousand dollars, designed for a mausoleum, to the education of the poor. Then, indeed, we might flatter ourselves with having extended the empire of his virtues, by making those understand and imitate them, who, uninstructed, could not comprehend them.
If he thought that by raising a magnificent monument to Washington, he could give duration to his fame, or carry his name into a single country which it had not yet reached, he would give the measure his support. But no such effect would be produced. It might indeed adorn this city; and that was the only plausible argument in favor of it.
Before gentlemen act in this business, let them look to Egypt; there they will behold precedents in profusion; men made gods, and statues and monuments and mausolea covering the whole face of the country; but where will they find the virtues or the talents of the men they were meant to commemorate? Now is the time to make a stand against this monument mania. Washington is admired and beloved by all. No one can be charged with a desire to diminish his fame by opposing a useless expenditure of money. The precedent we now establish will be auspicious to our future measures. If we decline raising a mausoleum to Washington, no man who succeeds him can expect one reared to his memory. On the other hand, if we now raise one to Washington, every pretender to greatness will aim at the same distinction.
Mr. Macon concluded by declaring himself hostile to the bill, and friendly to the amendment, because it proposed a plan that was more rational, more economical, and more conformable to the resolve of the old Congress, than that contained in the bill.
The committee then rose without coming to any decision, reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again.
Several other members, to wit: from Connecticut, Chauncey Goodrich, and Samuel W. Dana; and from Rhode Island, John Brown, appeared, and took their seats in the House.
A new member, to wit, Samuel Tenney, returned to serve in this House as a member for New Hampshire, in the room of William Gordon, who has resigned his seat, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat in the House.
Another member, to wit, John Rutledge, Jr., from South Carolina, appeared, and took his seat in the House.
The House proceeded to consider the report of the committee to whom was referred the memorial of Samuel Harrison Smith and Thomas Carpenter, made yesterday, and which lay on the table; and, the same being again read, in the words following, to wit: