So the motion was lost.

Mr. Nicholas, of Virginia, wished to ask for information. Was it intended by this resolution to charge the committee with inquiring into a breach of privilege as it respected the majority of this body? For the resolution itself furnished no correct idea on this point. He wished also to know whether it was intended that the Senate should declare that the publication was a breach of privilege?

Mr. Tracy, of Connecticut, said that if the gentleman wished for information from him, he would endeavor to give it. He conceived it would be better to pursue the mode of inquiry in the first instance, through the intervention of a committee, and not make at once a decision whether the publication was or was not a breach of privilege; and further, that the committee should report to the Senate what other matters were the proper subjects for the Senate's inquiry. He would not undertake to say at this time whether there was a breach of privilege at all, or whether that breach was in respect to a majority of the House, or of the privilege of a single member.

Mr. Marshall, of Kentucky, was of opinion that if the subject itself was a proper one to be inquired into, then the mode was well devised, and one liable to few or no objections; but there was another circumstance to which he begged permission to call the attention of the Senate. He observed that the resolution pointed only to one object, and that was the publications in the Aurora; he did not think this went far enough, if it was intended to be any thing more than a party manœuvre. If gentlemen meant to defend the honor of this body, they should avoid any thing like partiality, and direct their inquiry to all breaches of privilege, by publications in newspapers, let their publishers be whom they might. Believing that the gentlemen were serious in the present undertaking, he wished them to give it the appearance of impartiality without which it would reflect disgrace on their proceedings. Gentlemen have complained of the slander and calumny thrown upon them by the publications in the Aurora, but, however detestable they might be, he held in his hand one still more vile and flagrant. He would read it, and then move to amend the resolution before the House by adding that the committee be directed to inquire who is the editor of the United States Gazette, and by what authority he published in that paper the following paragraphs.

It passed in the negative—yeas 11, nays 16, as follows:

The Judiciary.

Agreeably to notice given yesterday, Mr. Pinckney had leave to bring in a bill to amend the act entitled "An act to establish the Judicial Courts of the United States"; which was read and ordered to the second reading.

On introducing the above bill Mr. Pinckney addressed the chair as follows:

Mr. President: When I first had the honor of addressing you on this subject it appeared to me necessary to move an amendment to the constitution; on reflection, however, I am since convinced that the more regular and expeditious mode would be to move an amendment to the law establishing the Judicial Courts of the United States—by this means the law may be passed during the present session, and we shall the more readily obtain the limitation we contend for.

As the Judiciary is among the most important departments in our Government, as it reaches every situation in society—neither the rich, the honored, nor the humble, being without its influence or above its control—as it is the department to which not only the lives and fortunes, but the characters of our citizens are peculiarly intrusted, it becomes us to be extremely careful that the Judges should not only be able and honest men, but independent in their situation. Our constitution has in some degree secured their independence by giving them permanent salaries, and rendering them ineligible to the Legislature; but in vain will we consider them independent, in vain may we suppose their opinion beyond the control or interference of the Executive, until we have determined it shall not be in his power to give them additional offices and emoluments, while Judges; until, in short, we confine them wholly to their duties as Judges, and teach them to believe that in the execution of the laws they should consider themselves as little obliged to please the President, or to fear his disapprobation, as that of any other man in the Government. This can only be done by preventing them accepting other offices, while they continue as Judges, and thus depriving him of the power of heaping upon them additional favors and emoluments.

It is an established maxim, and I hope will for ever remain so, that the Legislature and Judiciary should be as distinct as the nature of our Government will admit; that is, that the same men shall not, in a deliberative capacity, agree to measures which they shall afterwards have a right to explain and decide upon in a judicial one. The reason is obvious; that the Judges should, in a calm and unprejudiced manner, explain what the law literally is, and not what it ought to be; that they should not be allowed to carry upon the bench those passions and prejudices which too frequently prevail in the adoption and formation of legislative acts and treaties, and which never fail to give an irresistible bias to the opinions of a Judge who has been concerned in making them. The truth of this reasoning is now so generally conceded, that there is not a man who knows any thing of government that will attempt to controvert it; the constitutions of all the States have sanctioned it, and if the opinions of the Federal Convention ought to have weight, they so strongly insisted upon it as even to refuse, after repeated trials, associating the Judges with the President in the exercise of his revisionary power; indeed a gentleman high in office, and who held both situations at the same time as Judge and Envoy, is himself decidedly of this opinion, for in his charge to the Eastern juries he has these expressions:

If, then, there can be no doubt of its propriety when applied to a Judge, in ordinary cases, how much more forcibly does it apply to an Envoy who concludes a treaty, which when ratified is to become the supreme law of the land; how strongly must the negotiation of so important and in many instances so difficult a business, be impressed on his mind! He will no doubt retain the journals of his proceedings and opinions, and perfectly recollect the progress and termination of every proposal which was compromised or rejected. It must be difficult for him to forget the attempts to which ministers are sometimes liable in condescending where their object is honorable; he will remember what his opinions were upon particular points; and, whether they were successful or not, his general character may be that of not very easily yielding them. In short, it is impossible for him to be that cool and unbiased interpreter of the treaty which he otherwise might have been, had he not been concerned in concluding it.

The constitution contemplates an independent Judiciary. The public, therefore, will expect and have a right to demand, upon a questions, a fair and impartial trial by Judges, whose minds are open to conviction, and unprejudiced by party opinions; by men who have not been concerned in forming a law or treaty, but who are totally unfettered by the recollection of what passed at the negotiation, or what might have been wished or expected by either party, as judges, candidly and impartially to determine upon every question that may come before them.

These reasons are certainly sufficient to convince any one that this provision is necessary to the independence of the Judges, and the pure and unbiased exposition of the laws: that unless it is done, their independence is a visionary and unfounded thing. That if the President can hold out to the Judges the temptation of being Envoys, or of giving them other offices, and that he still can continue them as Judges, that on any question in which the President or his friends, or the Government may be concerned, it might have a tendency to influence them in opinion; that it was not frequently to be expected they would be unmindful from whom they received the present appointments, or so entirely indifferent to their own, or the advancement of their families as not sometimes to recollect that from the same source other and greater emoluments might in future be derived; that ingratitude was not often the vice of public officers while their patron continued in power; that on subjects where his character, his feelings, or the public opinion of his acts were in question, our Judges might reasonably be expected not to be charged with apathy or inattention; and that the true way to assert the dignity of the President and the honor and independence of the Judges, was to place it out of the power of the one to offer, and the other to accept additional favors.

That a Judge ought never to be absent from the United States, or be drawn from his official situation and leave an undue proportion of its duties to be performed by the remainder of the bench; that the number of Judges were exactly proportioned to the duties they were to perform; that to withdraw one and be incapable of supplying the vacancy, was not only to require the inexecution of the laws in some parts of the Union, but to invidiously harass the other, while a favorite or possibly too complying a Judge was sent to gratify his curiosity or indulge his taste on some agreeable or easy mission.

That no man ought to hold two offices under the same Government, particularly where they were important; that most of the States had regulations to prevent this, and that nothing more contributed to the extravagance of a Government or the corruption and immorality of its citizens, than the power to heap many lucrative and perhaps useless offices on the same person; that it had a tendency to make them servile, to render them the tools and sycophants of men in power, and to degrade the character of office.

That in case of the impeachment of the President of the United States, the Chief Justice was to preside, and there was no provision in the constitution to supply the vacancy; therefore, if an impeachment was to take place in his absence, it must remain undecided until the Chief Justice could be sent for; that this, if recollected by the Executive, should of itself have been an insuperable objection—in point of propriety, it always is so, but in point of delicacy it ought most strongly to have been so, because, here the President, is the officer, and indeed the only one, who is implicated in the possibility of its inconvenience arising from absence of the Chief Justice. It is true it is to be presumed that the man who is elected by his countrymen to administer the important office of President, will be always so wise and virtuous as to make it very unlikely an impeachment of him should take place—the thing, however, is possible. In times of difficulty where opinions run high, and where those opinions are strongly divided between numerous and powerful parties, it is impossible to foretell what may happen. No man is said to be wise at all times, and our own experience and intercourse with the world must convince us that there are moments of enthusiasm, or of heat, or surprise, when the most cautious men are not quite so prudent as others. I will therefore ask, and do it with great deference, as the President is the only officer on whose trial the Chief Justice is to preside, or on whose impeachment his absence would be a public inconvenience, is it not perhaps presuming too far on his own infallibility or incapacity to err, to send the only officer to a distant country, without whose presence, in case of an impeachment, a court could not be formed to try him? I ask it with deference, and am sure these observations must have escaped the Executive, or the Chief Justice never would have been sent.

To evince the absolute necessity of some provision being made, it is to be observed that, as the law stands now, a Judge might not only accept any other appointment from the Executive of the Union, but he may accept them from the individual States, or, what is still more dangerous, from a foreign power, and thus become the minion of the one or the tool of the other, as circumstances or his own interest may prompt him. Few men will deny the necessity of some provision here, and that the present is an unwise and degrading situation for a national Judiciary. Most of the States have carefully guarded their tribunals against a danger of this kind. The State of South Carolina, to which I belong, is remarkably express on this subject. Aware of the necessity of an independent judiciary, her constitution, in speaking of that department, has these words: "nor shall the Judges, hold any other office of profit or trust under this State, the United States, or any other power," a prohibition not more complete or full than ought to exist in the case of the Federal Judges.

A strange doctrine has lately been circulated, which it is my duty to remark on—it is, that this bill is to be considered as a reflection on the President for nominating a Chief Justice, and the Senate for having confirmed it, and that the Senate, by agreeing to it, will join in the censure.[46] Being always ready to approve, and to praise what is meritorious, it is with great reluctance I can ever be brought to censure—I have no such intention at present. I can readily believe that many of the inconveniences I have mentioned may have escaped the President in the recent nomination. It is here I have always disliked it. I believe the general sentiment to be against it; but, be that as it may, no such reason ought ever to have weight in this House. If the thing is right, if it is now considered as proper for us to say, that the Judges must stay at home, and be confined to their judicial duties, and hold no other offices while Judges, we should do it, and not consider whether it is pleasing or otherwise to the President; he must understand public business too well to consider it in the nature of a reflection. We every day alter existing laws and regulations, without considering such changes as reflections on a preceding Legislature or President, and I should be sorry to suppose, that, while a bill was under discussion, the fear of displeasing the Executive should ever be used as a reason for its rejection. He has always a right to give his opinion in the exercise of his revisionary authority, and when he does, we will deliberately and respectfully attend to it. One remark more, and I shall no longer trespass on the patience of the House: it is, that a reason has been given for leaving the President at liberty to send a Judge on any delicate or difficult mission, which I do not conceive reputable either to the political or literary character of our country—it is said the Judges may be the most able and qualified men the President can find, and that being prevented from sending one of them, he may sometimes be obliged to send inferior and less important characters, and that the public interest might suffer. How far the present or any former supreme bench may justify the observation it is not for us to say, but never will I suppose that among a people so numerous and enlightened, so alive to their country's welfare, and hundreds, perhaps thousands of whom are so devoted to public business, can only six men be found capable of discharging any political duties that Government might require; the idea is too degrading to our national character to be entertained for a moment. For these reasons I have thought it my duty to introduce this bill, and I trust it will pass and become a law.

Saturday, March 8.

Breach of Privilege.

And, on motion to agree to the original motion as amended, it passed in the affirmative—yeas 19, nays 8, as follows:

So it was

Resolved, That the Committee of Privileges be, and they are hereby, directed to consider and report what measures it will be proper for the Senate to adopt, in relation to a publication in the newspaper, printed in the city of Philadelphia, on Wednesday morning the 19th of February, 1800, called the General Advertiser, or Aurora; in which it is asserted, that the bill prescribing the mode of deciding disputed elections of President and Vice President of the United States had passed the Senate, when in fact it had not passed; in which it is also asserted, that the honorable Mr. Pinckney, a Senator from the State of South Carolina, and a member of the committee who brought before the Senate the bill aforesaid, had never been consulted on the subject; whereas, in fact, he was present at each meeting of the committee; and, generally, to report what measures ought to be adopted in relation to sundry expressions contained in said paper, respecting the Senate of the United States, and the members thereof, in their official capacity.

Tuesday, March 18.

Breach of Privilege.

The Senate took into consideration the report of the Committee of Privileges, on the measures that will be necessary to adopt in relation to a publication in the newspaper, printed in the city of Philadelphia, on Wednesday morning, the 19th of February last, called the General Advertiser, or Aurora; and,

On motion to adopt the first resolution reported, it was agreed to divide the motion, and that the question should be taken on the following words:

And on the question, to adopt this part of the resolution, reported by the committee, it passed in the affirmative—yeas 20, nays 8, as follows:

Wednesday, March 19.

The Senate resumed the consideration of the report of the Committee of Privileges, on the measures proper to adopt in relation to a publication in the newspaper called the Aurora, of the 19th of February last; and it was agreed to amend the second member of the first resolution reported, as follows: "and that the said publication is a high breach of the privileges of this House;" and, on the question to agree thereto, as amended, it was determined in the affirmative—yeas 17, nays 11, as follows:

Thursday, March 20.

The Senate resumed the consideration of the report of the Committee of Privileges, on the measures proper to be adopted in relation to a publication of the 19th of February last, in the newspaper called the Aurora; and it was agreed to fill the blanks in the second resolution reported, with the words "Monday 24th, twelve o'clock," and, at the close of the resolution, with the words "twenty-second;" and,

On motion, to adopt this part of the report, as follows:

It passed in the affirmative—yeas 18, nays 10, as follows:

So the report of the committee was adopted, as follows:

Saturday, March 22.

Mr. Dayton, from the Committee of Privileges, to whom it was referred to prepare and lay before the Senate a form of proceedings in the case of William Duane, reported in part; which report was read, amended, and agreed to, as follows:

Monday, March 24.

The Vice President communicated a letter, signed William Duane, requesting to be heard by counsel, and have process awarded to compel the attendance of witnesses in his behalf, on the summons served on him the 22d inst., for a high breach of the privileges of the Senate; which letter was read.

A motion was made that William Duane be permitted to be heard by counsel, agreeably to his request; and, after debate, the said William Duane appeared at the bar of the House, agreeably to the summons of the 22d instant; a return thereon having been made in the words following:

And the charge against the said William Duane having been read, he repeated his request to be heard by counsel.

On which he was ordered to withdraw, and a motion was made as follows:

On which a motion was made to strike out all the motion subsequent to the word "Duane," and insert:

And it was agreed to divide the motion, and that the question be taken on striking out; which passed in the affirmative—yeas 18, nays 11, as follows:

A motion was made to amend the amendment by striking out these words "he be allowed the assistance of counsel while personally attending the bar of the Senate; who may be heard in denial of any facts charged against said Duane, or in excuse and extenuation of his offence;" and to insert "he be permitted to have assistance of counsel for his defence;" and it was agreed to divide the motion, and that the question should be taken on striking out, which passed in the negative—yeas 10, nays 18, as follows:

And, on the question to agree to the original amendment, it passed in the affirmative—yeas 21, nays 8, as follows:

And the question being taken on the motion as amended, it was

Resolved, That William Duane having appeared at the bar of the Senate, and requested to be heard by counsel, on the charge against him for a breach of privileges of the Senate, he be allowed the assistance of counsel while personally attending at the bar of the Senate, who may be heard in denial of any facts charged against said Duane, or in excuse and extenuation of his offence.

A motion was made that it be an instruction to the Committee of Privileges to report in what manner witnesses shall be compelled to attend the Senate in support of the charge against William Duane, and in his defence against that charge.

And, after debate, the further consideration thereof was postponed.

Resolved, That a copy of the resolution last agreed to be sent to William Duane, and at the same time, he be ordered to attend at the bar of this House at 12 o'clock, on Wednesday next.

Wednesday, March 26.

The Vice President communicated a letter signed William Duane, stating that he had received "an authenticated copy of the resolution of Monday last in his case," and enclosing certain papers stated to be a correspondence between him and his intended counsel, marked A, B, and C, and that he finds himself "deprived of all professional assistance under the restrictions which the Senate have thought fit to adopt. He therefore thinks himself bound, by the most sacred duties, to decline any further voluntary attendance upon that body, and to leave them to pursue such measures in this case, as in their wisdom they may deem meet;" and the letter was read.

On motion that the papers referred to in the letter be read, it passed in the negative.

On motion, the Senate took into consideration the report of the Committee of Privileges, who were ordered to prepare and lay before the Senate a form of proceedings in the case of William Duane; and, after debate,

The order of the day was called for.

Ordered, That the Sergeant-at-Arms, at the bar of the House, do call William Duane. And the said William Duane did not appear. Whereupon,

Resolved, That as William Duane has not appeared at the bar of this House, in obedience to the order of the 24th instant, and has addressed a letter to the President of the Senate, which has been read this morning, in which he refuses any further attendance, his letter be referred to the Committee of Privileges, to consider and report thereon.

On motion, the Senate resumed the consideration of the report of the Committee of Privileges of the 25th instant. And on the question to agree to the first resolution, amended as follows:

It passed in the affirmative—yeas 18, nays 11, as follows:

On motion, the 4th resolution was adopted, as follows:

Resolved, That all testimony taken by said committee shall be reported to the Senate, and kept on file by the Secretary.

And having agreed to postpone the other resolutions reported, the Senate adjourned.

Thursday, March 27.

Mr. Dayton, from the Committee of Privileges, to whom was referred the letter of William Duane, on the 26th instant, made report, as follows:

On motion to agree to this first resolution reported, it passed in the affirmative—yeas 16, nays 12, as follows:

On motion to strike out these words from the second resolution reported: "And all marshals, deputy marshals, and civil officers of the United States, and every other person, are hereby required to be aiding and assisting to you in the execution thereof:" it passed in the negative—yeas 10, nays 19, as follows:

The second resolution reported was read as follows:

On motion to agree to this resolution as reported, it passed in the affirmative—yeas 18, nays 11, as follows: