Mr. Bayard remarked that the gentleman from Tennessee seemed to be greatly alarmed, lest the agreeing to this resolution should destroy the liberties of the country; and that a precedent of leave being given to a Minister to accept of a gold snuff-box or a gold chain, should hereafter be brought as a sanction to the granting of titles of nobility. But he asked the gentleman, as a lawyer, whether he conceived that a precedent for granting permission to a Minister to receive a snuff-box could be adduced as a precedent for granting titles of nobility? It certainly could not. Therefore, as to precedent, the gentleman might feel himself perfectly at ease. There could be no doubt but that the Congress of the United States might give their consent to a citizen receiving a title from a foreign power; but he could not apprehend that they would ever do so. Was this, then, to be brought as an argument against allowing a gentleman—against whose conduct the most slanderous tongue had never said a word—from receiving the customary trifling presents, on his leaving a foreign Court? He trusted not. He allowed it would be a precedent for the future in this respect, and that Congress might expect to be called upon hereafter for similar permissions. But he did not think there was any thing alarming in this—the amount would be very trifling; and he did not know that having a few additional gold snuff-boxes in the country could produce any material effect. As to the constitutional question, he thought it was as he had already stated it.

Mr. Venable wished that every thing which was said upon this subject might be said without reference to the gentleman making the application, but that it might be considered as establishing a general principle which was to operate hereafter. It was said that it was necessary to accept of these presents as a point of etiquette, and that refusal to accept of them might give offence. He did not believe this could be the case, as it was well known to the European Courts that our Government is established on principles totally different from theirs; and when our Ministers informed them that their Government did not permit them to receive presents, it must be a satisfactory reason for not accepting them. He knew that these presents were sometimes made in pictures, sometimes in snuff-boxes, and sometimes in money. And, said he, if these presents were not sanctioned by custom, would it not appear an indelicate thing to offer these things to a Minister of a foreign country? It certainly would. If the origin of the custom was, therefore, a bad one, the United States ought not to adopt it, since they had now the choice of doing so or not. He hoped the United States would always make sufficient provision for their own Ministers, and not permit them to receive any thing from a foreign Court. A contrary custom, to say the least of it, would prove a very troublesome and disagreeable one.

Mr. W. Claiborne submitted to the gentleman from Delaware, as a lawyer, whether the committee could gather, from any thing before the House, that these presents made by foreign Courts consisted of chains or snuff-boxes? He owned he could draw no such conclusion for himself. But whatever the present may be, it was immaterial to him in the present question, because he was convinced that nothing which a European monarch had it in his power to give, could lessen the patriotism of our late Minister, or alienate his affections from his country. It was not to the amount of the present; and whether it was a snuff-box, or any thing else, which was a thing of no consequence, and ought not to have been named. He objected to the principle of our foreign Ministers receiving presents at all from European monarchs. This principle he looked upon as the more dangerous, because it opened an avenue to foreign influence—an influence among monarchs—which has always proved the destruction of Republics.

Mr. Thatcher was in favor of the resolution. Gentlemen seemed opposed to it on the ground of its establishing a precedent for the future. He did not think this objection well founded; for, as the constitution does not absolutely forbid the receiving of presents, the discussion on the propriety of allowing it in future would not be prevented by the present decision. Future Houses could refuse or grant leave to receive these presents. Mr. T. said, it was the natural right of every citizen who served the country as a Minister to receive presents, and the constitution did not absolutely take away the right. He considered the gentleman who now applied to Congress as having a natural right to receive a present, except some reason was shown to the contrary. Gentlemen allow they know of no special reason; they allow the applicant has done the business with which he was entrusted, well. He supposed, therefore, that gentlemen must themselves vote for it, except they abandon their own ground.

Mr. R. Williams hoped, by the vote of this day, the House would get rid of future applications of this kind. When the subject was first introduced, he was opposed to it; but, if the question had gone off without debate to-day, he intended to have voted for it. From the discussion which had taken place, however, he was convinced it was a subject upon which they ought not to legislate, since the acting upon it would produce greater evils than the constitution had provided against. He believed they ought here to put a stop to the business. If not, he would rather that our Ministers should be at liberty to receive all the presents offered to them, than the thing should stand upon its present footing.

Mr. Bayard would tell the gentleman from Tennessee on what authority he informed the committee that the presents in question consisted of what he had mentioned. Being upon the committee to whom this subject was referred, he made some inquiry as to what were the usual presents from the European Courts, and found, that in Holland, it was customary to give a gold chain and medal; in France, a gold snuff-box; and in Spain, a picture. It was on this ground that he said these things were of no consequence. Mr. B. then remarked, upon what had fallen from Mr. R. Williams with respect to the expense incurred in discussing this subject, and said it had been owing to gentlemen opposing the resolution that so long a discussion had taken place. As to the law which that gentleman proposed to introduce, he must see that the constitution would not admit of such a law.

Mr. Rutledge said, that, being closely connected in the bonds of friendship with his colleague, who made the present application, he did not intend to have said a word upon the subject; but, when he heard things of a personal nature introduced into the debate, he could not avoid rising. And, with due submission to the chair, he must say, that every thing of a personal nature, introduced on this occasion, was, in his opinion, wholly out of order; particularly when it was said by a member, "If the gentleman from South Carolina is not satisfied with what he has received for his services, I am willing to pay him more." The constitution has said, that the customary presents from European Courts shall not be received without the consent of Congress; and, accordingly, when these presents were offered his colleague at the two Courts at which he was Minister, he declined receiving them, saying, that he would lay the matter before Congress on his return home. He had done so, and he could not see any ground of alarm in this. He felt none of that Republican jealousy which caused his mind to revolt at these civilities. He rose to dissipate, if possible, those ideas of danger which seemed to be apprehended from the adoption of the present resolution—the apprehension that it would break down the barriers which were to keep out corruption from our Government, and introduce a variety of evils.

Mr. Gallatin said this question might be considered either as of a personal, or of a general nature. He had heard gentlemen, arguing both in support of and against the resolution, speak of the important services rendered by the gentleman from South Carolina in having accomplished the treaty with Spain. Nor did he conceive this to be out of order. He believed, however, the gentleman himself was perfectly indifferent as to the fate of the question.

Mr. G. had some doubt with respect to the construction of the constitution on this point. If he was well acquainted with the fact relative to this business, it stood in this way: When Mr. Pinckney was sent as Envoy Extraordinary to Spain, he still remained Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Great Britain; therefore he was altogether precluded from accepting of the present offered to him by the Spanish Government on his taking leave from that Court; but, with respect to the present offered to him by Great Britain, it appeared to him that the moment a Minister receives his letters of recall, and has taken his leave, he is no longer an officer of the government; and, in such case, both under the present constitution, and under the old Confederation, presents have been received. So far, therefore, as relates to Great Britain, he did not think it was necessary to apply to Congress for their consent.

He had said, that after a Minister has received his letters of recall, there was nothing to prevent him from accepting of a present. He might be told the constitution is lame in that respect; but it was more so with respect to private citizens, because any private citizen might receive either presents or titles from a foreign power. It has not, therefore, effectually shut out corruption. Officers may receive presents by consent of Congress; but any officer, or member of Congress, might accept of presents, either in secrecy, or wait till they are out of office and receive them publicly. Nothing could prevent this but the infamy that would attach to such an act. Therefore, so far as it was contended that a disagreement to this resolution would shut out a source of corruption, it had little effect upon his mind.

But there was another point of view on this subject, which would induce him to give his vote against the resolution. He considered that if Congress gave its assent to this proposition, it would be saying that they approve of the act, and that it is in itself proper that a foreign Minister should receive presents. If it was, in their opinion, proper to accept of these presents, the resolution would be affirmed; but if they were of opinion, that the practice is a bad one; that it is useless in itself, and ought to cease, they had nothing to do but refuse to authorize it. He owned it was proper to keep up civilities, when it could be done by conforming to custom of an inoffensive nature; but when the constitution stood in the way, it ought always to be respected.

The question on the resolution was put, and negatived—44 to 38.

The committee then rose and reported their disagreement to the resolution of the Senate; when the question was taken on concurring with the Committee of the Whole in their disagreement, and decided in the affirmative—yeas 49, nays 37, as follows:

Saturday, May 5.

Additional Revenue.

On motion of Mr. Harper, the House went into a Committee of the Whole on the report of the Committee of Ways and Means, Mr. Dent in the chair, when the three following resolutions being read, viz:

Mr. Harper moved to fill the blank in the first resolution with two millions.

The question was put and carried—47 to 25.

The resolution was then agreed to as amended, as was also the second.

The third resolution being under consideration,

Mr. Dayton moved to strike out the words "last census," as it might be determined when the bill came in whether the number of inhabitants should be ascertained by the last census, or a new one should be taken.

Mr. Bayard said, the words of the constitution were, "within every term of ten years;" so that a greater period than ten years could not be suffered to pass without taking a census, but it might be taken every year if it were necessary. He believed it would be very proper to have a new census taken before the tax was assessed, otherwise from the great increase in the population of some of the States, since the last census was taken, the tax would not be constitutionally collected, since it is directed to be laid according to the number of inhabitants.

Mr. Harper said, he should be glad to see a new census taken at an early period, so as to relieve the States from any inequality which might arise from the variation of population which has taken place since the last census; but he trusted it would not be thought necessary to do this before the proposed tax was assessed. The carrying a law of this kind into effect, let it be done in whatever way may be adopted, would be found a tedious business, and the amount to be produced by it, would have to be anticipated by loans; and if a new census was to be taken before the tax could be assessed, it could not be said, with any kind of certainty, when an effectual revenue was to be raised. He hoped, therefore, when so great an inconvenience would be incurred by delaying the tax until a new census was taken, that, though for one year some of the States would have to pay a little more than was justly their portion, they would consent to do so rather than subject the country to so great an inconvenience as would be experienced by such a delay.

Mr. J. Williams supposed, if the amendment obtained, the tax must be apportioned according to a new census; and, if so, he apprehended the resolution would be disagreed to. Though a new census might be taken within the ten years, he believed that term ought to be nearly expired before a census was renewed. It was true that some of the States are greatly increased in population; but it could not be supposed that States increased in riches in proportion to their increase of inhabitants, as the people who emigrate are mostly persons of little property, who settle upon the back lands. This being the case, he thought it was a wise provision of the constitution which directs that the census shall be taken only once in ten years. If these words were struck out, no tax ought to be laid until the time comes for taking the new census.

Mr. Bayard would not be in favor of striking out these words, if he thought it would prevent the collection of the tax; but it would be necessary, before the tax could be laid, that an assessment of lands, houses, and slaves, should be made, and he could not see why the number of inhabitants could not be ascertained at the same time.

Mr. R. Williams wished to know whether the new census proposed to be taken was to affect the representation as well as the tax?

Mr. Dayton answered in the affirmative. The return of the enumeration of the inhabitants, he said, might be made at the first meeting of the next Congress, by which means the number of Representatives to which each State will then be entitled might be ascertained in time for the succeeding election. If the order was not made at this session for taking a new census, the enumeration could not be returned before the last session of next Congress, which would be too late for the election of the following Congress.

Mr. Sitgreaves said, it would be better for the mover of this amendment, and others who wished to have this tax collected, to suffer the resolution to stand as at present, so that the tax might be immediately assessed by law, and provide at the same time for taking a new census, which no one would object to; and, if it could hereafter be shown that the new census could be taken without prolonging the collection of the tax, it might be done; if not, the tax must be laid according to the present census. The best way would be to strike out the resolution altogether, and then make a provision for taking a new census.

Mr. Dayton consented to vary his motion so as to meet the ideas of the gentleman last up, by adding after the word "that," in the first line, "until a new census shall be taken," and to the end of the resolution these words: "and that provision ought to be immediately made by law for taking a census of the inhabitants of the several States, agreeably to the constitution."

Mr. Gallatin believed this amendment consisted of two parts; he therefore called for a division of it. He should vote in favor of the first. The other part he thought perfectly a distinct subject, and not at present under consideration. If a new census was to be directed to be taken, he thought it ought to be done in a separate bill, and not entangled with this subject.

The question on the first part of the amendment was put and carried, without a division.

On the second, some observations were made, chiefly expressive of a wish to have the provision for a new census separate from the present subject; after which the question was put upon it, and carried, 39 to 29.

The committee then rose, and reported the amendments to the resolutions as agreed to; which being confirmed by the House,

Mr. D. Foster moved to strike out the word "annually" in the first resolution.

Mr. Gallatin was in favor of the motion. It was his intention to have made some general observations on this subject whilst under consideration in the Committee of the Whole; but whilst he was putting down some figures on paper, the question was taken; as they would be equally applicable, he should now make them. They would go to show that this tax was not wanted as a permanent revenue, but solely to meet the present exigencies. He should show that the present revenues of the Union are sufficient to meet the current expenses, and to meet the instalments of deferred and Dutch debt due after the year 1801.

The report of the Secretary of the Treasury states that it is probable there will be a deficiency of $1,796,705; but supposing that, from the present situation of the country, our expenses may be greatly increased, and our revenue defalcate, the certainty of a great augmentation in the ordinary expenses by the deferred debt, and the increasing instalments of the foreign debt, the Committee of Ways and Means do not think it safe to contemplate an additional revenue from permanent sources of taxation to a less amount than two millions of dollars.

In looking into the statements of the Secretary of the Treasury, it would be found that most of the objects of expense brought forward to show the necessity of a permanent tax are of a temporary nature. He has estimated the expenditures for the year 1798 to be $6,926,460; in order to ascertain what will be the permanent expenditures of the Union after the year 1800, it is necessary in the first place to deduct from the sum those items which are not of a permanent nature; and, as he would add a sum for the Dutch debt due after 1801, Mr. G. said he would also deduct the instalment of $80,030 due for the present year. The first item of a temporary nature was a sum reported for deficiencies in the Military Establishment of $164,000. Every gentleman who had attended to this subject, when it was lately before the House, must be convinced that sufficient sums had been appropriated under this head, and that deficiencies must be considered as extraordinaries not likely again to occur. Second, $103,000 were set down for diplomatic expenses; the permanent establishment was now fixed at $63,000, and $40,000, therefore, were a temporary expense. Finally, the following items were stated by the Secretary himself as temporary, viz: for light-houses, in addition to the usual appropriation, for expenses incident to the treaties with Great Britain and Spain, and for reimbursing the unfunded and registered debts, and for the payment of old accounts, a sum of $546,000. The last item not yet agreed to by this House. These several articles amount to about $830,000, which, deducted from the expense of 1798, as calculated by the Secretary of the Treasury, will leave a balance of about $6,100,000 for the permanent ordinary expenses, civil, military, contingent, and relative to the present debt. To this must be added $1,146,370 for the interest and extinguishing annuity of the deferred debt, payable in 1801, and also the sum necessary to pay the principal of the Dutch debt after that year. The Committee of Ways and Means have reported the foreign debt which will become due in 1802, 1803 and 1804; but, by taking the aggregate of all the years, it will be found that an average sum of $800,000 a year will pay the whole of that debt in twelve years. This last item, the $1,146,000 for the deferred debt, and the $6,100,000 for ordinary expenses, makes the aggregate of $8,046,000 for the permanent expenditures of the Union after the year 1801, including provision for paying the whole of the principal of the foreign six per cent, and deferred debt according to contract.

This, in time of peace, would be the extent of our expenses, especially as there are a number of items which might be reduced, and in that calculation no reduction is introduced in the Naval, Military, or Diplomatic Departments, or in the Civil List. If the current revenue be examined, it will be found to exceed this amount. The amount of revenue, as calculated by the Secretary of the Treasury, for the present year, is $8,011,897. But to this must be added the deduction of $549,649, which he has made from the duties on imposts and tonnage, from an apprehension of a defalcation in this part of the revenue, on account of capture, and which was of course to be considered as temporary. To this there should also be added the duty on salt, laid at the last session, which could not make any part of this estimate. That duty was eight cents per bushel, and calculating the quantity of salt imported at three millions of bushels, it will amount to about $250,000. There was also a number of additional duties, laid during the last session of the last Congress, which would not raise less than $350,000, viz: two and-a-half per cent, on all white cotton goods imported, and an additional duty on tea, brown sugar, and molasses. These two sums make $600,000, and added to the above $500,000, deducted this year on account of captures, would make the permanent revenue, in time of peace, equal to $9,111,897, which would exceed our expenses by $1,000,000. This is clear from the papers before the committee. It was suggested that some of his deductions for expenses were improper, or that he might be mistaken in his expectations of revenue on some items, yet this surplus million, which was equal to one-eighth of the whole expenditure, would certainly cover any mistakes of that kind. Besides, there is every reason to believe some of the branches of the revenue will be more productive, on account of the increase of population in 1801, than now. Mr. G., therefore, agreed with the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Varnum) that the present revenues of the nation are equal to all its expenditures, including therein the redemption of the public debt, except in case of war. The gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Smith) seemed to be of the same opinion, and, indeed, the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means had formerly made a similar declaration. It would, therefore, be improper to vote a permanent tax, when the objects for which it was wanted were not of a permanent nature.

Two years ago, Mr. G. said, he was in favor of a permanent land tax, as he then thought it would be wanted to meet the demands which would come against the Government in the year 1801. He was of that opinion, because he did not wish to see the list of indirect taxes swelled beyond what it was; but Congress were of a different opinion, and had, since that time, laid indirect taxes on salt, sugar, stamps, &c., to the amount of $800,000 a year, and have so far diminished the necessity of a direct tax.

There was another thing in which he had been agreeably disappointed. The mistake was common to almost every individual, as well as to himself. It was in relation to the amount of duties which would probably arise from imposts and tonnage, and which were productive beyond the most sanguine expectations. The estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury then fell short of the real amount by upwards of a million of dollars, and the same thing had taken place last year. If, however, in the year 1801, a diminution should take place in the product of those duties, the land tax might then be made permanent.

Mr. G. concluded by saying the tax of two millions was already agreed to for one year, though he thought it too large a sum. He could see no objection to its being made an annual tax as in Great Britain, as it could not be doubted that if the money was wanted for another year, the act would be annually renewed.

Mr. Harper confessed himself very much alarmed at this motion. He saw in it, and in the arguments of the gentleman from Pennsylvania in support of it, the second leaf of the book for keeping this country in an utterly defenceless state—and another attempt made to render those measures which had been taken nugatory, by effectually tying our hands; and therefore it was that he saw this motion made with grief and astonishment, by his friend from Massachusetts, whose motives he could not suspect.

The gentleman from Pennsylvania, said Mr. H., reasons as if we were in a state of profound peace, and as if we had nothing to apprehend from abroad; as if all our disputes were settled, and we had nothing to do but pay the expense of the preparations of defence gone into, and then at all future times we should rest in security. This was the basis of his speech, and he could not entertain so low an opinion of his understanding as to believe he thought it a good one. That gentleman must know, every one must know, that this country is not in a settled state of things, but that we are threatened, and speedily, with a war. No longer ago than yesterday the House was informed that our Ministers had presented their final memorial, and that if they did not soon receive an answer to it, they should give up their mission and return home. Far from desisting from her attacks upon our commerce, France goes on increasing them. Her former violations of right have been greatly increased. They had been told by the papers on the table of the subjugation of our country, of the fate of Venice and of Hamburgh. She talks of sending frigates against us, of ravaging our coasts; she has spoken of internal divisions, of a party in this country on which she can rely. We had heard, though not officially, that orders had been issued for taking all our vessels, and executing our citizens as pirates, yet gentlemen sit down with counting-house exactness to calculate the amount which it will take to defend ourselves. This was, however, perfectly consistent with the rest of the conduct of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, because he has constantly set his face against every measure of effectual defence, though he has constantly talked of being willing to concur in what he considered measures of defence.

But will the House thus be acted upon? He trusted not. He could not relinquish the pleasing persuasion that a majority of this House is determined to defend this country against a foreign foe, that they are desirous of protecting their property, their wives, and their children, and that they will rend from their eyes the veil which the gentleman from Pennsylvania has endeavored to cast over them. That they will defend themselves against a foe who relies upon our weakness, upon our calculations of avarice, upon the exertions of men among us who are to paralyze all our efforts to defend ourselves, and upon a prostrate colonial spirit in this country. The existence of this spirit would be confirmed were the present motion adopted. Why? Because the complete defence of the country is not to be effected by two millions of dollars. Mr. H. recapitulated what had been done by way of defence; but said these amounted to nothing, they were only measures of precaution a commencement of defence, and if those events take place which all think probable, a much larger sum of money will be wanted. Mr. H. said it would be seen, by the report of the Committee of Ways and Means, that they did not take into view the expense which might be incurred for the military defence of the country, either by a provisional army, or by detachments of militia. And would any one say that it would be proper to rise without providing a military defence for the country? Or could they say that no part of the 80,000 militia, ordered to be held in readiness, would not be called into service? Or would it be proper to sit down, satisfied that our enemy will not invade us, though they see we are not prepared to meet them? He hoped not.

Mr. Otis wished to inquire of his colleague, before he proceeded to make any observations, whether he would consent to withdraw his motion, and admit of another in its place; but as he did not see him in his place, he would state what his proposition was. He supposed it was the object of his colleague to prevent the tax from being permanent. He knew that gentleman too well to believe he wished to render the tax futile. He proposed, therefore, instead of this amendment, to retain the word "annually," and to add "until all loans that may be authorized by law on the credit of such tax be reimbursed."

Soon after the late despatches from our Ministers were read to this House, and the common sense of the community was convinced of the necessity there was for immediately going into measures of defence, speaking of the agreeable unanimity which seemed to prevail in the House, it was prophesied to him, by men who had been much longer in this body than himself, that, notwithstanding all this appearance, yet certain gentlemen in the House would take care so to embarrass the detail of the business, that they might just as well have refused to assent to the principle. [Mr. Dana hoped these remarks were not meant to apply to the mover of the present proposition.] Mr. O. said he felt some difficulty in speaking on this subject, from the motion coming from the quarter whence it came; but he trusted his friend would not apply these remarks to himself. [Mr. Venable hoped the gentleman did not mean to insinuate that any gentleman was actuated by improper motives. The Speaker said it was improper to speak of motives.] Mr. O. added, that his object was to show that the opposition made to this tax would have nearly the same effect as voting against it in the first instance; for he doubted whether a shilling could be got upon it, if passed in this way. Perhaps many wish that this should be the case; they may think the money is not wanted. If there was any wisdom in thus acting, he could not see it, and therefore could not give gentlemen that credit for their actions which they may think they deserve. Mr. O. expressed his astonishment that gentlemen who were two or three years ago in favor of a land tax, should now be wholly opposed to it. He also added that he had heard another prophecy, which was that many gentlemen who were always averse to a land tax would not now agree to it, but attempt to defeat it, however willing they were to go into measures of defence for the country, when those measures were unconnected with the raising of money. He hoped this would not come true.

Mr. R. Williams observed, it was a fortunate circumstance that the present motion was made by the gentleman from Massachusetts, though, even that circumstance could not secure gentlemen from abuse; for though his friends cannot but allow the mover's motives are pure, yet they have imputed the worst views to those who support it.

The gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Harper) has, as is usual with him, consumed one-half of his speech in censuring the conduct of members of this House, because they do not agree with him in opinion as to what is the proper defence of this country, and in recounting what France has done in Europe.

As to what that gentleman had said with respect to motives, he believed every gentleman had a right to deliver his sentiments freely, without being subject to the lash of that gentleman, or any other. How could it be fairly argued, because gentlemen desired to limit the duration of this law, that they were unwilling to defend their country? No such conclusion could be drawn. He believed the people of this country would always be found ready to defend themselves, as far as their own interests and the interests of the country required; but not to defend other nations. The gentleman from South Carolina never spoke on the subject of defence, but he went into Europe, to tell the House what was going on there. He thought enough had been said on this subject.

The gentleman had talked much of national honor and national dignity; but he wished him to recollect that national honor and national dignity were national interest. But the dignity and honor, which were too often spoken of, were mere phantoms; and what is looked upon as disgraceful in one country, may be looked upon as honorable in another. But the dignity and honor which he spoke of were the same in all countries; they were the interest of the people. He believed that some gentlemen would even account it honorable to go into Europe, and endeavor to raise up all the crowned heads which had fallen in the course of the present war. He liked no such honor.

The gentleman from South Carolina has not only to-day, but often, reprobated the idea of introducing calculation into our debates when measures of defence have been under consideration; whereas it appeared to himself the true ground upon which they ought to act. He believed, if nations in general were to sit down and count the cost before they went to war, one-half the blood and treasure which are now caused to flow, would in such case be spared. Wherever a nation was about to enter into a war to support its rights without its jurisdiction, it was perfectly right to sit down and calculate the expense of doing it; he agreed, when a country was attacked upon its own territory, that was not the time to talk about expense. It appeared to him, in such a situation, our defence would not so much consist of money as of individual exertion. In his opinion, free men fought for liberty, and slaves for money.

The House was told, that if this money was not wanted, it would be safe in the Treasury, or applied to the reduction of the public debt; but he believed it would not be in the power of the gentleman from South Carolina to convince him, or the people of this country, that the money will not remain as safe in the pockets of the people, until it is wanted, as in the Treasury. He believed the willingness of the people to give the money when it is wanted cannot be questioned; and if that gentleman had all the reliance upon the people which he pretends to have, he would not wish to take their money when he was not certain it would be wanted.

As to our late despatches, containing the conversations of X, Y, and Z, which gentlemen seemed so much to rely upon, he confessed his opinions had not been at all changed by them. He believed, before they were communicated, that this country had been greatly injured by France, and he was not ready to take any step now that he was not ready to take before. He believed that he, and others who voted with him, should be as willing to defend the country, in case of danger, as those gentlemen who are continually raising up military phantoms for the purpose of knocking them down again. He hoped the amendment would be agreed to.

A motion was made and carried to adjourn, without the question being taken.

Monday, May 7.

Presents to Ministers.

Mr. Pinckney said, he rose to request leave to withdraw the resolution which had yesterday been laid upon the table by his colleague, Mr. Harper, without his knowledge, respecting a business which had already been decided relative to himself, as it was founded upon a ground which was at least doubtful, and he thought out of order.

The Speaker interrupted Mr. P. to say that he would save him the trouble of any farther observations, by saying that he deemed the motion out of order.

Mr. Pinckney hoped, notwithstanding, he should be permitted to make a few remarks on the subject.

The Speaker replied, that any remarks upon a business already decided would not be in order, and could not be admitted without general consent. A pretty general cry of "I hope the gentleman will be permitted to proceed," being heard, Mr. Pinckney went on.

He said, it was with reluctance he took up the time of the House a moment in a matter relating to himself, particularly at present, when so much important business pressed for consideration; but he wished to state his reasons for wishing this motion to be withdrawn, lest it should seem to have been brought forward by his consent. He was grateful for the good intentions of his colleague, because he doubtless thought the vote which had passed on the preceding day might cast some imputation upon his, Mr. P.'s, character. But he also wished it to be withdrawn, because it was founded on at least a doubtful suggestion, viz: that it is not customary for the United States to make presents to foreign Ministers leaving this country. He believed it was customary to do so. But another reason for wishing it to be withdrawn was, that the discussion of it might not subject him to a species of trial as to his public conduct, in which he should not be at liberty to make his defence. He should never shrink from any authorized investigation of his conduct; but he should wish to avoid any unauthorized proceeding of that kind.

But his principal reason for troubling the House was to assign his reasons for addressing a letter to Congress on this subject, apparently of so trifling a nature. With respect to the present offered to him by the Court of Spain, it would have been improper for him, under any construction of the constitution, to have received it, as he was at that time also Minister to Great Britain. Upon this ground it was that he wrote to the Spanish Minister declining the acceptance of the present offered to him from that Court, except he should obtain leave of Congress to do so. This being the case, whatever might have been the propriety of accepting of the present offered to him by the Court of Great Britain, there would have been at least an appearance of inconsistency to have received a present from one Court and not from the other. He therefore gave the same answer to both.

This he hoped would account satisfactorily for having troubled Congress with any application on this subject. It was from a respect which he thought due to the Court of Spain, from the favorable treatment he had received from them, and being fully satisfied with all their conduct towards him, that he thought it proper to make the application. The other, respecting Great Britain, was involved with it.

Mr. P. said, he did apprehend there would have been a propriety in this House, at the time they rejected the resolution sent from the Senate, to have assigned a reason why they did so. He would say why he thought so. He thought the constitution expressly allows, that, in some cases, presents may be received from a foreign power, but that the power of deciding upon this shall be left in the hands of the Legislature, as a check upon officers that they may not improperly receive any presents from a foreign power. But, considering this power to have been intended as a check upon the improper conduct of officers, it must strike the minds of the public when they are told that an officer was refused this privilege, that he had not done his duty, especially if the refusal was unqualified, and unaccompanied with any reason for the refusal, and that the refusal was intended as a censure upon his conduct.

It was in this point of view, that he conceived the conduct of the person to whom this privilege was refused, was implicated, without an opportunity of being heard in his defence. He should be far from wishing any resolution to be entered into approving of his conduct; but there was a great distinction between approving and disapproving; between censure and applause; and although he did not desire applause, he could have wished to have avoided censure. All that he wished had been done was, that the House should have stated something of this kind, "deeming it improper that the diplomatic agents of the United States should receive a present from any foreign Prince or State, the request cannot be complied with;" as, without this, the natural inference must be, that there has been some misbehavior in the officer, or the usual privilege would not have been refused. He called it usual, because whenever it had heretofore been applied for, it had been invariably granted, and the rejection of the resolution from the Senate, must, therefore, be looked upon as establishing an imputation upon his character. It was saying to the world, "Every other person in a similar situation, has been permitted to accept of these presents, but you, and you alone are an exception; you cannot receive them." Such a person may have been worthy of condemnation; he may have betrayed the interest of his country; but it was injustice to that person to condemn him without a trial.

Mr. P. said, he thought it necessary, in justice to himself, to make these observations before the House, from a regard which he felt, in common with other gentlemen, for his reputation—more particularly as this matter would appear upon the journals of the House, and might not only reflect upon himself, but upon his children after him; they might be pointed at by the finger of scorn, as the offspring of a man who had betrayed the interests of his country. It was under the impression of these ideas that he had been led to trouble the House, and he trusted he should stand excused for having done so.

Mr. McDowell rose, but was prevented from speaking by the Speaker, who declared that nothing more could be admitted on a subject which was not before the House.

Mr. Harper rose. He was also checked by the Speaker, but not before he had declared he brought forward the motion in question without the knowledge of his colleague.

Additional Revenue.

The House then proceeded to the order of the day, when the Speaker having stated the question to be to strike out the word annually in the first resolution,

Mr. D. Foster rose, and observed that, for a justification of himself to those who knew him, he need not declare that the motion, which had caused so much agitation, was made with good intentions; that it was not designed to embarrass the measures of Government, or with a view to prevent a provision of revenue adequate to the present or probable future exigencies; or from any reluctance on his part to concur in every measure requisite for an effectual defence of our country. To the uniform tenor of his conduct, on all occasions, since he had the honor of a seat in this House, he would cheerfully appeal. Those with whom he associated knew that nothing was more dear to his heart than the honor, the dignity, the liberty, and the independence of his country. He did not, therefore, consider many of the remarks which had been made on this subject, as applicable to himself, nor should he take any measures whatever to repel them. If his friends intended he should make a personal application, their object was lost. Alike indifferent to censure as applause, when unmerited, he had ever done, and, as far as he could be informed, he would continue to do, what, at the time, appeared to be his duty.

He was as deeply impressed as any gentleman of this House could be, with a sense of the necessity and importance of sufficient and productive sources of revenue. Measures for defence must be expensive; without the means to carry them into effect, all our acts and resolutions are vain and futile.

Protection to our commerce, defence to our frontiers and sea-coasts, security to our rights as a nation, energy and respectability to the operations of Government, are not to be obtained without money, and if the present revenues are not sufficient, more must undoubtedly be provided.

Although he did not mean to pledge himself that he would vote for it, he should be glad to see a bill before the House, that opportunity might be given to examine the subject in detail. Since the motion he had submitted had been thought so exceptionable, he was willing for the present to modify it. If gentlemen would concur with him in a substitute, he would withdraw the motion to strike out the word "annually," and propose to add, as an amendment at the end of the resolution, the following words: