"The Executive Directory has charged me to make known to you, that not having obtained special permission to reside at Paris, you are amenable to the law which obliges foreigners to quit the territory of the Republic. I had the honor of informing you near two months ago, by the principal Secretary of my department, of the intentions of the Government in this respect. I cannot dispense with notifying you of them to-day. Receive, sir, &c." [Feb. 1, 1797.

Citizen Minister: I did not receive, until 3 o'clock to-day, your note in date of the 6th inst., informing me that the Directory had charged you to acquaint me, that not having obtained particular permission to reside at Paris, I was subject to the law which obliged strangers to quit the territory of the Republic. I intimated to you some time since, by the Secretary General of your department, and by Major Rutledge, my Secretary, that I deemed a notification of this sort, in writing, from you necessary, previous to my departure. Having now received it, I shall, without delay, prepare to go, and, in the meanwhile, will be obliged to you for the necessary passports for myself and family, with our baggage, to quit the Republic, in my way to Holland. Accept, citizen Minister, &c.

I should have made some observation on being termed Anglo-American, but, on inquiry, I found it was customary to call all my countrymen so, to distinguish us from the inhabitants of St. Domingo and the other French West India islands. I have received my passports, and shall, in two days, set out for Amsterdam. I know not what has occasioned this determination of the Directory after having permitted me to remain here so long a time from their refusal to acknowledge me. You will judge whether the answer of the Senate and the House of Representatives to the President's Speech, and the late successes in Italy have not concurred to occasion it. Mr. De la Croix assured Major Rutledge, that he acted by the express orders of the Directory in this particular, and not from himself.

The Minister, we found, was then engaged with the Portuguese Minister, who retired in about ten minutes, when we were introduced and produced the copy of our letters of credence, which the Minister perused and kept. He informed us "that the Directory had required him to make a report relative to the situation of the United States with regard to France, which he was then about, and which would be finished in a few days, when he would let us know what steps were to follow." We asked if cards of hospitality were in the mean time necessary? He said they were, and that they should be delivered to us; and he immediately rung for his secretary and directed him to make them out.

On Saturday, the 14th, Major Mountflorence (U. S. Consul General in Paris,) informed General Pinckney that he had a conversation with Mr. Osmond, the private and confidential secretary of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, who told him that the Directory were greatly exasperated at some parts of the President's Speech at the opening of the last session of Congress, and would require an explanation of them from us. The particular parts were not mentioned. In another conversation on the same day, the secretary informed the Major that the Minister had told him it was probable we should not have a public audience of the Directory till such time as our negotiation was finished; that probably persons might be appointed to treat with us, but they would report to him, and he would have the direction of the negotiation. The Major did not conceal from Mr. Osmond his intention to communicate these conversations to us.

In the morning of October the 13th, Mr. W., of the house of ——, called on General Pinckney and informed him that a Mr. X., who was in Paris, and whom the General had seen, * * * * was a gentleman of considerable credit and reputation, * * * * and that we might place great reliance on him.

In the evening of the same day, Mr. X. called on General Pinckney, and after having sat some time, * * * * whispered him that he had a message from M. Talleyrand to communicate when he was at leisure. General Pinckney immediately withdrew with him into another room; and when they were alone, Mr. X. said that he was charged with a business in which he was a novice; that he had been acquainted with M. Talleyrand, * * * * and that he was sure he had a great regard for [America] and its citizens; and was very desirous that a reconciliation should be brought about with France; that, to effect that end, he was ready, if it was thought proper, to suggest a plan, confidentially, that M. Talleyrand expected would answer the purpose. General Pinckney said he should be glad to hear it. Mr. X. replied that the Directory, and particularly two of the members of it, were exceedingly irritated at some passages of the President's Speech, and desired that they should be softened, and that this step would be necessary previous to our reception. That, besides this, a sum of money was required for the pocket of the Directory and Ministers, which would be at the disposal of M. Talleyrand; and that a loan would also be insisted on. M. X. said if we acceded to these measures, M. Talleyrand had no doubt that all our differences with France might be accommodated. On inquiry, M. X. could not point out the particular passages of the speech that had given offence, nor the quantum of the loan, but mentioned that the douceur for the pocket, was twelve hundred thousand livres, about fifty thousand pounds sterling. General Pinckney told him, that his colleagues and himself, from the time of their arrival here, had been treated with great slight and disrespect; that they earnestly wished for peace and reconciliation with France; and had been entrusted by their country with very great powers to obtain these ends on honorable terms; that, with regard to the propositions made, he could not even consider of them before he had communicated them to his colleagues; that, after he had done so, he should hear from him. After a communication and consultation had, it was agreed that General Pinckney should call on M. X. and request him to make his propositions to us all: and, for fear of mistake or misapprehension, that he should be requested to reduce the heads into writing. Accordingly, on the morning of October 19, General Pinckney called on M. X., who consented to see his colleagues in the evening, and to reduce his propositions to writing. He said his communication was not immediately with M. Talleyrand, but through another gentleman in whom M. Talleyrand had great confidence. This proved afterwards to be M. Y.

At six in the evening, M. X. came and left with us the first set of propositions, which, translated from the French, are as follows: "A person who possesses the confidence of the Directory, on what relates to the affairs of America, convinced of the mutual advantages which would result from the re-establishment of the good understanding between the two nations, proposes to employ all of his influence to obtain this object. He will assist the Commissioners of the United States in all the demands which they may have to make from the Government of France, inasmuch as they may not be contradictory to those which he proposes himself to make, and of which the principal will be communicated confidentially. It is desired that, in the official communications, there should be given a softening turn to a part of the President's Speech to Congress, which has caused much irritation. It is feared, that in not satisfying certain individuals in this respect, they may give way to all their resentment. The nomination of Commissioners will be consented to on the same footing as they have been named in the treaty of America with England, to decide on the reclamations which individuals may make on the Government of France, or on French individuals. The payments which, agreeably to the decisions of the Commissioners, shall fall to the share of the French Government, are to be advanced by the American Government itself. It is desired that the funds which, by this means, shall enter again into the American trade, should be employed in new supplies for the French colonies. Engagements of this nature, on the part of individuals reclaiming, will always hasten, in all probability, the decisions of the French Commissioners; and, perhaps, it may be desired that this clause should make a part of the instructions which the Government of the United States should give to the Commissioners they may choose. The French Government desires, besides, to obtain a loan from the United States; but so that that should not give any jealousy to the English Government nor hurt the neutrality of the United States. This loan shall be masked by stipulating, that the Government of the United States consents to make the advances for the payment of the debts contracted by the agents of the French Government with the citizens of the United States, and which are already acknowledged, and the payment ordered by the Directory, without having been yet effectuated. There should be delivered a note to the amount of these debts. Probably this note may be accompanied by ostensible pieces, which will guarantee to the agents the responsibility of the United States, in case any umbrage should cause an inquiry. There shall also be first taken from this loan certain sums for the purpose of making the customary distributions in diplomatic affairs." The person of note mentioned in the minutes, who had the confidence of the Directory, he said, before us all, was M. Talleyrand. The amount of the loan he could not ascertain precisely, but understood it would be according to our ability to pay. The sum which would be considered as proper, according to diplomatic usage, was about twelve hundred thousand livres. He could not state to us what parts of the President's speech were excepted to, but said he would inquire and inform us. He agreed to breakfast with Mr. Gerry the morning of the 21st, in order to make such explanations as we had then requested, or should think proper to request; but, on the morning of the 20th, M. X. called, and said that M. Y., the confidential friend of M. Talleyrand, instead of communicating with us through M. X., would see us himself and make the necessary explanations. We appointed to meet him the evening of the 20th at seven o'clock, in General Marshall's room. At seven, M. Y. and M. X. entered; and the first mentioned gentleman, being introduced to us as the confidential friend of M. Talleyrand, immediately stated to us the favorable impression of that gentleman towards our country—impressions which were made by the kindness and civilities he had personally received in America. That, impressed by his solicitude to repay these kindnesses, he was willing to aid us in the present negotiation by his good offices with the Directory, who were, he said, extremely irritated against the Government of the United States, on account of some parts of the President's speech, and who had neither acknowledged nor received us, and consequently have not authorized M. Talleyrand to have any communications with us. The minister therefore could not see us himself, but had authorized his friend M. Y. to communicate to us certain propositions, and to receive our answers to them; and to promise, on his part, that if we would engage to consider them as the basis of the proposed negotiation, he would intercede with the Directory to acknowledge us, and to give us a public audience. M. Y. stated to us explicitly and repeatedly, that he was clothed with no authority; that he was not a diplomatic character; that he was not * * * * he was only the friend of M. Talleyrand, and trusted by him: that, with regard to himself, he had * * * and he earnestly wished well to the United States.

On reading the speech (Mr. Adams' to Congress,) M. Y. dilated very much upon the keenness of the resentment it had produced, and expatiated largely on the satisfaction he said was indispensably necessary as a preliminary to negotiation. "But, said he, gentlemen, I will not disguise from you that this satisfaction being made, the essential part of the treaty remains to be adjusted; il faut de l'argent—il faut beaucoup d'argent;" you must pay money, you must pay a great deal of money. He spoke much of the force, the honor, and the jealous republican pride of France; and represented to us strongly the advantage which we should derive from the neutrality thus to be purchased. He said that the receipt of the money might be so disguised as to prevent its being considered as a breach of neutrality by England; and thus save us from being embroiled with that power. Concerning the twelve hundred thousand livres little was said; that being completely understood, on all sides, to be required for the officers of the Government, and, therefore, needing no further explanation. These propositions, he said, being considered as the admitted basis of the proposed treaty, M. Talleyrand trusted that, by his influence with the Directory, he could prevail on the Government to receive us. We asked whether we were to consider it as certain, that, without a previous stipulation to the effect required, we were not to be received. He answered that M. Talleyrand himself was not authorized to speak to us the will of the Directory, and consequently could not authorize him. The conversation continued until half after nine, when they left us; having engaged to breakfast with Mr. Gerry the next morning.

October the 21st, M. X. came before nine o'clock; M. Y. did not come until ten: he had passed the morning with M. Talleyrand. After breakfast the subject was immediately resumed. He represented to us, that we were not yet acknowledged or received; that the Directory were so exasperated against the United States, as to have come to a determination to demand from us, previous to our reception, those disavowals, reparations, and explanations, which were stated at large last evening. He said that M. Talleyrand and himself were extremely sensible of the pain we must feel in complying with this demand; but that the Directory would not dispense with it; that, therefore, we must consider it as the indispensable preliminary to obtain our reception, unless we could find the means to change their determination in this particular; that if we satisfied the Directory in these particulars, a letter would be written to us to demand the extent of our powers, and to know whether we were authorized to place them precisely on the same footing with England. We required an explanation of that part of the conversation, in which M. Y. had hinted at our finding means to avert the demand concerning the President's speech. He answered, that he was not authorized to state those means, but that we must search for them and propose them ourselves. If, however, we asked his opinion as a private individual, and would receive it as coming from him, he would suggest to us the means which, in his opinion, would succeed. On being asked to suggest the means, he answered, money; that the Directory were jealous of its own honor and of the honor of the nation; that it insisted on receiving from us the same respect with which we had treated the King; that this honor must be maintained in the manner before required, unless we substituted, in the place of these reparations, something, perhaps more valuable, that was money. He said, further, that if we desired him to point out the sum, which he believed would be satisfactory, he would do so. We requested him to proceed; and he said that there were thirty-two millions of florins, of Dutch inscriptions, worth ten shillings in the pound, which might be assigned to us at twenty shillings in the pound; and he proceeded to state to us the certainty that, after a peace, the Dutch Government would repay us the money; so that we should ultimately lose nothing, and the only operation of the measure would be, an advance from us to France of thirty-two millions, on the credit of the Government of Holland. We asked him whether the fifty thousand pounds sterling as a douceur to the Directory, must be in addition to this sum. He answered in the affirmative. We told him that, on the subject of the treaty, we had no hesitation in saying that our powers were ample; that, on the other points proposed to us, we would retire into another room, and return in a few minutes with our answer.

We committed immediately to writing the answer we proposed, in the following words: "Our powers respecting a treaty are ample; but the proposition of a loan, in the form of Dutch inscriptions, or in any other form, is not within the limits of our instructions; upon this point, therefore, the Government must be consulted; one of the American Ministers will, for the purpose, forthwith embark for America; provided the Directory will suspend all further captures on American vessels; and will suspend proceedings on those already captured, as well where they have been already condemned, as where the decisions have not yet been rendered; and that where sales have been made, but the money not yet received by the captors, it shall not be paid until the preliminary questions, proposed to the Ministers of the United States, be discussed and decided;" which was read as a verbal answer, and we told them they might copy it if they pleased. M. Y. refused to do so; his disappointment was apparent; he said we treated the money part of the proposition as if it had proceeded from the Directory; whereas, in fact, it did not proceed even from the Minister, but was only a suggestion from himself, as a substitute to be proposed by us, in order to avoid the painful acknowledgment that the Directory had determined to demand of us. It was told him that we understood that matter perfectly; that we knew the proposition was in form to be ours; but that it came substantially from the Minister. We asked what had led to our present conversation? And General Pinckney then repeated the first communication from M. X., (to the whole of which that gentleman assented,) and we observed that those gentlemen had brought no testimonials of their speaking any thing from authority; but that, relying on the fair characters they bore, we had believed them when they said they were from the Minister, and had conversed with them, in like manner, as if we were conversing with M. Talleyrand himself; and that we could not consider any suggestion M. Y. had made as not having been previously approved of; but yet, if he did not choose to take a memorandum in writing of our answer, we had no wish that he should do so; and further, if he chose to give the answer to his proposition the form of a proposition from ourselves, we could only tell him that we had no other proposition to make, relative to any advance of money on our part; that America had sustained deep and heavy losses by the French depredations on our commerce, and that France had alleged so [many] complaints against the United States, that on those subjects we came fully prepared, and were not a little surprised to find France unwilling to hear us; and making demands upon us which could never have been suspected by our Government, and which had the appearance of our being the aggressing party. M. Y. expressed himself vehemently on the resentment of France; and complained that, instead of our proposing some substitute for the reparations demanded of us, we were stipulating certain conditions to be performed by the Directory itself; that he could not take charge of such propositions; and that the Directory would persist in its demand of those reparations which he at first stated. We answered that we could not help it; it was for the Directory to determine what course its own honor and the interests of France required it to pursue; it was for us to guard the interest and honor of our country. M. Y. observed that we had taken no notice of the first proposition, which was to know whether we were ready to make the disavowal, reparations, and explanations, concerning the President's speech. We told him that we supposed it to be impossible that either he, or the Minister, could imagine that such a proposition could require an answer; that we did not understand it as being seriously expected; but merely as introductory to the subjects of real consideration.

He spoke of the respect which the Directory required, and repeated that it would exact as much as was paid to the ancient kings. We answered that America had demonstrated to the world, and especially to France, a much greater respect for her present Government than for her former monarchy: and that there was no evidence of this disposition which ought to be required, that we were not ready to give. He said that we should certainly not be received; and seemed to shudder at the consequences. We told him, that America had made every possible effort to remain on friendly terms with France—that she was still making them, that if France would not hear us, but would make war on the United States, nothing remained for us but to regret the unavoidable necessity of defending ourselves. [Oct. 22.

October 27, 1797.

About twelve we received another visit from M. X. He immediately mentioned the great event announced in the papers, and then said, that some proposals from us had been expected on the subject on which we had before conversed: that the Directory were becoming impatient, and would take a decided course with regard to America, if we could not soften them. We answered, that on that subject we had already spoken explicitly, and had nothing further to add. He mentioned the change in the state of things which had been produced by the peace with the Emperor, as warranting an expectation of a change in our system; to which we only replied, that this event had been expected by us, and would not, in any degree, affect our conduct. M. X. urged, that the Directory had, since this peace, taken a higher and more decided tone with respect to us, and all other neutral nations, than had been before taken; that it had been determined, that all nations should aid them, or be considered and treated as their enemies. We answered, that such an effect had already been contemplated by us, as probable, and had not been overlooked when we gave to this proposition our decided answer; and further, that we had no powers to negotiate for a loan of money; that our Government had not contemplated such a circumstance in any degree whatever; that if we should stipulate a loan, it would be a perfectly void thing, and would only deceive France, and expose ourselves. M. X. again expatiated on the power and violence of France; he urged the danger of our situation, and pressed the policy of softening them, and of thereby obtaining time. M. X. again returned to the subject of money. Said he, you do not speak to the point; it is money: it is expected that you will offer money. We said that we had spoken to that point very explicitly: we had given an answer. No, said he, you have not: what is your answer? We replied, it is no; no; not a sixpence. He again called our attention to the dangers which threatened our country, and asked, if it would not be prudent, though we might not make a loan to the nation, to interest an influential friend in our favor. He said we ought to consider what men we had to treat with; that they disregarded the justice of our claims, and the reasoning with which we might support them; that they disregarded their own colonies, and considered themselves as perfectly invulnerable with respect to us; that we could only acquire an interest among them by a judicious application of money, and it was for us to consider, whether the situation of our country did not require that these means should be resorted to.

He said that all the members of the Directory were not disposed to receive our money; that Merlin, for instance, was paid from another quarter, and would touch no part of the douceur which was to come from us. We replied, that we had understood that Merlin was paid by the owners of the privateers; and he nodded an assent to the fact. He proceeded to press this subject with vast perseverance. He told us that we had paid money to obtain peace with the Algerines and with the Indians; and that it was doing no more to pay France for peace. To this it was answered, that when our Government commenced a treaty with either Algiers or the Indian tribes, it was understood that money was to form the basis of the treaty, and was its essential article; that the whole nation knew it, and was prepared to expect it as a thing of course; but that in treating with France, our Government had supposed that a proposition, such as he spoke of, would, if made by us, give mortal offence. He asked if our Government did not know that nothing was to be obtained here without money? We replied, that our Government had not even suspected such a state of things. He appeared surprised at it, and said, that there was not an American in Paris who could not have given that information. The conversation continued for nearly two hours; and the public and private advance of money was pressed and re-pressed in a variety of forms. At length M. X. said that he did not blame us; that our determination was certainly proper, if we could keep it; but he showed decidedly his opinion to be that we could not keep it. He said that he would communicate, as nearly as he could, our conversation to the Minister, or to M. Y. to be given by him to the Minister; we are not certain which. We then separated. On the 22d of October, M. Z., a French gentleman of respectable character, informed Mr. Gerry, that M. Talleyrand, Minister of Foreign Relations, who professed to be well-disposed towards the United States, had expected to have seen the American Ministers frequently in their private capacities; and to have conferred with them individually on the object of their mission; and had authorized M. Z. to make this communication to Mr. Gerry. The latter sent for his colleagues; and a conference was held with M. Z. on the subject; in which General Pinckney and General Marshall expressed their opinions, that, not being acquainted with M. Talleyrand, they could not, with propriety, call on him; but that, according to the custom of France, he might expect this of Mr. Gerry, from a previous acquaintance in America. This Mr. Gerry reluctantly complied with on the 23d, and with M. Z. called on M. Talleyrand, who, not being then at his office, appointed the 28th for the interview. After the first introduction, M. Talleyrand began the conference. He said that the Directory had passed an arrêt, which he offered for perusal, in which they had demanded of the Envoys an explanation of some part, and a reparation for others, of the President's speech to Congress, of the 16th of May: he was sensible, he said, that difficulties would exist on the part of the Envoys relative to this demand; but that by their offering money, he thought he could prevent the effect of the arrêt. M. Z., at the request of Mr. Gerry, having stated that the Envoys have no such powers, M. Talleyrand replied, they can, in such a case, take a power on themselves; and proposed that they should make a loan. A courier arriving at this moment from Italy, and M. Talleyrand appearing impatient to read the letters, Mr. Gerry took leave of him immediately. He followed to the door, and desired M. Z. to repeat to Mr. Gerry what he, M. Talleyrand, had said to him. Mr. Gerry then returned to his quarters with M. Z., took down the particulars of this interview, as before stated, sent for Gens. Pinckney and Marshall, and read it to them in the presence of M. Z., who confirmed it. Generals Pinckney and Marshall then desired M. Z. to inform M. Talleyrand that they had nothing to add to this conference, and did not wish that the arrêt might be delayed on their account.

October 29.

M. X. again called upon us. He said M. Talleyrand was extremely anxious to be of service to us, and had requested that one more effort should be made to induce us to enable him to be so. A great deal of the same conversation which had passed at our former interviews was repeated. He said that, without this money, we should be obliged to quit Paris; and that we ought to consider the consequences: the property of the Americans would be confiscated, and their vessels in port embargoed. We told him that, unless there was a hope of a real reconciliation, these evils could not be prevented by us; and the little delay that we might obtain would only increase them; that our mission had induced many of our countrymen to trust their vessels in the ports of France; and if we remained at Paris, that very circumstance would increase their number; and, consequently, the injury which our countrymen would sustain, if France could permit herself so to violate her own engagements and the laws of nations. He expressed a wish, that M. Y. should see us once more. We told him that a visit from M. Y., as a private gentleman, would always be agreeable to us; but if he came only with the expectation that we should stipulate advances of money, without previously establishing a solid and permanent reconciliation, he might save himself the trouble of the application, because it was a subject we had considered maturely, and on which we were immovable. He parted with us, saying, if that was the case, it would not be worth while for M. Y. to come. In the evening, while General Pinckney and General Marshall were absent, M. Y. and M. X. called, and were invited by Mr. Gerry to breakfast with us the next morning.

October 30.

Immediately after breakfast the subject was resumed. M. Y. spoke without interruption for near an hour. He said that he was desirous of making a last effort to serve us, by proposing something which might accommodate the differences between the two nations; that what he was now about to mention, had not, by any means, the approbation of the Directory; nor could M. Talleyrand undertake further than to make from us the proposition to the Directory, and use his influence for its success; that, last week, M. Talleyrand could not have ventured to have offered such propositions; but that his situation had been very materially changed by the peace with the Emperor; by that peace he had acquired, in a high degree, the confidence of the Directory, and now possessed great influence with that body; that he was also closely connected with Buonaparte and the Generals of the Army in Italy, and was to be considered as firmly fixed in his post, at least for five or six months; that, under these circumstances, he could undertake to offer, in our behalf, propositions which, before this increase of influence, he could not have hazarded. M. Y. then called our attention to our own situation, and to the force France was capable of bringing to bear upon us. He said that we were the best judges of our capacity to resist, so far as depended on our own resources, and ought not to deceive ourselves on so interesting a subject. The fate of Venice was one which might befall the United States.

On the 14th of December, M. X. called on me, in order, as he said, to gain some information relative to some lands in * * *, purchased by * * *, for whom * * *. Soon afterwards, General Marshall came in, and then Mr. Gerry's carriage drove into the yard. Here is Mr. Gerry, said General Marshall. I am glad of it, said M. X., for I wished to meet all of you gentlemen, to inform you that M. Y. had another message to you from M. Talleyrand. I immediately expressed my surprise at it, as M. Talleyrand, M. Y., and he, all knew our determination to have no further communication on the subject of our mission with persons not officially authorized. He replied, that determination was made six weeks ago; and it was presumed that we had changed our opinion. I said that I had not, and I did not believe my colleagues had. At that moment Mr. Gerry entered the room, and I privately acquainted him with the object of M. X.'s visit. General Marshall, Mr. Gerry, and myself, then withdrew into another room, and immediately agreed to adhere to our former resolution. M. X. was then called in; when I acquainted him, in a few words, with our determination; and Mr. Gerry expatiated more at large on the propriety of our acting in this manner, and on the very unprecedented way in which we had been treated since our arrival.

On the 20th of December, a lady, who is well acquainted with M. Talleyrand, expressed to me her concern that we were still in so unsettled a situation; but, adds she, why will you not lend us money? If you would but make us a loan, all matters would be adjusted; and, she added, when you were contending for your revolution, we lent you money. I mentioned the very great difference there was between the situation of the two countries at that period and the present, and the very different circumstances under which the loan was made us, and the loan was now demanded from us. She replied, we do not make a demand; we think it more delicate that the offer should come from you: but M. Talleyrand has mentioned to me (who am surely not in his confidence) the necessity of your making us a loan; and I know that he has mentioned it to two or three others; and that you have been informed of it; and I will assure you that, if you remain here six months longer, you would not advance a single step further in your negotiations without a loan. If that is the case, I replied, we may as well go away now. Why that, possibly, said she, might lead to a rupture, which you had better avoid; for we know we have a very considerable party in America, who are strongly in our interest.

Although the Envoys' despatches, and the facts and circumstances hereinbefore stated, cannot leave a doubt that X., as well as Y. and Z., was well known to Mr. Talleyrand, it will not be amiss to add, that on the 2d of December, X., Y., and Z., dined together at Mr. Talleyrand's, in company with Mr. Gerry; and that, after rising from the table, the money propositions, which had before been made, were repeated, in the room and in the presence, though, perhaps, not in the hearing, of Mr. Talleyrand. Mr. X. put the question to Mr. Gerry in direct terms, either "whether the Envoys would now give the douceur," or "whether they had got the money ready." Mr. Gerry, very justly offended, answered positively in the negative, and the conversation dropped.

Mr. Z., who has avowed himself to be Mr. Hauteval, was the person who first made known to the Envoys the Minister's desire to confer with them individually on the objects of their mission. He it was who first introduced Mr. Gerry to Mr. Talleyrand, and served as the interpreter of their conversations; and in his letter to Mr. Talleyrand, at the close of Mr. Gerry's document, No. 35, he announces himself to be the agent of the Minister, to make communications to the Envoys.

The sensation which these details irresistibly excite is that of astonishment at the unparalleled effrontery of Mr. Talleyrand, in demanding of Mr. Gerry the names of X., Y., and Z., after Y. had accompanied him on a visit to the Minister, with whom the conversation detailed in the printed despatches then passed, and who then assured Mr. Gerry "that the information Mr. Y. had given him was just, and might always be relied on;" after Z. had in the first instance introduced Mr. Gerry to the Minister, and served as their mutual interpreter, and when the conversation between them had also been stated in despatches; and after X., Y., and Z. had all dined together with Mr. Gerry at Mr. Talleyrand's table, on rising from which X. and Y. renewed the proposition about the money! The very circumstances of Mr. Talleyrand's being continued in office after the account of these intrigues had been published to the world is a decisive proof that they were commenced and carried on with the privity and by the secret orders of the Directory. It was to accomplish the object of these intrigues that the American Envoys were kept at Paris unreceived six months after their credentials had been laid before the Directory; and it was only because they were superior to those intrigues, and that no hopes remained of wheedling or terrifying them into a compliance, that two of them were then sent away, and with marks of insult and contempt.