Mr. T. Claiborne never remembered to have heard such language as had fallen from the gentleman last up. He laments, said Mr. C., that a gentleman who usually voted with him should dare to think for himself. Are gentlemen's opinions and language thus to be circumscribed? [Mr. O. explained.] Mr. C. continued, the gentleman was willing that all questions should now be taken without debate. Does this mean, said he, that there are a majority of members in this House who must always be in the right, and a minority always in the wrong? If this be the case, they had better dismiss the minority, and do the business themselves. Were not gentlemen any longer to express their difference of opinion? Would this be the way to keep the Government together, or to preserve harmony in the country? If this were to be the situation of things, he should regret it with tears in his eyes. He had himself no mathematical certainty that any opinion of his was right; nor did he think the gentleman from Massachusetts ought to expect men to bow to his. Such an assumption led to mischief of a serious kind. What! to say we have a majority, and therefore we will have no debate. [The Speaker said no such expression had been made use of; if it had, he should have checked it.] Had it not been for an expression of this kind, he should not have risen on this question. He wished to hear every man deliver his opinion freely. Mr. C. did not believe the bill to be a proper one, and he should therefore vote against it.

Mr. McDowell said, he should be opposed to the bill, if he had no other objection to it than that it went to countenance the idea, according to the gentlemen from Maryland and Massachusetts, that this country must go into the establishment of a large naval power. The great saving to be derived from this office, he understood to be from savings in the building of vessels; but, as the twelve vessels which were lately voted are proposed to be purchased, ready built, he supposed this reason did not apply at present. If there was no intention, therefore, (which he trusted there was not,) of carrying our Naval Establishment to any considerable extent, he could see no occasion for the creation of this office. For, if this Secretary of the Navy was appointed, he would also be obliged to rely upon others, in a great degree, for information.

Mr. Harper said, the naval defence which this House thought necessary for the service of the country having been voted, he could not agree with those gentlemen who consider this as a question of defence. He thought it a question of economy, and, in this view, he should reply to some observations which had been made upon it.

He believed our naval defence would be much more efficaciously and speedily provided by means of the proposed establishment than if the bill was rejected. So far, indeed, it is a question of defence, but only collaterally so. The point of view in which this bill should be considered, is simply this: will it not effect with more speed and economy the marine defence now existing, as well as that contemplated? He himself had no doubt as to the fact. Indeed, he would ask the gentleman from North Carolina, whether, if he were about to erect a distillery on his place, he would employ his overseer to do it, who, though he might understand the business of his farm very well, knew nothing of building. He certainly would not; and if this would be bad policy in an individual, it would be equally so in a nation. Besides, the expense would be so trifling as only to amount (as had been stated) to one-third per cent., though traders were in the habit of paying five per cent. to have their business done.

But it was said, that if an office of this kind was established, it would soon create business. But the business is already created. We have, said he, already a marine of fifteen ships of war. This, he knew, was comparatively a small force, but in the establishment of which we shall yet expend two millions of dollars, and the support of which will amount at least to $700,000 or $800,000 annually. When the War Department was first established, the object of its care was not, he believed, of equal magnitude.

Mr. R. Williams was ready to acknowledge he did not believe it could ever be the interest of this country to go into the establishment of a large naval power, and therefore he should not be in favor of the present bill on that ground. Nor did he think there was any good reason for dividing the military and naval business, except there was more than could be attended to by the present establishment. But it was said the business was of a different nature, and therefore it ought to be in separate departments, as one man cannot be supposed to understand both concerns. That objection would apply to any of the other departments; and whenever this rule of dividing business shall be adopted, we shall get men of inferior talents to do it. When the Government was established, it was thought that a War Department would be equal to the military and naval concerns of this country. But it was said a navy was not then thought of; it was, however, doubtless thought of when the frigates were ordered to be built, and it was not then gone into. It was, however, said that much money had been lost for want of an officer of this kind. This was mere assertion, and it was by no means clear that the business would be done better with such an officer than without him.

But it was said, it was necessary to go into this measure for the sake of appearances. To whom are these appearances to be made? Not to our own people, but to European nations. The gentleman from Massachusetts says we ought to adopt their opinion upon this subject. He viewed a policy of this kind the most fatal of any other to this country. He believed that the less we had to do with European politics, and their mode of administration, the better. The only object in view, with that House, ought to be the interest of their own country. What, said he, is the situation of those countries which have gone into the establishment of large navies? They are involved in debt which they never can, and never will, pay.

Mr. J. Williams said, the only point in dispute was, whether a separate office should be established for the business of the Navy, or whether it should be put under the care of a superintendent in the War Department. He wished the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Otis) had spared his observations until he had heard those of the gentleman from Maryland, (Mr. S. Smith.) It had appeared to him that a superintendent in the War Department would have been sufficient, and he yet thought so. He did not think the business of the Navy was so great as to require a separate establishment. There was more business in the War Department in 1794 than at present, and nothing was then heard of a new department. He should not have opposed this measure if he had not been convinced that every measure taken to increase the Navy beyond its present establishment would have a bad effect on this country. It had been proposed last winter to purchase all the live-oak timber in the Southern States; afterwards a proposition was brought forward for the establishment of navy yards. Those measures had been defeated, and they were now called upon to establish a new department for this favorite object. He was not willing to do it. The gentleman from Massachusetts said there would only be a difference between making a new office, and continuing to do the business in the War Department, of the salary of the chief officer; but if he looked at the second clause of the bill, he would find himself mistaken, as there was in that provision for a principal clerk, and such other clerks as he shall judge necessary: so that he may have a clerk for every port in the Union, if he pleases. If he represented, as the gentleman from Massachusetts does, a commercial interest, he might be as favorable to a Navy as him; but as that was not the case, he was opposed to it. He gave his approbation to such appropriations as he thought necessary; and if, in this instance, he differed in opinion from the gentleman from Massachusetts, he should stand excused. He believed with that gentleman, that the commercial and agricultural interests were closely connected; they differed only as to the extent to which it was proper to carry our naval defence. He did not wish, however, at present, to reject the bill. He believed it might be amended, and he had no objection to the question being postponed for that purpose.

Mr. Livingston said, he was almost tempted to smile at the arrogant pretensions of some gentlemen in this House, in their treatment of others, at least their equals on this floor, whatever they might be out of doors, being equally with them Representatives of the people. They were told by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Otis) that opposition was expected, was looked for, from certain gentlemen; that no argument was necessary on the occasion, because those members who were opposed to all measures of defence, would oppose this measure also; but that those who had originated the measure would carry it into effect. This simple declaration of a strength of party was also attended with a very handsome rebuke of one of his colleagues (Mr. J. Williams) for having dared to doubt the propriety of the measure before the committee. He was happy to find this rebuke had produced its effect, and that though his colleague was at first very decidedly against the bill, he was now disposed to doubt; and the effect of another rebuke, he supposed, would obtain his vote in favor of the new establishment. For his own part, neither the rebuke, nor the preliminary observations with which it was accompanied, had produced any effect upon him. He did very much doubt the propriety of the measure; for, although there was a great deal of business in the War Office, and the same person could not be supposed to be acquainted with military and naval affairs, if a ship-builder was to have the appointment, he could not think such a person fit to be one of the great council of the nation; and it must be recollected that the person who holds this office will become one of the counsellors of the President on all great concerns.

It was said that this establishment was necessary, in order to give an appearance of defence to Europe, as if the establishment of a Department of the Navy was to have the effect to do away all our past and to prevent future injuries. But our appearance to Europe was not all; the example of European countries was mentioned. All were said to have a Marine Department. The practice of Europe, Mr. L. said, had proved itself to be a bad one, as the navies of those countries had proved the ruin of them.

The yeas and nays were taken upon this bill going to its third reading, and decided in the affirmative—yeas 47, nays 41, as follows:

Thursday, April 26.

The bill for establishing an Executive Department, to be denominated the Department of the Navy, was read the third time and passed—42 to 27.

Military Appropriations.

On motion, the House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill appropriating for the Military Establishment for the year 1798; when, the question for filling the blank in the Quartermaster's Department with $200,000 again recurring,

Mr. Gallatin moved to fill the blank with $150,000, which was the sum he had proposed on a former day, since which, he said, the House had received a number of statements from the Secretary of War, in order to induce a larger appropriation. As there seemed to be a general concurrence of opinion to restrict the expenses of the War Department, he wished some gentlemen, better able to do it than himself, would compare the number of troops in service with the sums there required. Mr. G. noticed a number of items which appeared to him unaccountably extravagant, and contrasted the very great expense incurred on the North-western frontier with that of the troops employed on the seaboard. Mr. G. also took a view of the expenses under this head from the year 1789 to the present time, in order to show that $150,000 would be a sufficient appropriation.

After commenting pretty freely and at large on the estimates from the War Office, Mr. G. said, he believed there was some radical defect with respect to the connection subsisting between the Accountant's department, the Treasury and War Departments, which prevented a proper investigation of accounts. So far as relates to the Treasury Department, the accounts were always very clear, and there was no ground of complaint; but, from the connection which subsists between the War Department and the Accountant's department, there seemed to be a want of responsibility.

In the details which had been laid before the House, Mr. G. said, he found items under the head of contingencies, which he should never have expected to have found there; one was for the pay of an inspector of the troops and garrisons of the United States, at a salary of sixty dollars a month. He could not say such an officer was not necessary; but if he was, he would say he ought to have been provided for by law. The other item was for a much larger sum, viz: the pay of an engineer of the fortifications of the United States, at a salary of three thousand dollars a year, which was a salary greater than that of the Secretary of War. It appears that this engineer was engaged for three years; but, after he had been some time in the service, two thousand dollars were given him over and above his pay, to relinquish his contract.

After a few observations from Mr. Dana, in favor of the Secretary of War,

Mr. Shepard rose, and went over the different items contained in the statement read yesterday, particularly the boatmen, $13,000; the pack-horsemen, $5,000; the wagoners, $7,000; the laborers, $3,000; the armorers, $6,000; the artificers, $14,000; hire of expresses, $6,000; and fuel, $8,000. He could not tell how so many boatmen, pack-horsemen, and wagoners, could be employed (for it was not for boats, pack-horses, and wagons, but for the men alone;) and what so many laborers could be employed in he could not imagine. He did not see why the soldiers could not do all the labor the Army had to do themselves. When he was in the Army, he was at no expense like this. And how the repairing the arms for three thousand men could cost $6,000 he could not tell; nor could he see how $14,000 could be expended on artificers. If we were to be involved in war, it would not do to expend money in this manner. It was easy to write down thirty, fifty, or one hundred thousand dollars for this or that, but when the taxes came to be laid, the money would not be so easily raised. Mr. S. passed over a number of articles, till he came to fuel. He thought $8,000 a year for fuel, in a country where the trees were ready to fall upon them, was a very exorbitant charge. While he was in the Army, it never cost him sixpence for fuel. The United States had better purchase the land upon which the timber grows, at once; they would be able to get it for a much less sum. If these expenses were to be incurred for five thousand men, what would be the expense of an Army of thirty thousand men? This estimate, he was sure, must be much too large; and it became Congress to be careful how they gave encouragement to such charges as these, for the country would scarcely be able to support the expense of any considerable establishment if more economy was not used.

The question on filling the blank with two hundred thousand dollars, was put, and negatived without a division.

Mr. Gallatin moved to fill the blank with $150,000. He said that, with respect to the integrity of the Secretary of War, he did not doubt it in the least; as to his talents he had no opportunity of forming a correct judgment of them; he was, however, some judge of accounts, and he saw enough of them to authorize the declaration which he had made as to the improper connection of the different departments. He had spoken of facts only.

The question for filling the blank with $150,000 was put, and carried without a division.

After agreeing to several other items, amongst which was one for the vessels on the Lakes, the committee rose, the House agreed to the amendment, and the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.

Presents to Ministers.

The Speaker said he had received a letter this morning, signed Thomas Pinckney, which he was desired to lay before the House. It was accordingly read. It stated that when he (Mr. Pinckney) had concluded the late treaty with the Spanish Government, the Spanish Minister, the Prince of Peace, informed him the presents usually given in such cases would be prepared for him; and that also when he took leave of the British Court, the like information was given to him by the Minister there. To both of which he replied, that the Constitution of the United States forbade its Ministers from receiving any present from any foreign Prince or State, without the consent of Congress; that in due time he would ask that consent, and act accordingly. This letter asks for the determination of Congress.

It was moved by Mr. Rutledge to refer this letter to a select committee.

Mr. Macon wished it to go to a Committee of the whole House.

After some observations, the latter motion was negatived, and the former carried.

Friday, April 27.

On motion of Mr. W. C. Claiborne, the House went into a Committee of the Whole on the bill directing the payment of a detachment of militia, for services performed in the year 1794, under the command of Major James Orr. The bill was reported without amendment, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.

Wednesday, May 2.

Naturalization Law.

On motion of Mr. Sewall, the House went into a Committee of the Whole on the report made yesterday by the Committee for the Protection of Commerce and the Defence of the Country, on the subject of naturalization; and the report having been read, and the first resolution for prolonging the term of residence before aliens shall be admitted as citizens, being under consideration,

Mr. Sewall said, the term of residence now required from foreigners before they can become citizens, is five years. The committee think this period too short; it is much shorter than the period adopted by the French Government. The committee were of opinion that a residence of at least ten years should be required; but this might be left a blank in the bill, and afterwards filled.

Mr. Harper believed that it was high time we should recover from the mistake which this country fell into when it first began to form its constitutions, of admitting foreigners to citizenship. This mistake, he believed, had been productive of very great evils to this country, and, unless corrected, he was apprehensive those evils would greatly increase. He believed the time was now come when it would be proper to declare, that nothing but birth should entitle a man to citizenship in this country. He thought this was the proper season for making the declaration. He believed the United States had experience enough to cure them of the folly of believing that the strength and happiness of the country would be promoted by admitting to the rights of citizenship all the congregations of people who resort to these shores from every part of the world. Under these impressions, which, as he supposed they would have the same force upon others as upon himself, he should not detain the committee by dilating upon, he proposed to amend the resolution by adding to it the following words, viz: "that provision ought to be made by law for preventing any person becoming entitled to the rights of a citizen of the United States, except by birth."

The Chairman declared this amendment would be a substitute to the resolution before the committee, and therefore not in order.

Mr. Otis said, he would propose an amendment, which he believed would be in order, which was as follows, namely, "and that no alien born, who is not at present a citizen of the United States, shall hereafter be capable of holding any office of honor, trust, or profit, under the United States."

Mr. Harper moved to amend this amendment, by adding the following words: "or of voting at the election of any member of the Legislature of the United States, or of any State."

Mr. H. said, he was for giving foreigners every facility for acquiring property, of holding this property, of raising their families, and of transferring their property to their families. He was willing they should form citizens for us; but as to the rights of citizenship, he was not willing they should be enjoyed, except by persons born in this country. He did not think this even was desirable by the persons themselves. Why, he asked, did foreigners seek a residence in this country? He supposed it was either to better their condition, or to live under a Government better and more free than that they had left. But was it necessary these persons should at once become entitled to take a part in the concerns of our Government? He believed it by no means necessary, either to their happiness or prosperity, and he was sure it would not tend to the happiness of this country. If the native citizens are not indeed adequate to the performance of the duties of Government, it might be expedient to invite legislators or voters from other countries to do that business for which they themselves are not qualified. But if the people of the country, who owe their birth to it, are adequate to all the duties of Government, he could not see for what reason strangers should be admitted; strangers who, however acceptable they may be in other respects, could not have the same views and attachments with native citizens. Under this view of the subject, he was convinced it was an essential policy, which lay at the bottom of civil society, that none but persons born in the country should be permitted to take a part in the Government. There might have been, Mr. H. acknowledged, individual exceptions, and there may be again, to this general rule; but it was necessary to make regulations general, and he believed the danger arising from admitting foreigners generally to citizenship would be greater than the inconveniences arising from debarring from citizenship the most deserving foreigners. He believed it would have been well for this country if the principle contained in this amendment had been adopted sooner; he hoped it would now be adopted.

Mr. S. Smith believed it would be best first to decide upon the resolution as reported; if it was negatived, the gentleman from South Carolina might then introduce his amendment as a substitute. To adopt the resolution as reported would be, he believed, to agree upon an ex post facto regulation. It could not be intended, he should suppose, to prevent persons who had resided in this country two or three years, under the expectation of becoming citizens at the end of five years, from that privilege.

Mr. Champlin suggested whether, if this amendment was adopted, it would not prevent foreigners, who are not at present citizens of the United States, from becoming officers in the Military or Naval Departments of the United States. If so, he believed it would be proper to insert the word "civil" before "officers."

Mr. Otis acknowledged that the objections of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. S. Smith) were, in some degree, well founded; but there might be regulations introduced into the bill to avoid them. The present law, he believed, directs that persons shall give notice of their intention of becoming citizens of the United States. Where this notice had been given, he thought such persons should be excluded from the operation of the law. These resolutions having only been laid upon the table this morning, he wished, however, that the committee might rise, in order to afford a little time for consideration. He wished to exclude all foreigners, whom he could constitutionally exclude, from holding offices in the United States; but not to entrap such as are in the way of becoming citizens.

Mr. Harper said, that, having had it suggested to him that the constitution would not admit of restraining the States in their admission of citizens, he should withdraw his amendment for the present, until he had had an opportunity of examining the constitution in this respect.

The motion being put for the committee to rise, it was carried, and the committee rose accordingly.

Thursday, May 3.

Naturalization Law.

Mr. Sewall moved the House to go into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, in order to resume the consideration of the resolution which had been reported on the subject of aliens.

Mr. Otis wished to propose a resolution to the House, before it resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, as a substitute for the first resolution, reported by the Committee for the Protection of Commerce and the Defence of the Country. It was to the following effect:

Mr. Venable did not think the House were authorized to enact such a principle into a law. If taken up at all, it ought to be considered as a proposition for amending the constitution. If it was thought necessary by gentlemen to amend the constitution in this way, he should not object to going into the subject. After foreigners were admitted as citizens, Congress had not the power of declaring what should be their rights; the constitution has done this. Foreigners must, therefore, be refused the privilege of becoming citizens altogether, or admitted to all the rights of citizens.

Mr. Otis had no idea that this proposition could be considered as a proposition to amend the constitution. If the House had the power to amend the naturalization law, and to extend the time of residence necessary to entitle an alien to citizenship, they could certainly extend it to the life of man. The idea of citizenship did not always include the power of holding offices. In Great Britain no alien was ever permitted to hold an office, he wished they might not be allowed to do it here.

The Speaker said this was not the proper time to argue whether this proposition ought to be considered as an amendment to the constitution. The Committee of the Whole would report upon it as they thought proper.

Mr. Venable did not object to the resolution being referred, but thought it ought to go rather to an ordinary Committee of the Whole than to that on the state of the Union, as he did not believe Congress had the power of saying, men who were entitled to hold offices by the constitution, shall not hold them.

The motion for reference was put and carried, there being for it 45 votes.

The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, Mr. Dent in the chair; when

Mr. Otis moved to postpone the consideration of the resolution formerly under consideration, for extending the time of residence of aliens before they should be entitled to citizenship, in order to take up the resolution which he had proposed, and which had been referred to this committee.

The question was put and negatived—51 to 26.

The question then returned upon the motion made by Mr. Otis yesterday, to amend the first resolution, by adding words of the same tenor with those contained in the resolution referred this morning.

Mr. Macon said, whether it would be good or bad policy to adopt a regulation of this kind, he would not inquire, because he believed the President and Senate could always appoint such men as they thought proper to office. If a man is a citizen, he is eligible to office agreeably to the constitutional rule, and that could not be altered by law. If the people chose to elect a foreigner as a member of the Legislature, if he had been a citizen seven years, Congress could not say he should not be eligible. They might, indeed, make the time of residence, to entitle a foreigner to citizenship, so long, as to prevent him in that way from holding a seat in the Legislature; but, after a man is a citizen, he must be entitled to the rights of a citizen.

Mr. Otis said, gentlemen could certainly read the constitution for themselves, and draw their own conclusions from it. He himself had not the smallest doubt as to the constitutionality of restricting aliens in the way proposed. He believed that Congress, having the power to establish an uniform rule of naturalization, could, if they thought proper, make a residence of forty or fifty years necessary before an alien should be entitled to citizenship, which would extend to the whole life of a person, and prove an effectual exclusion. If Congress, then, had a right to exclude foreigners altogether from citizenship, any modification of that right was certainly within their power, and would be an advantage to aliens, for which they ought to be grateful. There would be nothing in this contrary to the constitution; for it was always acknowledged that where an absolute power may be exercised, a conditional power may also be exercised. What advantage, he asked, was derived to this country from giving aliens eligibility to office? The people of this country were certainly equal to the legislation and administration of their own Government, comprising all the aliens who are now become citizens. He had no doubt but many aliens would become very valuable acquisitions to this country; but he had no idea of admitting them into the Government. He did not wish to open the door to the intrigues of other countries in this way; since we know there are countries whose chief attention is paid to the obtaining of influence in the internal concerns of the countries over which they wish to have dominion. And he could see it possible that persons might be furnished by such a country to come here and buy lands, and by that means, in time, get into the Government. Great Britain, he said, was very careful of the avenues which led to her liberty in this respect. Aliens were there excluded from holding all places of honor, profit, or trust. The situation of America heretofore was different from what it is at present. It had not only been thought good policy, in times past, to encourage foreigners to come to this country, but also to admit them into the Legislature, and important offices. But now, said he, America is growing into a nation of importance, and it would be an object with foreign nations to gain an influence in our councils; and, before any such attempt was made, it was proper to make provision against it; for if the time ever should arrive when a number of persons of this description had found their way into the Legislature, a motion of this kind would of course be very odious. If, however, gentlemen were of a different opinion and think the object would be better accomplished by extending the residence of aliens, he should not object to that course being taken, though he thought the one he proposed perfectly within the power of the House.

Mr. Sitgreaves wished that, in attaining an object in which all seemed to concur, they might avoid any constitutional embarrassment; and this it was allowed might be done by extending the time of residence of aliens so far, as to prevent them from ever becoming citizens, by which means persons who could not be considered as having a common interest with the citizens of the country, would be effectually excluded from holding offices in the Government.

Mr. Otis withdrew his amendment; and then all the three resolutions were agreed to, without a dissenting voice.

The committee rose, and reported the resolutions. The two first were concurred in; but, on the question being put on the third,

Mr. N. Smith said, a foreign Government might do an act tantamount to war, without declaring it, yet according to the wording of the proposition, the citizens of that country could not be removed. He therefore moved to amend the proposition by adding the words, "being native citizens of any country the Government whereof shall be at war with the United States."

Mr. Sewall said, the only objection that he had to this amendment arose from the consideration that Congress alone had the power of deciding on the question of war, and he could not therefore see how it could be determined that any nation was at war with us, until the declaration was made by that nation, or by Congress.

Mr. Otis wished his friend from Connecticut would admit of an amendment which he held in his hand, in the place of that which he had offered. It was in the following words: "or shall authorize hostilities against the United States."

Mr. N. Smith had no objection.

Mr. McDowell thought this motion more objectionable than that of the gentleman from Connecticut. It ought to be remembered, Mr. McD. said, that inducements had been held out to foreigners to come to this country, and many of them had come with a view of becoming citizens of this country, and many, he believed, were as good as any amongst us. Out of respect to these foreigners, he should not wish to place them in the situation which this amendment went to place them in; because it might be said, hostilities were authorized when no war was declared, and these people might be treated as if the nation from which they came was at war with us, when no war existed. It had been said our population was now sufficient, and that the privileges heretofore allowed to foreigners might now be withdrawn. In some parts of the country, this might, in some degree, be the case; but he knew there were other parts which wanted population. From this consideration, and as he did not wish unnecessarily to distress the minds of foreigners who had taken up their residence amongst us, he should vote against this amendment.

Mr. J. Williams was persuaded, that, if this proposition passed, no good citizen need be afraid of being disturbed. He had no objection to this resolution without the amendment, nor had he any particular objection to the amendment.

Mr. Rutledge was so far from believing that this amendment would check the immigration of foreigners, that he believed it would encourage it. Foreigners came here to live under a good Government, and the more secure the Government was made, the greater would be their desire to live under it; and he believed a greater security could not be given to it, than was proposed to be given by this amendment. It was wished to vest a power in the President to send out of the country persons who were natives of a country with whom we are at war, or who may have authorized hostilities against us. In fact, in the situation of things in which we are now placed, the President should have the power of removing such intriguing agents and spies as are now spread all over the country. What, said Mr. R., would be the conduct of France, if in our situation? In twenty-four hours every man of this description would either be sent out of the country or put in jail, and such conduct was wise. Was there nothing, Mr. R. asked, to admonish us to take a measure of this kind? Yes, there was. A gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Davis) had said, that a person was in that State delivering commissions into the hands of every man who was so abandoned as to receive them. Other means were also taken to alienate the affection of our citizens; and are we still, said he, to say we will not send these persons out of the country until a declaration of war is made? If these persons are suffered to remain, France will never declare war, as she will consider the residence of these men amongst us as of greater consequence than the lining of our seaboard with privateers, or covering our coasts with men.

Mr. Venable did not wish to show any particular encouragement to foreigners; but, if persons thought they could live happier here than in their own country, he should not object to their making the change. He could not agree to the amendment. Suppose hostility was committed upon the property of any of our citizens by France, such hostility might not be sufficient cause for placing all our commercial citizens in a situation of having their property seized. Many cases might be deemed hostility by the President which ought not to go to cut off all communication between the citizens of the two countries. In such a case, if any of the citizens of France should be taken up here, it would produce a similar conduct towards our citizens in that country, which would be allowed to be a serious evil.

Mr. Sewall again urged, as an objection to this amendment, the constitutional power of Congress to declare war. Too many circumstances of insult and aggression, he allowed, had been experienced by this country from a foreign power, which might have been understood by other nations as war, and might have been so considered by this country; yet, as it is an act of Congress to declare war, we could not be considered as at war until Congress declared us to be in such a state, except war was declared against us. This provision was not intended for any particular case, but as a general provision, which might at any time be called forth by proclamation. It should, therefore, be as well guarded and definite as possible. If the words proposed were introduced, the proposition would be rendered too indefinite; and the President might proceed to send aliens from this country, and of course cause our citizens in a foreign country to be sent from thence, or to be imprisoned, and their property confiscated, at a time when Congress might not judge it expedient to go to war. France, said he, has now done towards the United States what might be considered as hostility. Suppose we pass a law which calls upon the President to act, what ought the President to do? Was he to determine the point whether France has authorized hostilities against the United States? If so, he would doubtless say she had, and in consequence every Frenchman in this country will be liable to be removed out of the country, and our citizens who happen to be in France will be placed in the same situation. Mr. S. said, though it might be proper for Congress to declare this to be the state of the country, he thought it would be improper to give the President this power. He wished the power of sending persons out of the country to be confined to such cases as were particularly dangerous, which were included in the resolution without this amendment. As to foreigners guilty of crimes against the United States, they ought to be apprehended and punished according to the existing laws: the present regulation was not pointed at them.

Mr. Otis said, as his colleague had chosen to call his amendment indefinite, he must excuse him when he said he considered the resolution without it, as trifling and ineffectual, and argued a timidity which ought not at this time to be shown by this country; and had he not been thoroughly acquainted with the uprightness of intention and the purity of the motives of his colleague, he should really have doubted whether he was sincerely desirous of exerting all the energies of the country in her defence; but, being persuaded of these, he would suppose that he himself was wrong in his conception on this occasion, and would make a few observations as to the ground upon which he formed his opinion.

He believed it would not be proper to wait until predatory incursions were made—until the enemy was landed in our country, or until what shall be considered as threatening or actual invasion appeared—before any steps were taken on the subject now under consideration. He was of opinion that when an enemy authorized hostilities, that was the time to take up that crowd of spies and inflammatory agents which overspread the country like the locusts of Egypt, and who were continually attacking our liberties. The provision would doubtless be exercised with discretion. There might be Frenchmen in this city and others (and he doubted not there were) who were peaceable, well-disposed persons, and against whom it never could be thought necessary to exercise this power; but there were other persons, not only in this city, but in others, who have not only been extremely instrumental in fomenting hostilities against this country, but also in alienating the affections of our own citizens; and it was men of this description whom he wished to remove from the country.

It is proposed by this resolution to give the President the power to remove aliens, when the country from which they come shall threaten an invasion. Some believe that this country is at present threatened with an invasion, and with a ravage of our coasts, yet others say that the despatches from our Envoys only consist of unauthorized conversations with X, Y, and Z, and therefore not to be relied upon. Mr. O. thought this a more indefinite power than that which he proposed to vest in the President. His opinion was, that something ought to be done which should strike these people with terror; he did not wish to give them an opportunity of executing any of their seditious and malignant purposes; he did not desire, in this season of danger, to boggle about slight forms, nor to pay respect to treaties already abrogated, but to seize these persons wherever they could be found carrying on their vile purposes. Without this, every thing else which had been done in the way of defence would amount to nothing.

Mr. McDowell said, from the observations of the gentleman who had just sat down, it would appear that hostilities had already commenced between this country and France. If this is the case, and the House knew it, why not say so, and make preparations accordingly? Why pass acts fitted for a state of war, without declaring that that is the state of the country? [Mr. Otis said, if the gentleman from North Carolina would bring forward a proposition of this kind, he should be ready to vote for it.] Mr. McD. expected the gentleman was prepared for war, and, therefore, that he would have brought forward a resolution to that effect himself.

The gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Rutledge) had not considered this amendment with his usual accuracy, when he said that the adoption of it would prove an encouragement to foreigners to come to this country. He thought it could not be very flattering encouragement to foreigners, to tell them, "if you come here, and your Government commits any act of hostility against the citizens of this country, you will be liable to be imprisoned, or sent out of the country."

But it was said the country swarmed with spies and seditious persons. If this was the case, he should be glad if gentlemen would point them out; if they could, he should be as glad as they to take measures against them. A person in Kentucky had been alluded to. Under the authority of Genet, he believed some commissions had been issued; but he did not believe that any had been issued since. It was also known that there had been another Minister of another country who had adopted a similar practice. He still remained here, and might still be carrying on his mischievous schemes.[32] [The Speaker said the resolution was general.] It was said that hostilities having been committed on our commerce by France, they would authorize a war with France, (though Great Britain had conducted herself much in the same way, and nothing was said as to her,) and that therefore the President ought to be empowered to send all Frenchmen out of the country, however peaceably they might be residing here, if he thought proper to do so. This he could not consent to. It was too large a power. He should therefore vote against the amendment.

Mr. Sitgreaves considered this as one of the essential features of the system of defence about which Congress had been employed during the present session, in order to enable us to meet the dangers which threaten us. He believed, that though it might be extremely wise and prudent to enter into regulations for securing our peace at all future periods, yet it was most particularly their duty to concert measures of defence and protection in our present exigencies. He believed the business of defence would be very imperfectly done, if they confined their operations of defence to land and naval forces, and neglected to destroy the cankerworm which is corroding in the heart of the country. There could be no question on this subject. It is well understood by every member of the community. There is no occasion for specific proof that there are a great number of aliens in this country from that nation with whom we have at present alarming differences; that there are emissaries amongst us, who have not only fomented our differences with that country, but who have endeavored to create divisions amongst our own citizens. They are, said he, assiduously employed at this moment, and it is much to be lamented that there exists no authority to restrain the evil. It was therefore peculiarly incumbent on Congress to add to their other measures of defence, such powers as will protect the country against this evil. He believed this could not be effected without the adoption of some such principle as that under consideration. If the power was too limited, the enemy would not be met. There could be no difficulty, Mr. S. said, in point of right. All understood the rights to which aliens are entitled by the laws of nations. They are no more than the rights of hospitality, and this right varies according to the relation in which the country from which they come, and that in which they reside, is peaceable, or otherwise.

We do not owe to the citizens of France residents in this country (since France had been mentioned) the same hospitalities which we owe to those foreigners who are alien friends; though he confessed there were rights of hospitality which could not be done away in time of war, particularly as it respects alien merchants, which were provided for in this resolution. And except a person had an actual agency in designs which would endanger the peace of the country, though he was ordered out of the country, a free passage would be given to himself and effects; and if actually engaged in designs against the country, there would be a strong necessity for restraining the liberty of any such persons.

It had been well asked, whether we ought to wait till the enemy landed, before any measures were taken to remove persons from the country, who would be ready to join them by thousands, or take advantage of knowledge we have of their hostile intentions towards us? He thought there could be no doubt on the subject. He knew there were aliens in this country, of valuable characters, whose acquaintance ought to be cherished and cultivated. Such men would be in no danger from the proposed provision. It was meant only to operate against factious and bad men, who abuse the liberty allowed to them of residing in this country, and these all must see the necessity of attending to. France, said he, will not admit an alien of any description to reside in her country without a card of hospitality, and shall Congress scruple to go the length of this amendment? He hoped not.

Mr. Allen said, he would move an amendment which would supersede that under consideration, by making the resolution extend to all aliens in this country. He wished to retain none of the restraints which are in the present resolution. Nothing but his respect for the gentleman who made this report (Mr. Sewall) would have prevented him from suspecting that there existed some latent and mischievous design in this business. The proposition goes upon the supposition that none but the citizens of a particular nation can be dangerous to this country; whereas he believed that there are citizens of several other countries who are as dangerous, who have dispositions equally hostile to this country with the French—he believed more so. He believed the whole country was aware of this. Mr. A. alluded to the vast number of naturalizations which lately took place in this city to support a particular party in a particular election. It did not appear to him necessary to have the exercise of this power depend upon any contingency, such as a threatening of invasion, or war, before it could be exercised. He wished the President to have it at all times. He moved an amendment to this effect, which went to enable the President to remove at any time the citizen of any foreign country whatever, not a citizen, regarding the treaties with such countries. If gentlemen took a view of the different States of Europe which had been subdued by the French, Mr. A. said, they would not think it either wise or prudent to wait for an invasion, or threatened invasion, before this power was put in execution. Venice, Switzerland and Rome, had been overcome by means of the agents of the French nation, at a time when they were in a much less alarming situation than we are at present; and the first disturbance in those countries was made the pretext of open hostility. This has been the effect of diplomatic agency; of emissaries within and without, who have bred quarrels, for the purpose of forming pretexts for measures which have led to the subjugation of those countries. He believed there were citizens in this country who would be ready to join a foreign power in assisting to subjugate their country. What passed before our eyes, and every day offended our ears, were so many proofs of it. Not many weeks ago open threats were made to disturb the peace of the country. He hoped, therefore, with all these things before them, the amendment which he had proposed would be agreed to.

Mr. Sewall said, being one of the committee who made this report, he supposed he fell in for a share of that censure which had been so liberally cast upon it by his colleague, and the gentleman last up from Connecticut. The gentleman from Connecticut had thought fit to condemn the committee for not having considered cases which were not referred to them. It was not referred to them to consider what France had done in all other countries with whom she had had disputes, or what this country should do against France; but what should be done with respect to aliens in this country generally. Civil policy regarded aliens in two lights, viz: alien friends and alien enemies. He did not contemplate the making of this country a wall against all aliens whatever; or that no alien should come here without being subject to an arbitrary authority, such as is known only to the French Directory. If the existence of such a power as shall be able to place every alien in the country in a dungeon, was necessary to quiet the fears and apprehensions of the gentleman from Connecticut, he should not be willing to grant it. Indeed, it appeared to him that the fears and apprehensions of that gentleman arose from some defect in his own organization, or disease of his body (which he believed might be better cured by the physician, than by any thing else) rather than from any real ground of alarm.

What, said Mr. S., is to be feared from the residence of aliens amongst us? Any thing to ruin the country? He acknowledged many inconveniences arose from this circumstance, but more from our own unnatural children, who, in the bosom of their parent, conspired her destruction. But did the gentleman wish to increase the evil, by saying that persons born in foreign countries, however regular and orderly their conduct may be, shall be liable to be imprisoned, or sent out of the country, but that citizens of this country, however reprehensible their conduct, should have nothing to fear? The committee were not called upon to report on this point. He was himself of opinion that more ought to be done, and that aliens from any country should be liable to be removed, in case of misbehavior; but he did not wish to leave the business wholly with the President of the United States. The committee had reported only in part; they had yet to consider what steps would be proper to be taken against aliens, or citizens, guilty of criminal proceedings; but when gentlemen saw the addresses which were pouring in from all parts of the country in favor of the measures which had been pursued by Government, and expressions of determination to support every measure in defence of their country, was any thing to be feared from a handful of aliens? It was a reproach to the country to suppose it. If aliens were found to be guilty of seditious practices, let them be restricted; but not placed under an arbitrary authority. He never wished to see the Government of this country in such a situation. Our situation, said Mr. S., is not like that of the Directory of France, whom all of the nation are cursing; we have, therefore, no necessity for the strong measures adopted by them. But if gentlemen were determined to arrest every alien in the country, let them bring forward a resolution of that kind; but, in making regulations against alien enemies, let us not subject every foreigner who comes to this country, however well intended he may be, to the fear of a dungeon or removal. If gentlemen wished to make the resolution more general, and to provide for cases, in which war was first declared by this country, though he had before said he did not think it necessary, he had no objection to indulge them, by inserting the words, "between which and the United States there shall exist a declared state of war." But unless the United States were inclined to assume the character of the Turks or Arabs, such a regulation as was recommended by the gentleman from Connecticut could not be adopted.

Mr. Allen had no particular anxiety that the resolution should pass to the extent which he had proposed. If gentlemen did not think it necessary, he should not persist in it. He was sorry the gentleman from Massachusetts should have discovered in him any disease of body which was capable of giving rise to personal fear. He believed he possessed as little as most men. As to the necessity of the measure which he had proposed, he would mention two circumstances which led him to think it necessary. A person in this city, who has too respectable a standing, and who is doing too much business in it, has declared that he wishes to see a French army land in this country, and that he would do all in his power to further their landing. He had heard nearly the same thing from another quarter. He thought, therefore, that there ought to exist a power which should be able to send such persons out of the country. Not that he was himself either afraid of being assassinated or having the city burnt. But the chairman of the committee had said, that this subject was yet before them. This he did not know, before the gentleman said so; for, having made a report upon the subject, he supposed that they had done all they intended to do upon it.

Mr. Dana was opposed to this amendment. He thought the provisions of this resolution ought to be made definite, as it contemplated regulations which Congress would be willing to have in existence at all future times; and though the principle upon which the residence of aliens was regulated is laid down in the law of nations, as it relates to monarchical Governments, yet, in this country, where the sovereignty of the country is vested by the constitution in Congress, these regulations must be fixed by law. The danger of war with which the country was threatened had forced the subject upon Congress at this time, and this being the case, he was desirous of adopting some regulations of a permanent nature respecting it. If any other regulations were necessary with respect to our present situation with France, he thought they ought to be made special and temporary.

Mr. Allen withdrew his amendment; when

Mr. Otis's proposition returned, the question on which was put and negatived—55 to 27.

Mr. Sewall made the motion which he had suggested when he was last up, viz: to add the words, "between which and the United States shall exist a state of war."

Mr. Otis hoped this motion would not prevail, as he thought it would deprive the resolution of every good feature which it at present possessed; for it would prevent the exercise of the power in any other case than in a state of war; and as all the expressions were future, it supposed that such a state did not exist at present. He confessed he set no value at all upon any law, unless it was adapted to the present exigencies of the country. Gentlemen might talk as they pleased about permanent regulations; he believed they ought to provide against the residence of alien enemies existing in the bosom of the country, as the root of all the evil which we are at present experiencing, and he could not conceive any mode of doing this, but by applying the remedy immediately to the evil. Gentlemen talk about a declaration of war. No such thing scarcely ever precedes war. War and the declaration of war come together, like thunder and lightning. Indeed, if France finds she can enfeeble our councils by refraining to declare war, and that we will take no measures of effectual defence until this is done, it is probable she will not declare it, but continue to annoy us as at present. He therefore thought, if the select committee had not been ripe for making a report fully on this subject, they ought to have delayed it until they were.

Mr. Sewall explained.

Mr. Sitgreaves said, he had suffered no little from finding the difference of opinion which existed between the chairman of the committee who made the report on this subject, and gentlemen who usually voted with him. He saw that difference of opinion was essential and radical. He did not mean to go into the subject, but merely to make a proposition, and call the yeas and nays upon it. It was to add the words, "or shall declare hostility against the United States."

Mr. Davis moved a postponement of this question till to-morrow, as he wished time to consider of it. He had some doubts as to the constitutionality of such a provision.

Mr. Sitgreaves had no objection to a postponement, if time was wanted for consideration; but he could not see on what constitutional ground this motion could be objected to.

Mr. Gallatin was in favor of the postponement. He would suggest to his colleague that part of the constitution which might be in the way of this motion. A distinction was made by it between actual hostility and war.

If it had only gone to have made a difference between declared and actual war, by striking out the word "declare," it would have removed the objection. If there be a difference between a state of war and of actual hostility, there is also a difference in the relation between alien subjects of a nation with whom we are at war, and those of a nation with whom we are in a state of actual hostility. If this distinction be correct, by turning to the 9th section of the constitution, it is found that the migration of such persons as any of the States shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by Congress, prior to the year 1808. He understood it, however, to be a sound principle that alien enemies might be removed, although the emigration of persons be not prohibited by a principle which existed prior to the constitution, and coeval with the law of nations. The question was, therefore, whether the citizens or subjects of nations in actual hostility can be considered as alien enemies. The term "actual hostility," is vague in its nature, and would introduce doubt as to its true import. He should, therefore, be in favor of the postponement, except the mover would consent to have the word "declare" struck out in the way he had mentioned.

The question for a postponement was put and carried; and the two first resolutions were referred to a select committee, to report a bill or bills accordingly.

Friday, May 4.

Presents to Ministers.

Mr. Bayard called for the order of the day on the resolution from the Senate granting leave to Mr. Pinckney, our late Ambassador to Great Britain and Spain, to receive certain presents from those courts, on his taking leave. The House accordingly went into a Committee of the Whole on the subject, and the resolution having been read,

Mr. Bayard moved that the committee concur.

Mr. McDowell said, this was a new subject, and, as it struck him, of importance. Notwithstanding he felt as much disposed as any member of the committee to do every thing respectful to our late Minister to London and Madrid, yet, when he looked upon the constitution, and reflected upon the intention of the clause which forbids the receiving of presents by our Ministers, and the consequences which must flow from a precedent of this kind, he could not easily bring himself to consent to it, unless some gentleman could show the propriety or necessity of it in a stronger light than he at present saw it. If we allow our Ministers to receive presents from foreign courts, on their taking leave, we must also calculate upon giving presents to all the foreign Ministers who come here, and these we have every reason to expect, will be constantly increasing. Besides, he objected to the principle of these presents. What are they given for? He supposed it was to gain their friendly offices and good wishes towards the country who gave them. He thought this improper; and he believed it would be well now to put a stop to the business, as a fairer opportunity could never occur of trying the principle, for if it ever could be allowed, in consideration of public services, it could not be better deserved than in the present case; but believing the principle to be a bad one, he should, therefore, be opposed to it.

Mr. Bayard said, every constitutional objection must vanish on a single view of the article, because it allows that presents may be received, if the consent of Congress is obtained; and, so far from the constitution insinuating that it would be bad policy to allow these presents to be received, it proves that they might be received if inconvenience in receiving them could be avoided. He supposed the constitutional provision was meant to oblige Ministers to make known to the world whatever presents they might receive from foreign courts, and to place themselves in such a situation as to make it impossible for them to be unduly influenced by any such presents. Indeed, he supposed those presents would produce a directly contrary effect, for when a Minister was known to have received a present of this kind, he would naturally be particularly careful of all his actions, lest he should be supposed to be improperly biased. If presents were allowed to be received without number, and privately, they might produce an improper effect, by seducing men from an honest attachment for their country, in favor of that which was loading them with favors; but any evil of this kind was securely avoided by the notoriety of the act.

What, said Mr. B., is this present? It is a gold snuff-box, a gold chain, a picture, or some trifling thing which could have no possible operation upon any man. It was necessary, he believed, to attend to these little civilities and ceremonies, as the want of attention to them often produced hostility between nations. He had some doubt from the constitution, whether it was necessary in this case, to have applied to Congress at all for leave to have received these presents, as the office of this gentleman had expired before they were offered. Under the old articles of Confederation, a like provision was in being, only that the receipt of presents by our Ministers was positively forbidden, without any exception about leave of Congress; but their being allowed to be received under the present Government, by consent of Congress, shows that they might be received in certain cases. He had, indeed, been informed that, notwithstanding the prohibition under the former constitution, presents were frequently received by Ministers; for, though persons holding offices were forbidden to receive presents, the moment their office ceased, and they became private individuals, they were no longer prohibited from receiving any presents which might be offered to them. Under these circumstances he thought the resolution ought to be agreed to.

Mr. W. C. C. Claiborne hoped the present resolution would not be adopted. When this subject was first brought into view, he felt inclined to favor the request. This first impression arose from his great personal respect for the applicant, and the desire he felt to gratify his wishes. But, upon a little reflection, it appeared to him that policy dictated the propriety of rejecting the present resolution. So far as relates to the constitutionality of receiving the presents in question, he thought no member would join in opinion with the member from Delaware last up. By recurring to the letter of the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Pinckney) it would appear that these presents were offered to him when he was about to take leave of the courts to which he was Minister. He was, of course, at that time, the Minister of the United States, and came within the constitutional prohibition.

The prohibition in the constitution appeared to him to be bottomed on sound policy, and of great importance to the security, the happiness, and freedom of the nation. [Mr. C. read the clause.] The object of this clause appeared to him very different from what had been stated to be its object by the gentleman from Delaware. He believed it was intended to lock up every door to foreign influence, to the influence of courts and monarchies, which could not but prove baneful to every free country. He had been told that it was the custom of Europe, when a favorite Minister was about to take his departure, not only to present him with presents, but also to confer a title upon him; and if the leave now asked was granted, a precedent would be established which he apprehended would, at a future day, bring the question before Congress, whether leave should be given for a citizen of this country to receive a title from a foreign monarch, and thus all the folly and vices of European courts will be brought up for discussion before the Congress of the United States; and he had no doubt characters might be found who would desire such a distinction, and others who would advocate the granting of it. On the contrary, he was persuaded that, if the vote of this House negatived the present resolution, no future application would be made on this subject. The reason, in his opinion, which induced the insertion of a clause in the constitution that presents might be received when leave of Congress was obtained, was this: That in the course of events, a case might exist, in which it might be proper for a citizen of the United States to receive a present from a foreign Government. Many, perhaps, might be named; he thought of one: Suppose an officer of our navy were to render essential service to the vessel of a foreign power in distress on the high seas, it might be proper, in such a case, for Congress to permit the officer to receive any suitable present as a reward for his service and benevolent exertions in the clause of the unfortunate. But, he believed, in all ordinary cases, every present ought to be rejected.

Mr. Otis saw no ground for the apprehensions which the gentleman from Tennessee had manifested, as to the effects to be produced by concurring in the resolution now before them. When every present to be received must be laid before Congress, no fear need be apprehended from the effects of any such presents. For, it must be presumed, that the gentleman who makes the application has done his duty, as he, at the moment he makes the application, comes before his country to be judged. In the present case, he supposed no idea could be entertained that our Minister had not done his duty, or that he had been bribed by a foreign power, as a reason for not granting the request. But it was strange that gentlemen should assert that, if presents were allowed to be received, Congress might next be asked to consent to the introduction of titles; for the constitution expressly says, presents may be received, but, with respect to titles, it says, "no title of nobility shall be granted."

Mr. O. said it was altogether a matter of discretion in the gentleman from South Carolina, whether or not he had asked consent to receive the presents in question; for he is at present no officer of the United States, and he might receive them as a private citizen. He believed he had a perfect right to do so, though it might not consist with the delicacy of his character. Mr. O. said he had it from the best authority, that, even under the old Confederation, though presents were unconditionally prohibited, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jefferson, and Mr. Laurens, received the customary presents on their departure from the foreign Courts at which they were employed. They, to be sure, communicated the fact to Congress after they had received them. And they received them for a good reason, because they could not refuse them without giving umbrage to the Courts which presented them. He, therefore, thought it very improper for gentlemen to suggest difficulties of the kind which had been brought forward, as if the gentleman making the application was personally concerned—it could not be considered as any object to him. The question was merely whether we would conform or not to the customs and usages of other nations, with the presents in question; in which there certainly could be nothing either dangerous or alarming.

Mr. Macon had no doubt Congress had a right to grant leave to receive the presents in question, and believed the determination in this case would fix the usage in future. He believed an application could never be made to the House, in which there could be less objection to the applicant, than in the present case. He was convinced that the gentleman from Massachusetts need not to have said that this was no object to the gentleman from South Carolina. He was sure no one thought so. He believed it was improper to bring any personal considerations into the question. He was sure there had not been a more popular act done for this country for a long time than the treaty which that gentleman had concluded with Spain. But the committee were told that this resolution ought to be adopted, because it was a European custom. If, said he, we adopt this custom, we must adopt another—that of paying foreign Ministers who come here. And he owned he should not be willing to see any of them carry off the money of his constituents, because he did not think the conduct of any of them was deserving of such a fee.