Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
While with reverence and resignation we contemplate the dispensations of Divine Providence, in the alarming and destructive pestilence with which several of our cities and towns have been visited, there is cause for gratitude and mutual congratulations that the malady has disappeared, and that we are again permitted to assemble in safety at the seat of Government, for the discharge of our important duties. But, when we reflect that this fatal disorder has, within a few years, made repeated ravages in some of our principal seaports, and with increased malignancy; and, when we consider the magnitude of the evils arising from the interruption of public and private business, whereby the national interests are deeply affected, I think it my duty to invite the Legislature of the Union to examine the expediency of establishing suitable regulations in aid of the health laws of the respective States; for, these being formed on the idea that contagious sickness may be communicated through the channels of commerce, there seems to be a necessity that Congress, who alone can regulate trade, should frame a system which, while it may tend to preserve the general health, may be compatible with the interests of commerce and the safety of the revenue.
While we think on this calamity, and sympathize with the immediate sufferers, we have abundant reason to present to the Supreme Being our annual oblations of gratitude for a liberal participation in the ordinary blessings of His Providence. To the usual subjects of gratitude, I cannot omit to add one of the first importance to our well-being and safety: I mean that spirit which has arisen in our country against the menaces and aggression of a foreign nation. A manly sense of national honor, dignity, and independence, has appeared, which, if encouraged and invigorated by every branch of the Government, will enable us to view, undismayed, the enterprises of any foreign power, and become the sure foundation of national prosperity and glory.
The course of the transactions in relation to the United States and France, which have come to my knowledge during your recess, will be made the subject of a future communication. That communication will confirm the ultimate failure of the measures which have been taken by the Government of the United States towards an amicable adjustment of differences with that power. You will, at the same time, perceive that the French Government appears solicitous to impress the opinion that it is averse to a rupture with this country, and that it has, in a qualified manner, declared itself willing to receive a Minister from the United States, for the purpose of restoring a good understanding. It is unfortunate for professions of this kind that they should be expressed in terms which may countenance the inadmissible pretension of a right to prescribe the qualifications which a Minister of the United States should possess; and that while France is asserting the existence of a disposition, on her part, to conciliate with sincerity the differences which have arisen, the sincerity of a like disposition on the part of the United States, of which so many demonstrative proofs have been given, should even be indirectly questioned. It is also worthy of observation that the decree of the Directory, alleged to be intended to restrain the depredations of French cruisers on our commerce, has not given, and cannot give, any relief; it enjoins them to conform to all the laws of France relative to cruising and prizes, while these laws are themselves the sources of the depredation of which we have so long, so justly, and so fruitlessly complained.
The law of France enacted in January last, which subjects to capture and condemnation neutral vessels and their cargoes, if any portion of the latter are of British fabric or produce, although the entire property belongs to neutrals, instead of being rescinded, has lately received a confirmation, by the failure of a proposition for its repeal. While this law, which is an unequivocal act of war on the commerce of the nations it attacks, continues in force, those nations can see in the French Government only a power regardless of their essential rights, of their independence and sovereignty; and, if they possess the means, they can reconcile nothing with their interests and honor but a firm resistance.
Hitherto, therefore, nothing is discoverable in the conduct of France which ought to change or relax our measures of defence; on the contrary, to extend and invigorate them is our true policy. We have no reason to regret that these measures have been thus far adopted and pursued; and, in proportion as we enlarge our view of the portentous and incalculable situation of Europe, we shall discover new and cogent motives for the full development of our energies and resources.
But, in demonstrating by our conduct that we do not fear war, in the necessary protection of our rights and honor, we shall give no room to infer that we abandon the desire of peace. An efficient preparation for war can alone ensure peace. It is peace that we have uniformly and perseveringly cultivated, and harmony between us and France may be restored at her option. But to send another Minister, without more determinate assurances that he would be received, would be an act of humiliation to which the United States ought not to submit. It must, therefore, be left to France, if she is indeed desirous of accommodation, to take the requisite steps. The United States will steadily observe the maxims by which they have hitherto been governed. They will respect the sacred rites of embassy. And with a sincere disposition on the part of France to desist from hostility, to make reparation for the injuries heretofore inflicted on our commerce, and to do justice in future, there will be no obstacle to the restoration of a friendly intercourse. In making to you this declaration, I give a pledge to France and to the world that the Executive authority of this country still adheres to the humane and pacific policy which has invariably governed its proceedings, in conformity with the wishes of the other branches of the Government and of the people of the United States. But considering the late manifestations of her policy towards foreign nations, I deem it a duty deliberately and solemnly to declare my opinion, that, whether we negotiate with her or not, vigorous preparations for war will be alike indispensable. These alone will give to us an equal treaty, and ensure its observance.
Among the measures of preparation which appear expedient, I take the liberty to recall your attention to the Naval Establishment. The beneficial effects of the small naval armament provided under the acts of the last session, are known and acknowledged. Perhaps no country ever experienced more sudden and remarkable advantages from any measure of policy than we have derived from the arming for our maritime protection and defence. We ought, without loss of time, to lay the foundation for an increase of our Navy to a size sufficient to guard our coast, and protect our trade. Such a naval force as it is doubtless in the power of the United States to create and maintain, would also afford to them the best means of general defence, the safe transportation of troops and stores to every part of our extensive coast. To accomplish this important object, a prudent foresight requires that systematical measures be adopted for procuring, at all times, the requisite timber and other supplies. In what manner this shall be done, I leave to your consideration.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
I have directed an estimate of the appropriations which will be necessary for the service of the ensuing year to be laid before you, accompanied with a view of the public receipts and expenditures to a recent period. It will afford you satisfaction to infer the great extent and solidity of the public resources, from the prosperous state of the finances, notwithstanding the unexampled embarrassments which have attended commerce. When you reflect on the conspicuous examples of a patriotism and liberality which have been exhibited by our mercantile fellow-citizens, and how great a proportion of the public resources depends on their enterprise, you will naturally consider, whether their convenience cannot be promoted and reconciled with the security of the revenue, by a revision of the system by which the collection is at present regulated.
During your recess, measures have been steadily pursued for effecting the valuations and returns directed by the act of the last session preliminary to the assessment and collection of a direct tax. No other delays or obstacles have been experienced except such as were expected to arise from the great extent of our country, and the magnitude and novelty of the operation, and enough has been accomplished to assure a fulfilment of the views of the Legislature.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
I cannot close this Address, without once more adverting to our political situation, and inculcating the essential importance of uniting in the maintenance of our dearest interests: and I trust that, by the temper and wisdom of your proceedings, and by a harmony of measures, we shall secure to our country that weight and respect to which it is so justly entitled.
JOHN ADAMS.
United States, December 8, 1798.
The President having finished his Address, after sitting a few moments, presented the President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives, each of them, with a copy of it, and withdrew, and after him the Heads of Departments, Senators, general officers, foreign Ministers, &c. The Speaker then took his chair, and after calling the House to order, proceeded, as is usual, to read over the Speech, which being finished, it was committed to a Committee of the whole House for Monday, and ordered to be printed. The House then adjourned.
A new member, to wit: Richard Dobbs Spaight, returned to serve in this House as a member for North Carolina, in the room of Nathan Bryan, deceased, appeared, produced his credentials, and took his seat in the House; the oath to support the Constitution of the United States having been first administered to him by the Speaker.
On motion, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the Speech of the President of the United States, Mr. Dent in the chair; when
Mr. Sprague proposed for adoption the following resolution:
Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that a respectful Address ought to be presented by the House of Representatives to the President of the United States, in answer to his Speech to both Houses of Congress at the commencement of this session, containing assurances that this House will take into consideration the various and important subjects recommended to their consideration.
The resolution was agreed to without objection, and the committee rose and reported the resolution. The House took it up, concurred in it, and appointed a committee of five to prepare an answer accordingly.
The committee consists of Messrs. Dana, Venable, Harper, Hosmer, and Baldwin.
Two other members, to wit: Thomas Sinnickson and Mark Thompson, from New Jersey, appeared and took their seats in the House.
Several other members, to wit: from Rhode Island, Christopher G. Champlin; from Pennsylvania, Thomas Hartley; and from Virginia, Carter B. Harrison; appeared, and took their seats in the House.
Mr. Dana, from the committee appointed to draft a respectful Address in answer to the President's Speech, made a report, which was committed for to-morrow.
Philip Van Cortlandt, from the State of New York, appeared, and took his seat.
On motion of Mr. Dana, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the Address yesterday reported, in answer to the Speech of the President of the United States, and Mr. Dent having taken the chair, the Address was read, as follows, omitting the words printed within brackets, which were added as amendments: The words printed in italics were struck out in the discussion, so that the Address to be presented to the President contains the words printed within brackets, and does not contain those printed in italics.
John Adams, President of the United States—
Sir: The House of Representatives unite with you in deploring the effects of the desolating malady by which the seat of Government and other parts of our country have recently been visited. In calling our attention to the fatality of its repeated ravages, and inviting us to consider the expediency of exercising our constitutional powers, in aid of the health laws of the respective States, your recommendation is sanctioned by the dictates of humanity and liberal policy. On this interesting subject we feel the necessity of adopting every wise expedient for preventing a calamity so distressing to individual sufferers, and so prejudicial to our national commerce.
That our finances are in a prosperous state, notwithstanding the commercial derangements resulting from this calamity, and from external embarrassments, is a satisfactory manifestation of the great extent and solidity of the public resources. Connected with this situation of our fiscal concerns, the assurance that the legal provisions for obtaining revenue by direct taxation will fulfil the views of the Legislature, is peculiarly acceptable.
Desirous as we are that all causes of hostility may be exterminated [removed] by the amicable adjustment of national differences, we learn with satisfaction, that in pursuance of our treaties with Spain and with Great Britain, advances have been made for definitively settling the controversies relative to the Southern and the North-eastern limits of the United States. With similar sentiments have we received your information, that the proceedings under commissions authorized by the same treaties, afford to a respectable portion of our citizens, the prospect of a final decision on their claims for maritime injuries committed by subjects of those powers.
It would be the theme of mutual felicitation, were we assured of experiencing similar moderation and justice from another Power, [the French Republic,] between whom [which] and the United States differences have unhappily arisen. But this is denied us by the ultimate failure of the measures which have been taken by this Government towards an amicable adjustment of those differences, and by the various inadmissible pretensions on the part of that nation.
The continuing in force the decree of January last, to which you have more particularly pointed our attention, ought, of itself, to be considered as demonstrative of the real intentions of the French Government. That decree proclaims a predatory warfare against the unquestionable rights of actual commerce; which [with] our means of defence, our interest and our honor, command us to repel. It therefore now becomes the United States to be as determined in resistance as they have been patient in suffering, and condescending in negotiation.
While those who direct the affairs of France persist in the enforcement of decrees so hostile to our essential rights, their conduct forbids us to confide in any of their professions of amity.
As therefore the conduct of France hitherto exhibits nothing which ought to change or relax our measures of defence, the policy of extending and invigorating those measures, demands our sedulous attention. The sudden and remarkable advantages which this country has experienced from a small naval armament, sufficiently prove the utility of its establishment. As it respects the guarding of our coast, the protection of our trade, and the facility of safely transporting the means of territoral defence to every part of our maritime frontier, an adequate naval force must be considered as an important object of national policy. Nor do we hesitate to adopt the opinion, that, whether negotiations with France are resumed or not, vigorous preparations for war will be alike indispensable.
In this conjuncture of affairs, while with you we recognize our abundant cause of gratitude to the Supreme Disposer of events for the ordinary blessings of Providence, we regard, as of high national importance, the manifestation, in our country, of a magnanimous spirit of resistance to foreign domination. This spirit merits to be cherished and invigorated by every branch of Government, as the estimable pledge of national prosperity and glory.
Disdaining a reliance on foreign protection, wanting no foreign guarantee of our liberties, resolving to maintain our national independence against every attempt to despoil us of this inestimable treasure, we confide, under Providence, in the patriotism and energies of the people of these United States for defeating the hostile enterprises of any foreign power.
To adopt with prudent foresight such systematical measures as may be expedient for calling forth those energies wherever the national exigencies may require, whether on the ocean, or on our own territory—and to reconcile with the proper security of revenue, the convenience of the mercantile enterprise, on which so great a proportion of the public resources depends—are objects of moment, which shall be duly regarded in the course of our deliberations.
Fully as we accord with you in the opinion, that the United States ought not to submit to the humiliation of sending another Minister to France, without previous assurances sufficiently determinate that he will be duly accredited, we have heard, with cordial acquiescence, [approbation,] the declaration of your purpose, steadily to observe those maxims of humane and pacific policy by which the United States have hitherto been governed. While it is left with France to take the requisite steps for accommodation, it is worthy the Chief Magistrate of a free people, to make known to the world, that justice on the part of France will annihilate every obstacle to the restoration of a friendly intercourse, and that the Executive authority of this country will respect the sacred rights of embassy. At the same time, the wisdom and decision, which have characterized your past Administration, assure us that no illusory professions will seduce you into any abandonment of the rights which belong to the United States as [a] free and independent [nation.]
The clerk having read the Address, it was again read by the Chairman by paragraphs.
[After a few slight amendments the answer was agreed to.]
Mr. Thatcher wished, as no objection was made to the Address, that it might be entered on the journals as unanimously agreed to; but, on the question being put, a few noes being heard, the Speaker declared it not carried.
The usual resolution was then passed, that the Speaker, attended by the House, do present the Address, and that a committee be appointed to wait upon the President, to know when and where he will be pleased to receive the same.
Messrs. Dana, Venable, and Harper, were appointed a committee for this purpose. They waited upon the President accordingly, and Mr. Dana reported that the President would receive the Address to-morrow, at his own house, at twelve o'clock.[37]
Several other members, to wit: James Cochran, from New York; William Matthews, from Maryland; Josiah Parker, from Virginia; and Thomas Pinckney, from South Carolina, appeared, and took their seats in the House.
The hour having arrived at which the President had appointed to receive the Address of this House in answer to his Speech to both Houses, the Speaker announced it, and the House withdrew for the purpose of presenting the Address.
In about a quarter of an hour, the members returned; when the Speaker, having taken his chair, proceeded to read the answer to their Address, a copy of which had been put into his hand by the President. It was as follows:
To the House of Representatives of the United States:
Gentlemen: My sincere acknowledgments are due to the House of Representatives of the United States, for this excellent Address, so consonant to the character of Representatives of a great and free people. The judgment and feelings of a nation, I believe, were never more truly expressed by their Representatives than those of our constituents, by your decided declaration, that with our means of defence, our interest and honor command us to repel a predatory warfare against the unquestionable rights of a neutral commerce. That it becomes the United States to be as determined in resistance as they have been patient in suffering and condescending in negotiation. That, while those who direct the affairs of France persist in the enforcement of decrees so hostile to our essential rights, their conduct forbids us to confide in any of their professions of amity; that an adequate naval force must be considered as an important object of national policy; and that, whether negotiations with France are resumed or not, vigorous preparations for war will be alike indispensable.
The generous disdain you so coolly and deliberately express, of a reliance on foreign protection, wanting no foreign guaranty of our liberties, resolving to maintain our national independence against every attempt to despoil us of this inestimable treasure, will meet the full approbation of every sound understanding, and exulting applauses from the heart of every faithful American.
I thank you, gentlemen, for your candid approbation of my sentiments on the subject of negotiation, and for the declaration of your opinion, that the policy of extending and invigorating our measures of defence, and the adoption with prudent foresight of such systematical measures as may be expedient for calling forth the energies of our country, wherever the national exigencies may require, whether on the ocean or on our own territory, will demand your most sedulous attention.
At the same time, I take the liberty to assure you, it shall be my vigilant endeavor, that no illusory professions shall seduce me into an abandonment of the rights which belong to the United States, as a free and independent nation.
JOHN ADAMS.
United States, December 14, 1798.
Several other members, viz: from Connecticut, John Allen; and from Virginia, Samuel J. Cabell and Thomas Claiborne, appeared, and took their seats in the House.
RECLAMATION FOR SACRIFICED TERRITORY—COMPARATIVE EXPENDITURE IN DEFENDING NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN FRONTIERS FROM INDIAN DEPREDATIONS.
The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the report of a select committee on the representation and remonstrance of the State of Georgia; which was read as follows:
"Report of the committee to whom was referred the representation and remonstrance of the Legislature of the State of Georgia:
"That a certain tract of country, within the limits of Georgia, bounded by a line beginning at the fork of Oconee and Ocmulgee Rivers, and thence running in a south-west direction, until it intersects the most southern part of St. Mary's River, thence down the river to the old line, was ceded by the Creek nation of Indians, to the said State, by a treaty held between the Commissioner of said State, and the Creek Indians at Galphinton, on the 12th of November, 1785, which tract of country was, by the Legislature of said State, formed into a county, by the name of Talessee county; and the cession thereof was afterward confirmed, at a treaty held between the same parties, at Shoulderbone, on the 3d day of November, 1786.
"Your committee further report, that, by the treaty made at New York, between the United States and the Creek Indians, bearing date on the 7th day of August, 1790, a boundary line was established between the said nation of Indians and the United States, whereby the above described tract of country, named Talessee county, was declared to be within the Indian territory.
"The committee have not been able to discover upon what principles the relinquishment of the territory of the State of Georgia was acceded to on the part of the United States; it is therefore to be presumed that it was done upon principles of general policy, with the intention of establishing a permanent peace between the United States and the said nation. They are, therefore, of opinion that compensation ought to be made to the State of Georgia for the loss of this territory, and recommend to the House to adopt the following resolution:
"Resolved, That the United States will make compensation to the State of Georgia, for the loss and damage sustained by that State, in consequence of the cession of the county of Talessee, made to the Creek nation, by the Treaty of New York, unless it shall be deemed expedient to extinguish the Indian title to the said land."
Mr. Baldwin said, he should not call for the reading of the remonstrance, as it had already been twice read, and had also been published in the newspapers. The committee in their report have stated such parts of it as they thought necessary to lead the House to a decision. It is seen at once to relate to two objects: what they consider as a dismemberment of the State, by giving back to the Indians a district of country, called Talessee county, and the injurious operation of the act for regulating trade and intercourse with the Indians. He was himself at New York at the time when the treaty, called the Treaty of New York, was made; he knew well it was with great concern and reluctance that the Federal Government consented to an act which had so much the appearance of dismembering a State, as giving back Talessee county to the Indians; but that frontier was so extensive, the savages who border upon it were so much more numerous and hostile than any others in the United States, that they were induced to consent for a time to the relinquishment of that district to them, as the counterpart of all the other conditions which they obtained in that treaty. He was sure it was at that time their expectation and design to have before now peaceably repurchased it of the Indians. The act was not founded on any defect in the right of the State to that county; but a short time before, three Commissioners, viz: Gen. Lincoln, Judge Griffin, a former member of Congress, and Mr. Humphreys, who is now our Minister at Madrid, were sent to examine into the state of that frontier, and to form treaties with the neighboring tribes; they were unwearied in the execution of their trust, visited the frontier in person, collected the Indian chiefs to meet them there, to learn what information they could give; they afterwards returned to the seat of Government of Georgia, and examined the treaties, laws, and journals, and examined individuals on oath, so as to obtain all the information that it was possible to procure, on the spot. On their return they made a special and very full report, a copy of which is on the files of the House, and, without doubt, is to be regarded on those subjects as a document paramount to every thing else, at the time it was made. This document leaves no doubt of the fairness of the transaction in the treaties of 1785 and 1786, in which this Talessee county was purchased and contained, as stated by the committee. The giving it back, by the subsequent Treaty of New York, rested only on the importance and urgency of the case, as the only possible means of obtaining peace.
On the other point contained in the remonstrance, viz: the injurious operation of the law respecting trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, he did not think it necessary now to make many observations, the report of the committee was, that it should be revised and amended; as that law expires by its own limitation with this session, it is a subject that must be taken up, and at that time he should submit to the consideration of the House the various matters which seemed to impress themselves so strongly upon the minds of his constituents.
Mr. B. said, the report of the committee was peculiarly grateful to him, and he hoped the confirmation of it by Congress would be so to his constituents, because the individuals who composed the committee were so long and so well known in the United States, that their report will be likely to have a great effect in finally settling the minds of people on those old subjects of reproach and discord, especially as it is in direct conformity with the copious report of the three Commissioners who examined into the same subject on the spot, as he had before mentioned. This appeared to him to be a matter of great importance.
From the close of the Revolution to the present time, these reproaches have always been at the threshold, to encounter every thing that was proposed in behalf of that growing and important part of the United States. The Revolution had raged there to such a degree, and the minds of men were so embittered against each other, that it required more than the usual time for them to lay aside the fierceness of their hostility. Though their enemies were driven from them, yet they were not driven beyond the recoil of their resentment. This, joined to the disappointment of some pecuniary enterprises of individuals for gain, had been the cause of those malignant torrents of reproach which have but too long poured forth upon the greater part of their councils, and upon the most distinguished of their public servants.
It was well known to him, and to some who heard him, that their calls for protection on a very extensive and very turbulent frontier, had, till within these few years, always been repelled with reproaches, that they had never been any thing but an expense; were totally delinquent in bearing the burdens of the Revolution; that they had been carried through entirely at the expense of the other States; and that they ought not now to be protected any further till they were willing to pay requisitions. When this reproach was wiped off by the report of the General Board of Commissioners, on the settlement of the whole account of the old co-partnership of the Confederation, and the very small number there, at that time, appeared to have done the proportion of the whole number by the census which was the rule of the settlement, and to have reimbursed the great delinquency of the loan officers appointed by Congress, for which they were made accountable, still they were told they must protect themselves, for they wronged the Indians out of their lands, and this was the cause of their suffering. It appears now, in the result, that they have always discharged all their Federal obligations, and much more, and instead of getting away the lands from the Indians, the Indians have got away their lands, and they cannot get them back.
He believed there could not be much doubt left but that the principles contained in the report of the committee were just and proper. These had been to him for many years very sore objects; the position in which he considered them immovably fixed gave him great pleasure. His constituents had not sent him here to play the champion. He thought it could not be denied that there was some ground for them to triumph over those who had so long vilified and abused them. He begged leave still further to urge the measures recommended by the committee, from the consideration of the small expenditures which have been made on that frontier, in proportion to the others.
The accounts of the military expenditures on the northern frontiers, were now more than ten millions of dollars. This had been begun, and principally originated from a regular expedition to destroy a village of fugitive Indians, who committed depredations on the northern frontier; a similar village on the southern frontier, called the Chehaw, was also destined by the Government for a similar expedition; but the measure failed in the Legislature, and that frontier was left to protect themselves. This has been done; the fugitives in that village have been driven off by a party of volunteers. He believed the whole amount of military expenditures on that frontier, till the time of entire peace with the Indians, did not exceed a quarter of a million, and nearly one hundred thousand of that the militia had now been kept out of for four or five years; though he hoped and trusted they would not much longer have cause of complaint on that head. After the observations which he had made, he thought no apology was necessary for some apparent harshness in the language of the remonstrance.
As to the course which it is proper to pursue in granting relief on the subject, he had not much to say. He was confident the expectations of the State were not unreasonable; he was sure they would be satisfied with any result which could be considered as fair and honorable; and his confidence in the House forbade him to suppose for a moment that it could be brought to any other. The course recommended by the committee in their resolution now under consideration, is either to make compensation to the State for the land which has been relinquished, and for the damages which they have sustained, or else to repurchase that district or another district, on that frontier, of equal value. He said he had laid on the table a certificate from the Surveyor General of that State, taken at that time, as to the length of the lines enclosing that district, and the probable contents of it. If the report of the committee should be agreed to, a bill might be reported in conformity to one or the other, or all of those principles, as might be thought proper. He was contented in leaving it to the judgment of the House.
On the call of Mr. Brooks, the representation and remonstrance were read. After which,
Mr. Champlin moved that the committee might rise, with a view of postponing this subject till the next session of Congress. He thought the language of the remonstrance too violent and indecorous to claim attention from the House. This opinion was also supported by Mr. Dana. Messrs. Bayard and N. Smith wished this motion to prevail, because they doubted the propriety of the report, and supposed there would not be time thoroughly to investigate the business during this session.
On the other hand, Messrs. Pinckney, Rutledge, Harper, Gallatin, Venable, W. Claiborne, J. Parker, and Macon, were against the postponement. The objection to the language, it was said, was out of time. If made at all, it ought to have been made when the remonstrance was presented; that some allowance ought to be made for the language, as it appeared to have been drawn in a moment of passion; that if the claim was just, it ought not to be rejected because it was made in improper language, especially, since the Legislature of Georgia were not the only persons concerned, as the inhabitants on the frontier, while this subject is undecided, are suffering severely from Indian cruelties and depredations.
The question for leave to be given to the committee to sit again, was carried by 69 votes.
The following Message was received from the President of the United States:
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
In compliance with your desire, expressed in your resolution of the 2d of this month, I lay before you an extract of a letter from George C. Morton, acting Consul of the United States at Havana, dated the 13th of November, 1798, to the Secretary of State, with a copy of a letter from him to L. Trezevant and William Timmons, Esqs., with their answer. Although your request extends no further than to such information as has been received, yet it may be a satisfaction to you to know that as soon as this intelligence was communicated to me, circular orders were given, by my direction, to all the commanders of our vessels of war; a copy of which is also herewith transmitted. I also direct this intelligence and these orders to be communicated to His Britannic Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States, and to our Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Great Britain, with instructions to him to make the proper representation to that Government upon this subject.
It is but justice to say that this is the first instance of misbehavior of any of the British officers towards our vessels of war, that has come to my knowledge. According to all the representations that I have seen, the flag of the United States, and their officers and men, have been treated by the civil and military authority of the British nation, in Nova Scotia, the West India Islands and on the ocean, with uniform civility, politeness, and friendship. I have no doubt that this first instance of misconduct will be readily corrected.
Jan. 8, 1799.
JOHN ADAMS.
To the Commanders of Armed Vessels in the service of the United States; given at the Navy Department, December 29, 1798.
Sir: It is the positive command of the President, that on no pretence whatever, you permit the public vessel of war under your command to be detained, or searched, nor any of the officers or men belonging to her to be taken from her, by the ships or vessels of any foreign nation, so long as you are in a capacity to repel such outrage on the honor of the American flag. If force should be exerted to compel your submission, you are to resist that force to the utmost of your power, and when overpowered by superior force, you are to strike your flag, and thus yield your vessel, as well as your men; but never your men without your vessel.
You will remember, however, that your demeanor be respectful and friendly to the vessels and people of all nations in amity with the United States; and that you avoid as carefully the commission of, as the submission to, insult or injury.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
BEN. STODDERT.
Letters which accompanied the above Message:
"By the delegation of Daniel Hawley, Esq., I am at present acting as Consul of the United States in this district, with which he will most probably have acquainted you. It imposes upon me the mortifying task of informing you, sir, of the partial capture of an American fleet under the convoy of the Baltimore sloop-of-war, —— Phillips, Esq., commander, by a British squadron, off this harbor, accompanied with circumstances rather grating to the feelings of Americans, and by no means analogous to that good harmony which seems to subsist between the two Governments.
"The answer of Messrs. Trezevant and Timmons to my annexed note of the 17th instant, requesting an exact relation of the occurrence, will I presume be deemed as impartial a narration as can be given of the whole transaction, they having been passengers on board one of the captured vessels, and removed to the Baltimore.
"Mr. Morton adds, that Commodore Loring ordered the fifty-five men out of the Baltimore "on board of his ship, previous to any proposal of exchanging the natives of one nation for those of the other, and retained five of the hands as being British subjects, without giving an equal number of Americans, whom he acknowledged to have on board.""
Havana, November, 17, 1798.
Gentlemen: As acting American Consul for this city and district, and of course obliged to forward the most correct statement possible to the Government of the United States officially, I would beg the favor of you, gentlemen, to furnish me with an exact relation, under your signatures, of the unpleasant occurrence which took place off the Moro Castle on the 16th instant, by which you will much oblige,
Gentlemen, your most obedient servant,
GEO. C. MORTON.
L. Trezevant and W. Timmons, Esqs.
N. B.—It would be proper to premise that you were passengers, and your distance from the Moro Castle at the time of capture.
G. C. M.
Havana, November 18, 1798.
Sir: Agreeably to your request, we now commit to writing the best account we are able to give you of the conduct of Captain Loring, Commodore of the British squadron which was lately off the Moro, towards the United States ship Baltimore. We must observe, however, that all we can say of it is from the information of Captain Phillips, as we were not on board the Baltimore when she was visited by Captain L.'s officers.
In the morning of the 16th instant, we discovered this squadron when we were in sight of the Moro, and afterwards found it was composed of Captain Loring's ship, the Carnatic, of 74 guns; Captain ——'s ship, the Thunderer, of the same force; Captain Dobson's ship, the Queen, of 98 guns; Captain Donnelly's frigate, the Maidstone, of 32 guns; and Captain Hardy's frigate the Greyhound, of the same force. We were passengers in the brig Norfolk, Captain Butler, which, together with the ship Eliza, Captain Baas, and the brig Friendship, Captain Fuller, were cut off from their entrance into port, and were all made prizes within gunshot of the Moro. We obtained leave to go on board the Baltimore with our baggage, and did so. When Captain Phillips discovered they were English ships, (which was before we were taken,) he stood towards them, and spoke the Commodore. After we got on board the Baltimore, the Captain informed us that he had been on board the Carnatic, and the Commodore told him he should take out of the Baltimore all such men as had not American protections; that he had remonstrated with him against showing such an indignity to our flag; that to do so would leave his ship in a very defenceless state, and would deprive him of nearly all his men, as not even those who were really Americans, or at least very few of them, could show protections, because it was always thought that our flag on board of a Government ship, was a sufficient protection. All this, however, was urged in vain. Captain P. returned to his ship, and the Commodore sent an officer on board the Baltimore, who carried away fifty-five of her men to the Carnatic. Captain Phillips remained in expectation that nearly all the rest would be taken from him; but whether the Commodore, upon reflection, thought better of it, or whatever else might have been his motive, he sent back fifty, and kept five, among whom was the ship's boatswain. Captain Loring proposed to give up a number of American seamen, who, he said, were in his fleet, if Captain P. would give him English subjects for them. Captain P. refused this offer, and the American seamen were not delivered to him. Before any of the men were returned, he sent a message to Captain P. to let him know if he, or one of his officers, would go on board of him, and point out who were Americans and who were not, he would return all the Americans; but this was declined also. After we got on board the Baltimore, he sent a letter to Captain P. which he showed to us, in which the Commodore "demanded" that he would give up all the British subjects on board the Baltimore. To this, Captain P. replied that he could not know any of his men as British subjects, nor could he, as commander of a ship, in the service of the United States, voluntarily give up any of his men; but if he thought fit to send an officer on board, with orders to take any number of his men, he should not oppose it. In this answer, Captain P. mentioned he should lay before the Executive of the United States a full account of the occurrences of the day. Shortly after sending this reply, the squadron set sail, and left the Baltimore. Commodore L. was very polite to us, and was so to Captain P. when he went on board; but Captain P. complained of indecent behavior from the inferior officers.
LEWIS TREZEVANT,
WM. TIMMONS.
G. C. Morton, Esq., Vice Consul of the U. S. at Havana.
The Message and documents were read, and ordered to lie on the table.
Edward Livingston, from New York, appeared, and took his seat.
The fourth section of the bill to suspend this intercourse being under consideration,
Mr. Nicholas said, there are some words in this section [in italics] which he did not understand, and if he could not get an explanation of them in any other way, he would move to strike them out. They are not in the former law; and they are very extensive. They go to this, that a man in authority in one of these islands, be his authority as limited as it may, may make an agreement on the subject of intercourse different from what he is authorized to do by the Republic of France, and, in that case, the island is to be open for our commerce. He wished for some information on this subject.
Mr. S. Smith understood, that the reason why these words had been introduced into the bill was, in order to meet the case of Hispaniola.[38] It was well known that a new agent had succeeded Hedouville there; that he has published a proclamation, stating, that notwithstanding the decree of the French Republic, which directs the seizure of all American vessels and their cargoes, whenever there shall be found on board an article of British manufacture, he was authorized to suspend that decree so far as relates to vessels coming to that island. And, Mr. S. said, if any agent in the West Indies could give assurances that no capture should take place from the island of which he is Governor, then the President shall be authorized to open our commerce with that Island. It was on this ground that he had given his consent to this clause of the bill.
Mr. Nicholas said, if the clause were intended to meet the case to which the gentleman had alluded, the agent had his powers from the French Government, and whatever he did must be considered as done by that Government, until his power shall be revoked; but as the clause stood, it would authorize the President to treat with usurpers; not merely with persons in power, but with any persons having momentary possession of a place, and he could not agree to such a principle. Why, asked Mr. N., was this law originally passed? Was it not an order to bring France to terms by distressing her islands? Suppose France should say to one of her agents in the West Indies, "You shall be authorized to make a stipulation with the United States to take off the suspension of intercourse with respect to your Island." Would not this be to acknowledge that there our regulation pinched her? And would not the opening of intercourse with such a place, by relieving the distresses of France, defeat the original intention of the law? [Mr. Harper asked if there was any question before the committee?] Mr. N. said he would make one by moving to strike out this section. A clause of this kind, Mr. N. said, held out an invitation to agents to abandon their country, and to set up Governments of their own. If it were to operate only in a partial manner, for the relief of such of the French islands as are so far distressed as that the Government should be willing to restrain her depredations, so far as related to those particular places, where will be the efficiency of the law afterwards? It will only prove a burden upon our own citizens, without injuring France. If we are to have a free trade with the West Indies, why deprive tobacco planters of going immediately to the country where the article is consumed, instead of going through Spain, and by other circuitous routes? But the other aspect of the bill, Mr. N. said, was the most extraordinary and exceptionable he ever saw. It authorized the President to treat with persons "claiming authority." This provision may produce consequences the most fatal. Suppose any of the islands make a separate negotiation with this country; what will be the effect of our having thus enticed them to disobey their Government? Will this Government not be chargeable with having assisted in detaching such a colony from its Government? And if so, could any thing afford a more lasting cause for war than an act of this kind? If there be any disposition in the French Government to treat, (which, however, the Secretary of State denies,) a conduct of this kind would effectually root it out, and there could be no treaty—no peace between the two countries—for years to come. If gentlemen, therefore, can give no better explanation of this clause than has already been given, he hoped it would be stricken out.
Mr. Otis did not believe that a more unjustifiable jealousy ever entered the heated imagination of the gentleman from Virginia, than that which occupies it at this moment. He seems to think that this section of the bill is intended only to encourage usurpation and rebellion, whereas a slight attention should convince him, that when any one of the French islands or dependencies revolt and declare for independence, neither the law passed the last session nor this bill will apply to such a case. In such an event, there is nothing in the existing laws to prevent our carrying on a free trade with such revolted island. If attention be paid to the first section of the bill, it will be seen to apply only to such places as are under the acknowledged government of France; and the moment a place is no longer under her government, both the existing law and this section become null with respect to that place, and a new relation would be created which would be regulated under the law of nations. If a rebellion of this kind should break out, it would become a question to what extent we ought to carry on commerce with the rebellious place; and we should then be governed by existing circumstances. If we should be at war with France, we should doubtless, said Mr. O., avail ourselves of the trade to its full extent, without respect to her wishes; but if an accommodation of differences should be effected, and the mother country should prohibit all trade with the revolters, it is not presumable that this Government would sanction any commerce that would provoke a war, or protect adventurers from the seizure and confiscation of their property.
But it is not enough, observed Mr. O., to say that this section does not relate to rebellious colonies; it is merely a provision to meet such conditions as the agents of the Executive Directory are entitled to make, consistently with their allegiance to their own country—such at least as they constantly undertake to propose. Without assuming to define the powers of these agents, it was very clear that they have undertaken to dispense with the decrees and laws of the Republic, whenever the exigencies of their Governments have, in their opinion, made it necessary or convenient.
At St. Domingo and at Guadaloupe, the agents seem to exercise an unlimited control over the trade and maritime concerns of those islands. He presumed they had a discretionary right given to them to relax or suspend many of the decrees of the mother country, with respect to the territory they are appointed to govern. The uniform conduct of Santhonax and Polverel, and of all the Commissioners at St. Domingo, show this to be the case; and at Guadaloupe, Victor Hugues has proved himself to be nothing less than a despot. If this bill passed, these Commissioners may open the commerce with this country, even though an open war should exist between this nation and France. Nay, Mr. O. said, he had a proclamation of Hedouville, the late agent at Cape Francois, in his hand, which shows that he had determined to adopt this line of conduct.
[Mr. O. read the proclamation which states that neutral ships and cargoes, that provisions and dry goods, shall be admitted into St. Domingo in American bottoms, that they shall not be seized when destined for French ports, but pass unmolested by French cruisers even if war should break out between the mother country and the United States.]
Now, said Mr. O., the interests of this country, and of our mercantile citizens in particular, require us to place ourselves in a situation to meet these advances. Can there be any difficulty in giving to the President a power with respect to the trade with a part of the French dominions, which he at present possesses over the whole? Gentlemen have said that an agent has arrived from a usurper in St. Domingo. Mr. O. said he did not know the fact. He did not know of any usurper in St. Domingo. He believed General Toussaint had succeeded Hedouville in the government of that island; that he had, in imitation of his superiors, sent him off in the same way as in the mother country are sent off those who may be obnoxious to the designs of the reigning and the strongest party. But it does not follow that these measures of General Toussaint will not be ratified by the French Government. The same General had heretofore sent off the commissioner Santhonax. He was not, however, for this cause declared to have forfeited his allegiance, but pains were taken to appease and reconcile him, and Santhonax came back. He was afterwards succeeded by Hedouville, who is, in his turn, sent on a voyage to France. But, said Mr. O., shall we now begin to examine into the legality of the powers of persons in authority, either in France or in her West India possessions? Have we not uniformly adhered to the principle that those who exercise power de facto are the only persons that we are bound to recognize? From the first dawn of the Revolution, we have, said he, never questioned the legitimacy of the power exercised in France; to us it seemed indifferent whether Jacobins or Girondists were at the helm of affairs; whether it was a reign of terror or of moderation. We have constantly sung hosannas and offered adorations to the great Republic, one and indivisible, without considering by whose hands the power was exercised. It is now too late to change this system. We have no way of knowing, said Mr. O., whether the agents of the Directory act in conformity to the will of their masters or not, until the Government declares them out of their allegiance. It will then be soon enough for us to determine the posture which good faith and policy require us to take.
But, the gentleman from Virginia says, we ought not to treat with individuals under any circumstances; but it appears probable that the French Republic may permit her agents to carry on this commerce, and to give us satisfactory assurances of safety and protection without a treaty; and such an arrangement would be advantageous to that Republic.
We find, indeed, said Mr. O., from the papers on the table, that one of the complaints of that Government is founded on this suspension of intercourse, and therefore to restore the trade in part is to diminish the cause of complaint. With respect to the remark of the gentleman from Virginia, that it was the object of the original act, by distressing France, to bring her to terms, he differed in opinion from him. It was merely a defensive measure. Our trade became so insecure, that it was necessary to do—what? conquer France? No; but to prevent the ruin which threatened our citizens, by prohibiting all intercourse with that country and its dependencies; and whenever an end is put to those aggressions and depredations, the suspension may be removed.
This, said Mr. O., is not a novel practice. At the commencement of the late war, the citizens of the Bahamas were excepted from the general regulations and orders prescribed to our privateers. It is very possible to be at war with a nation, and yet at peace with a certain portion of its territory. We find, by the papers on our table, that France says her privateers have transgressed their authority, and that they have now determined that no commissions shall be issued, except by their agents. Let us be prepared to meet them, if they will act accordingly; and if their agents in the Colonies restrain privateering, and depredations within their respective jurisdictions, let us avail ourselves of their good dispositions without any nice inquiries.
Mr. O. had said, that this law had no allusion to any country in rebellion; but he could conceive it possible that St. Domingo may declare itself independent, and become so, in spite of the opposition of France, or the wishes of this country. Far be it from me, continued Mr. O., to contend that it is desirable for the interest of the United States that such an event should happen; such a doctrine at this moment would be unseasonable and improper; but, if it does take place, he might say, without offence, it would be good policy to be upon the best terms with the persons in authority there; if not, the inhabitants of that island may become pirates upon our trade, and do us more mischief than we formerly suffered from the Barbary Powers. To prevent which, let us feed and clothe them, and deprive them of inducements to quit their island.
Mr. Harper did not know that he could give an explanation of this section which would be satisfactory to the gentleman from Virginia; but he would state what was the intention of the bill, and what he thought would be its effects. He conceived that the section now under consideration is in strict conformity with the bill heretofore passed. The object of that bill was twofold; first, to save our commerce from that speculative and hazardous enterprise which the high profits made by successful voyages enticed the merchant to go into, which was a species of gambling by which some made large fortunes, and others sustained heavy losses. This trade was something of the nature of faro-banks, or lotteries, which all good Governments have thought proper to prohibit. The Government of this country thought it wise to interfere, and say to the merchants: "You shall not run these great risks; for though a few of you make great gain by the trade, the loss upon the whole is much greater than the gain." This was one object. The other was, to deter the French nation, and those exercising authority under it, from committing depredations upon our commerce, and thus procure protection to our trade. By what means was this to be accomplished? By withholding from the French those articles of prime necessity which they were accustomed to receive through the medium of commerce, to produce an effect which they should feel.
Let us examine, said Mr. H., whether this section is in conformity to these two objects. There could be no doubt with respect to the first, because if you can prevail upon those who heretofore encouraged privateering, to forbear to make further depredations, our commerce will unquestionably be rendered safe. The reason, therefore, for laying the restriction, is thus removed; and he saw no reason why it should be continued.
Mr. Gallatin said, one of the objects of this bill when it passed at the last session, was to prevent depredations upon our commerce; but a majority of the House who voted for it, did so with a view of compelling France, by the loss of our trade to her islands, to come to reasonable terms of settlement with the United States. It was then said by some gentlemen, that it was not improbable that the trade to the West Indies was even more advantageous to the United States than to France, valuable as it was to her; and that, therefore, it would not produce the effect predicted. This was his opinion, and he therefore voted against the bill. But, though he voted against this measure, and some others, which, he thought at the time premature, yet a majority of Congress having, by adopting them, placed the nation in its present situation, whatever his opinion might then have been, and whatever it might now be, as to the probability of an end being put to our differences with France, he should think it bad policy, under present circumstances, to recede from the ground then taken, since such a conduct could betray nothing but weakness, and tend to defeat the object which all doubtless have in view, whatever might be the different opinions of obtaining it, an honorable peace. Though this law, therefore, was limited to the present session, he was ready to vote for a continuance of it; but the section now under consideration goes entirely upon new ground, and entirely different to any either taken or avowed at the last session.
The law now in existence, said Mr. G., has a section something similar to this, though widely different in substance. It is to this effect; that if, before the next session of Congress, the Government of France, and all persons under its authority, shall disavow and be found to refrain from depredations upon our commerce, then it shall be lawful for the President to suspend the operation of this law. Not to any part, but with the whole. By that law, we said, "We are not yet at war with you, we will adopt such measures as we think necessary for our present situation. We will suspend commerce with you as a nation; but if you, as a nation, shall disavow and refrain from depredations, we have given the President power to renew our commercial intercourse with you."
But what, said Mr. G., is the language of this section? It is this. [He read the section as above.] It is, that if any part of the nation, or any commanding officer, or person claiming authority, in any one port, or island, shall take those steps which we consider necessary for that nation to take, it shall be lawful for the President to remit and discontinue the restraints, prohibitions, &c. Instead of taking a general national ground, it provides for the negotiation of an individual, on his private account, who may either exercise, or claim to exercise, authority in any island, &c.
We are not, said Mr. G., at war, and an act of this kind is an act which, if it can be justified at all, can only be made use of in a state of war. It is only in such a state that we are authorized to declare, that we will act a different part with certain parts of a country at war, from what we meant to act with the whole; that we will negotiate, treat, make specific regulations with private individuals, provided they shall do—what? Disavow what the French Republic does not disavow. The present act makes it necessary for the disavowal to come from the Government; but this section says, "that although the French Government shall not disavow or restrain her depredations, &c., yet if an individual shall do it, we will open a trade with this individual." This would be to encourage insurrections. It is establishing a doctrine which is reprobated almost every day on this floor—that it is right to divide a people from their Government.
Mr. G. conceived, therefore, that the question comes to this: Is it proper to give power to the President, under our present circumstances, to stipulate with certain agents, that in case they will disobey their Government, by declaring themselves independent, or by throwing themselves into other hands, we will renew our commercial intercourse with you? No man, said Mr. G., will deny that a trade of this kind would be advantageous to the United States; he believed it to be one of the most lucrative branches of our commerce; but it was nevertheless thought proper, at the last session, to suspend it, in order, as then supposed, to effect a greater good. Therefore, this commerce being advantageous to the United States, is not a sufficient reason why this measure should be taken, if it be wrong in itself, and may produce greater mischiefs than the trade can do us good.
What, said Mr. G., are the inconveniences which would arise from a measure of this kind? It must be allowed, in the first place, that it would give the lie to all our former declarations of abhorrence against the attempts of other countries to divide the people of a nation from their Government; for we here, said he, assume the ground that it is proper to negotiate and stipulate with a part of the people, with a certain district of a country, with any person who shall choose to say that he claims the right of governing in any place. We abandon the general ground of treating with a foreign Government, and determine to treat with any individual who may either have, or claim to have, authority. Mr. G. believed a principle of this kind at all times improper; and it would be peculiarly improper in us to act upon it, with respect to a nation, against which we have so many grounds of complaint of this kind. He had already stated, that it could only be justified in a state of war, if then, to hold out encouragement to insurrection and rebellion to the colonies of another country.
Mr. G. believed he might go so far as to say that this section was not inserted to meet the case spoken of by the gentleman from Maryland; but for the admission of one which had been a subject of discussion in the newspapers for some time past. He meant what was generally understood by the mission of Toussaint, a black General, of St. Domingo. It had been asserted, from the moment of the arrival of a supposed agent, that he came here with the late Consul of the United States at that port; that he brought despatches from Toussaint to our Government. Further than this, we have seen, in some of the newspapers printed at the eastward, that this mission is likely to have some effect. We have seen it there stated, "that the President is neither rash nor diffident, and that good effects may be expected to flow from this mission." So far, on the authority of the public newspapers, and none of these assertions have been denied.
Should I be doing right, said Mr. G., to say that I believe that this section of the bill is an effect of that negotiation? It is true I only deduce this from probability, but the probability is strong. Mr. G. said he knew that the independence of St. Domingo had been a favorite theme with gentlemen, and they had made an appeal upon it to the avarice of the people of the United States, that, in case of war, this independence would be of advantage to the United States, and that, during a time of peace, the minds of the people ought to be prepared for this event. But gentlemen seem to think that the public mind is not yet ready for this change, or they do not choose to avow the object of this mission. Which, he could not tell; but he would advise those gentlemen who have received information on this subject to communicate it. Mr. G. said he should be happy to know the subject of the despatches of General Toussaint. What is his offer to our Government? Whether his ideas go to independence or not? Whether he is in any way connected with the British Government, or not? Whether the sudden and extraordinary evacuation of St. Domingo by General Maitland was to promote something of this kind, or to support the force of General Toussaint? He should wish to know what is the disposition of the Executive with respect to this business, so far as it shall have come to the knowledge of any of these gentlemen. He would also be glad to know the disposition of this agent, or the nature of his object, at least so much of it as may have escaped at any petit soupér or dinér, at which these gentlemen may have been parties? If any such information could be obtained, it might tend to throw some light upon the subject. If he should be mistaken in his views of it, it would be wholly owing to his being deprived of that information, which he believed either the Executive, or some of the members on this floor possess.
Mr. G. believed the object of this section is to give encouragement to the black General in his present views. A single sentiment had dropped from the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Otis) in the course of the debate, which had given rise to part of what he had said on this subject, and which led him to believe that he had some information which he ought to communicate. He said, "if St. Domingo should finally be independent, it was proper to cultivate a good understanding with that island at present, and not refuse"—what? "to hold out certain encouragement to them in such an event." When? Now; so that we are not only to cultivate a good understanding with St. Domingo, if it should become independent, but in the expectation of it, and before it takes place, it is proper to cultivate a good understanding with that island, by holding out the encouragement proposed by this bill. This was nothing less than to confess that this section is inserted in the bill to encourage Toussaint to declare the island independent. Nay, his views, if he is a man of sense, must go further; he must not only secure a temporary trade, but he would also desire to know whether it be the wish of this country that St. Domingo should become independent; because he should suppose that if the Government of the United States was opposed to such an event, a temporary trade would not be a sufficient inducement to him to throw off his present allegiance.
To me, however, said Mr. G., if it be the intention of the General to declare it, the independence of St. Domingo is a very problematical event. It would certainly be the interest of Great Britain to oppose an attempt of this kind; since it could not be her interest to have a black Government there. But supposing the event possible, he should consider it as extremely injurious to the interests of the United States. Suppose that island, with its present population, under present circumstances, should become an independent State. What is this population? It is known to consist, almost altogether, of slaves just emancipated, of men who received their first education under the lash of the whip, and who have been initiated to liberty only by that series of rapine, pillage, and massacre, that have laid waste and deluged that island in blood; of men, who, if left to themselves, if altogether independent, are by no means likely to apply themselves to the peaceable cultivation of the country, but will try to continue to live, as heretofore, by plunder and depredations. No man, said Mr. G., wishes more than I do to see an abolition of slavery, when it can be properly effected; but no man would be more unwilling than I to constitute a whole nation of freed slaves, who had arrived to the age of thirty years, and thus to throw so many wild tigers on society.[39] If the population of St. Domingo can remain free in that island, he had no objection; but, however free, he did not wish to have them independent, and he would rather see them under a government that would be likely to keep them where they are, and prevent them from committing depredations out of the island. But if they were left to govern themselves, they might become more troublesome to us, in our commerce to the West Indies, than the Algerines ever were in the Mediterranean; they might also become dangerous neighbors to the Southern States, and an asylum for renegadoes from those parts.
This being the case, Mr. G. said, he must deprecate every encouragement which may be held out to produce such an event. Did not gentlemen recollect what an alarm was sounded last year, with respect to the probability of an invasion of the Southern States from the West Indies; an alarm upon which some of the strongest measures of the last session were grounded? Mr. G. could not help hoping, there would be a general wish not to take any measure which may embody so dangerous a description of men in our neighborhood, whose object may be plunder, and who might visit the States of South Carolina and Georgia, and spread their views among the negro people there, and excite dangerous insurrections among them. He did not wish, therefore, to see this black population independent; and that the interest will be wholly black is clear. The General is black, and his agent here is married to a black woman in this city. Mr. G. did not mean by this to throw any reflection upon the General. He believed he had behaved well to Americans. His remarks were general, and were only intended to show that it would be with a black population we must treat.