Mr. Venable observed, on a paragraph wherein it speaks of the "tranquillity of the interior frontier," he did not know what was the meaning of the expression: he moved to insert "Western frontier" in its stead.

Mr. Ames observed that the words of the report are in the President's Speech; however, he thought the amendment a good one. It then passed.

In the fourth paragraph are these words: "Your endeavors to fulfil that wish cannot fail, therefore, to interest our attention." At the word "wish," Mr. Giles proposed to insert these words: "and by all honorable means to preserve peace, and restore that harmony and affection which have heretofore so happily subsisted between the French Republic and this country;" and strike out the words that follow "wish" in that paragraph. He said, his reasons for moving this amendment were to avoid its consequences. He really wished the report entirely recommitted, as there were many objectionable parts in it. He had been very seriously impressed with the consequences that would result from a war with the French Republic. When I reflect, said Mr. G., on the calamities of war in general, I shudder at the thought; but, to conceive of the danger of a French war in particular, it cuts me still closer. When I think what many gentlemen in mercantile situations now feel, and the dreadful stop put to commerce, I feel the most sincere desire to cultivate harmony and good understanding. I see redoubled motives to show the world that we are in favor of a preservation of peace and harmony.

Mr. W. Smith said, he should not object to the amendment; but he thought it only an amplification of a sentiment just before expressed. He did not see any advantage in the sentiment as dilated, nor could he see any injury which could accrue from it. He hoped every gentleman in the House wished as sincerely for the preservation of peace as that gentleman did.

Mr. Ames wished to know of the gentleman from Virginia, whether he meant to strike out the latter part of this paragraph; if he did, he would object to it.

Mr. Giles said, he did not mean to strike out any more of this paragraph.

Mr. Ames wished it not to be struck out. By the amendment to strike out, we show the dependence we place on the power and protection of the French. While we declare ourselves weak by the act, we lose the recourse to our own patriotism, and fly, acknowledging an offence never committed, to the French for peace. He hoped the gentleman would be candid upon this occasion.

Mr. Giles said, he only wished this House to express their most sincere and unequivocal desire in favor of peace, and not merely to leave it to the President. He said, he had spoken upon this occasion as he always had done on this floor. He always had, and he hoped always should state his opinions upon every subject with plainness and candor.

The amendment passed unanimously.

Mr. Giles then proposed an amendment to the latter part of the same paragraph which would make it read thus: "We cherish the pleasing hope that a spirit of mutual justice and moderation will ensure the success of your perseverance." The amendment was to insert the word "mutual." He thought we ought to display a spirit of justice and moderation as well as the French. This amendment, he thought, would soften the expression, and, acting with that spirit of justice and moderation, accomplish a reconciliation. The amendment was adopted.

On the Chairman's reading the last paragraph except one in the report, which reads thus: "The spectacle of a whole nation, the freest and most enlightened in the world," Mr. Parker moved to strike out the words in italic. Although, said he, I wish to believe that we are the freest people, and the most enlightened people in the world, it is enough that we think ourselves so; it is not becoming in us to make the declaration to the world; and if we are not so, it is still worse for us to suppose ourselves what we are not.

Mr. Harper said he had a motion of amendment in his hand which would supersede the necessity of the last made, which, if in order, he would propose: it was to insert words more simple. He thought the more simple, the more agreeable to the public ear. His amendment, he thought, would add to the elegance and conciseness of the expression. He did not disapprove of the Address as it now stood, but he thought it might be amended. This, he said, would add to the dignity, as well as to the simplicity of the expression. He thought it would be improper to give too much scope to feeling: amplitude of expression frequently weakens an idea.

Mr. Giles said he saw many objectionable parts in the amendments proposed by the gentleman just sat down. He wished to strike out two paragraphs more than Mr. Harper had proposed; indeed, he wished the whole to be recommitted, that it might be formed more congenial to the wishes of the House in general, and not less agreeable to the person to be addressed.

Mr. Smith observed, that as the answer had been read by paragraphs nearly to the close, he thought it very much out of order to return to parts so distant.

The Chairman said that no paragraph on which an amendment had been made could be returned to; but where no amendment had been made, it was quite consistent with order to propose any one gentlemen may think proper.

Mr. W. Smith opposed striking out any paragraph. It was, he said, the last occasion we should have to address that great man, who had done so much service to his country. The warmth of expression in the answer was only an evidence of the gratitude of this House for his character. When we reflect on the glowing language used at the time when he accepted of the office of President, and at his re-election to that office, why, asked he, ought not the language of this House to be as full of respect and gratitude now as then? particularly when we consider the addresses now flowing in from all parts of the country. I object to the manner of gentlemen's amendments as proposed, to strike out all in a mass. If the sentiments were agreeable to the minds of the House, why waste our time to alter mere expressions while the sentiment is preserved? No doubt every gentleman's manner of expression differed, while their general ideas might be the same. He hoped mere form of expression would not cause its recommitment.

Mr. Giles did not object to a respectful and complimentary Address being sent to the President, yet he thought we ought not to carry our expressions out of the bounds of moderation; he hoped we should adhere to truth. He objected to some of the expressions in those paragraphs, for which reason he moved to have the paragraphs struck out, in order to be amended by the committee. He wished to act as respectful to the President as any gentleman, but he observed many parts of the Address which were objectionable. It is unnatural and unbecoming in us to exult in our superior happiness, light, or wisdom. It is not at all necessary that we should exult in our advantages, and thus reflect on the unhappy situation of nations in their troubles; it is insulting to them. If we are thus happy it is well for us; it is necessary that we should enjoy our happiness, but not boast of it to all the world, and insult their unhappy situation.

As to those parts of the Address which speak of the wisdom and firmness of the President, he must object to them. On reflection, he could see a want of wisdom and firmness in the Administration for the last six years. I may be singular in my ideas, said he, but I believe our Administration has been neither wise nor firm. I believe, sir, a want of wisdom and firmness has brought this country into the present alarming situation. If after such a view of the Administration, I was to come into this House and show the contrary by a quiet acquiescence, gentlemen would think me a very inconsistent character. If we take a view of our foreign relations, we shall see no reason to exult in the wisdom or firmness of our Administration. He thought nothing so much as a want of that wisdom and firmness had brought us to the critical situation in which we now stand.

If it had been the will of gentlemen to have been satisfied with placing the President in the highest possible point of respect amongst men, the vote of the House would have been unanimous, but the proposal of such adulation could never expect success. If we take a view into our internal situation, and behold the ruined state of public and private credit, less now than perhaps at any former period however, he never could recollect it so deranged. If we survey this city, what a shameful scene it alone exhibits, owing, as he supposed, to the immense quantity of paper issued. Surely this could afford no ground for admiration of the Administration that caused it.

I must acknowledge, said Mr. Giles, that I am one of those who do not think so much of the President as some others do. When the President retires from his present station, I wish him to enjoy all possible happiness. I wish him to retire, and that this was the moment of his retirement. He thought the Government of the United States could go on very well without him; and he thought he would enjoy more happiness in his retirement than he possibly could in his present situation. What calamities would attend the United States, and how short the duration of its Independence, if one man alone can be found to fill that capacity! He thought there were thousands of citizens in the United States able to fill that high office, and he doubted not that many may be found whose talents would enable them to fill it with credit and advantage. Although much had been said, and that by many people, about his intended retirement, yet he must acknowledge he felt no uncomfortable sensations about it; he must express his own feelings, he was perfectly easy in prospect of the event. He wished the President as much happiness as any man. He declared he did not regret his retreat; he wished him quietly at his seat at Mount Vernon; he thought he would enjoy more happiness there than in public life. It will be very extraordinary if gentlemen, whose names in the yeas and nays are found in opposition to certain prominent measures of the Administration, should come forward and approve those measures: this we could not expect. He retained an opinion he had always seen reason to support, and no influence under Heaven should prevent him expressing his established sentiments; and he thought the same opinions would soon meet general concurrence. He hoped gentlemen would compliment the President privately, as individuals; at the same time, he hoped such adulation would never pervade that House.

I must make some observation, said Mr. G., on the last paragraph but one, where we call ourselves "the freest and most enlightened nation in the world:" indeed, the whole of that paragraph is objectionable; I disapprove the whole of it. If I am free, if I am happy, if I am enlightened more than others, I wish not to proclaim it on the house top; if we are free, it is not prudent to declare it; if enlightened, it is not our duty in this House to trumpet it to the world; it is no Legislative concern. If gentlemen will examine the paragraph, [referring to that contained in the parenthesis,] it seems to prove that the gentleman who drew it up was going into the field of adulation; which would tarnish a private character. I do think this kind of affection the President gains nothing from. The many long Addresses we hear of, add nothing to the lustre of his character. In the honor we may attempt to give to others we may hurt ourselves. This may prove a self-destroyer; by relying too much on administration, we may rely too little on our own strength.

Mr. Sitgreaves said, that whatever division of the question gentlemen would propose, was indifferent to him; the words of the answer were perfectly congenial with his wishes, and he was prepared to give his opposition to any of the amendments proposed. On mature deliberation, there was not a sentiment in the report but he highly approved. He could not see any thing unnatural or unbecoming in drawing just comparisons of our situation with that of our neighbors; this is the only way we can form a just view of our own happiness. It is a very necessary way to come to a right knowledge of our own situation by comparing it with that of other nations. He would not reproach another people because they are not so happy as we are; but he thought drawing simple comparisons in the way of the report was no reproach. He was not against bringing the comparison down to private life, as the gentleman from Virginia had done; he should think it wrong in a man to exult over his neighbor who was distressed or ignorant, because himself was wealthy or wise. Yet he saw no impropriety in his own family of speaking of their happiness and advantages, compared with that of others; it would awaken in them a grateful sense of their superior enjoyments, while it pointed out the faults and follies of others, only in order that those he had the care of may learn to avoid them: thus while our happiness is pointed out, the miseries of nations involved in distress are delineated to serve as beacons for the United States to steer clear of. He did not, with the gentleman from Virginia, in any degree, doubt of the wisdom or firmness of the Administration of America. In the language of the Address, he entertained a very high opinion of it, "a grateful conviction that the wise, firm, and patriotic Administration of the President had been signally conducive to the success of the present form of Government." Such language as this is the only reward which can be given by a grateful people for labors so eminently useful as those of the President had been. This was not his sentiment merely, it was the sentiment of the people of America. Every public body were conveying their sentiments of gratitude throughout the whole extent of the Union. Why then should this House affect a singularity, when our silence on these points would only convey reproach instead of respect. If these sentiments were true, why not express them? But if, on the contrary, what the gentleman asserted, that the Administration of the President had been neither wise, firm, nor patriotic, then he would concur with the motion for striking out; but he was not convinced of the truth of this assertion; and while this is not proved, he should vote against the motion.

Mr. Sitgreaves said, he could not agree with the motion of the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Harper,) because his motion was for substituting other words in the place of those in the report, without any reason whatever. If the gentleman, by altering the phraseology, can make the sentiment any better, by all means let it be done: but if the sentiment is not to be changed, why alter it merely to substitute other words? On the whole, Mr. S. observed, that he did not see the answer could in any degree be reproached. There are no sentiments in it but what are justifiable on the ground of truth; they are free from adulation. It is such an expression of national regret and gratitude as the circumstance calls for; a regret at the retirement of a faithful and patriotic Chief Magistrate from office. A regret and gratitude which he believed to be the sentiment of Americans.

Mr. Swanwick began by observing that there were points in the Address in which all gentlemen seemed to agree, while on other parts they cannot agree. We all agree in our desire to pay the President every possible mark of respect; but we very materially disagree wherein a comparison is drawn between this and foreign nations. If we are happy and other nations are not so, it is but well for us; but he thought it would be much more prudent in us to let other nations discover it, and not make a boast of it ourselves. It is very likely that those nations whom we commiserate may think themselves as happy as we are: they may feel offended to hear of our comparisons. If we refer to the British Chancellor of the Exchequer in his speeches, he would tell us that is the happiest and most prosperous nation upon earth. How then can we commiserate with it as an unfortunate country? If, again, we look to France, that country which we have pointed out as full of wretchedness and distress, yet we hear them boast of their superiority of light and freedom, and we have reason to believe not without foundation. A gentleman had talked about the flourishing state of our agriculture, and asserted that our late commercial calamities were not proofs of our want of prosperity, which the gentleman compared to specks in the sun. That gentleman speaks as though he lived at a distance. Has he heard of no commercial distresses, when violations so unprecedented have of late occurred? One merchant has to look for his property at Halifax, another at Bermuda, another at Cape Françoise, another at Gonaives, &c.; all agree that they have suffered, and that by the war. These are distresses gentlemen would not like to feel themselves. Mr. S. said he had felt for these occurrences. We are not exempt from troubles: probably we may have suffered as much as other nations who are involved in the war. It is a question whether France has been distressed at all by the war. She has collected gold and silver in immense quantities by her conquests, together with the most valuable stores of the productions of the arts; as statues, paintings, and manuscripts of inestimable worth; and at sea has taken far more in value than she has lost: besides, her armies are subsisting on the requisitions her victories obtain. And has England gained nothing by the war? If we hearken to Mr. Pitt, we may believe they are very great gainers. Surely the islands in the West and East Indies, Ceylon, and the Cape of Good Hope, the key to the East Indies, are advantages gained; besides the quantity of shipping taken from our merchants. Mr. S. thought if we were to compare, we should find those nations had gained by the war, while we had lost; and of course there was no reason for us to boast of our advantages.

Mr. W. Smith next rose, and observed that gentlemen wished to compliment the President, but took away every point on which encomium could be grounded. One denies the prosperity of the country, another the free and enlightened state of the country, and another refuses the President the epithet of wise and patriotic.

Mr. Giles here rose to explain. If he was meant, he must think the gentleman was wrong in his application. He said he had never harbored a suspicion of the good intentions of the President, nor did he deny his patriotism; but the wisdom and firmness of his Administration he had doubted. He thought him a good meaning man, but often misled.

Mr. Smith again rose, and said, he must confess himself at a loss for that refinement to discover between the wisdom and patriotism of the President, and that of his Administration. It was moved to strike out this acknowledgment of wisdom and firmness. What were we to substitute as complimentary to him in its place? The first paragraph proposed to be struck out related to our speaking of the tranquillity of this country, compared to nations involved in war. Could this give offence, because we feel pleasure in being at peace? It was only congratulating our own constituents on the happiness we enjoy. To appreciate the value of peace, it was necessary to compare it with a state of war. It was the wisdom of this country to keep from war, and other nations hold it up as exemplary in us. The gentleman himself has declared his wish for the preservation of peace; and though he admires it, and nations admire it in us, yet we are not to compare our state with nations involved in the calamities of war, in order to estimate our enjoyments. The words of this Address are not a communication to a foreign minister, it is a congratulation to our own Chief Magistrate of the blessings he, in common with us, enjoys. Mr. S. hoped the words would not be struck out.

Mr. Dayton (the Speaker), said, that he did not rise to accept the challenge given by the gentleman who spoke last from South Carolina, and to point out a nation more free and enlightened than ours; nor did he mean to contest the fact of ours being the freest and most enlightened in the world, as declared in the reported Address, but he was nevertheless of opinion that it did not become them to make that declaration, and thus to extol themselves by a comparison with, and at the expense of all others. Although those words were in his view objectionable, he was far from assenting to the motion for striking out the seven or eight last clauses of the Address. The question of order having been decided, Mr. D. said he would remind the committee, that if they wished to retain, or even to amend, any section or sentence of all that was proposed to be struck out, they ought to give their negatives to this motion, as the only means of accomplishing their purpose. It was sufficient, therefore, for those who were opposed to the question for striking out the whole, to show that any part included within it ought to be preserved. Not unnecessarily to waste time, by lengthening the debate, he would take the clause first in order, and confine his remarks to that alone. This part of the Address had certainly not been read, or had been misunderstood and misrepresented by the member from Pennsylvania.

Mr. Ames said, if gentlemen meant to agree to strike out the whole as proposed, in order to adopt those words substituted by the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Harper), he must observe that he thought this would be as far from giving satisfaction to others, who, it appeared, wanted no substitute. He, therefore, hoped that kind of influence would not prevail on this occasion. The gentleman who made the motion did it to accommodate matters, and not because he himself objected to the answer reported.

It is well known that a committee of five members, opposite in sentiment, was appointed to prepare a respectful Address in answer to the President's Speech. [Here the original instructions were read.] As it was the duty of the committee to prepare a respectful Address, it cannot be matter of surprise, although it may of disapprobation with some, that the committee did their duty, and have taken notice of the several matters recommended to the House in that Speech. Respecting the particular notice they have taken, it might have been thought that some difficulty would occur. He said he need not observe, that the committee had reason to imagine that the form of the report would be agreeable to the House, as they were unanimous; although there had been in the wording some little difference of opinion, yet all agreed substantially in the Address, from a conviction of the delicacy of the subject. For that reason, if that only, unless the sentiments in the report of the Address should be found inconsistent with truth, he hoped no substitute of a form of words merely would prevail, as it would no longer be that agreed to in the committee, nor could come under their consideration equal to the printed report. He therefore trusted that when the committee came to the question, whether to strike out or not, gentlemen would be guided by no other motive to vote for striking out, than an impropriety in the sentiments through an evident want of truth in them; and if such cannot be discovered, why strike out the expressions?

It had been observed by some gentleman, that the cry of foreign influence is in the country. He did not see such a thing exist. He would not be rudely explicit as to the foundation there was for such a cry; but when it was once raised, the people would judge whether it was fact or not. He could not tell how this influence was produced, but the world would draw a view how far we were under foreign influence. Mr. A. here alluded to the influence which foreign agents wished to have over the minds of the people of this country, in order to support a factious spirit, probably to the appeal lately made to the people. He also alluded to a circumstance when the Imperial Envoy, M. Palm, in 1727, at London, published a rescript, complaining of the conduct of that Court; the spirit of the nation rose, and discord was sown. In consequence of which the Parliament petitioned the King to send the Envoy out of the country for meddling with the concerns of their nation. That is the nation which we call corrupted. Yet a similar affair has occurred here, and it is not to be reprobated; we are not to complain of it, nor even hear it, according to this doctrine. Independence is afraid of injuries, and almost of insults. We must forbear to exult in our peace, our light, our freedom, lest we should give offence to other nations who are not so. This may be the high tone of independence in the views of some people, but I must confess it is not so in mine; but it is probable those people may be wiser than I am, and their views extend farther. Foreign influence exists, and is disgraceful indeed, when we dare admire our own constitution, nor adore God for giving us to feel its happy effects. He thought, respecting the recent complaints of the French Minister, that there was not even a pretext for the accusation.

It had been observed by a gentleman, that the President, no doubt, is a very honest man, and a patriot, but he did not think him a wise man.

Mr. Giles here rose to explain. He said that, in his assertions, he meant not to reflect on his private character. He referred to his Administration. No doubt but the gentleman possessed both.

Mr. Ames said, he considered well what the gentleman had said. As a private man, his integrity and goodness cannot be doubted; but in his Administration—here we are to stop short; not a word about that; it won't bear looking into; it has been neither firm nor wise. If the House, in their Address to him, were to say, we think you a very honest, well-designing man, but you have been led astray, sometimes to act treacherously, and even dishonest in your Administration—we think you a peaceful man, and though much iniquity may have been practised in your Government, yet we think you are not in fault; on the whole, sir, we wish you snugly in Virginia. Such sentiments as these I do not like. Is this an Address or an insult? Is this the mark of respect we ought to show to the first man in the nation? Mr. A. observed, that he did not agree with the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Smith), who said, that the President would carry daggers in his heart with him into his retreat from public life, if we refuse him our testimony of gratitude. No, he bears in his breast a testimony of his purity of motive; a conscious rectitude, while in public life, which daggers could not pierce. He would retire with a good conscience; perhaps it would be said this was adulation, but let it be remembered this was truth; this was not flattery; let gentlemen deny this; let them prove that this is not the will of their constituents. The country would judge our opinions when we come to give our yeas or nays; then the real friends of that man would be known.

The gentleman wishes him back to Virginia, was glad he designed to go; he did not regret his resignation. His name will appear in that opinion. The whole of the President's life would stamp his character. His country, and the admiring world knew it; and history keeps his fame, and will continue to keep it. We may be singular in our opinions of him, but that will not make his character with the world the less illustrious. We now are to accept of his resignation without a tribute of respect. We are not to speak of him as either wise or firm. We can only say he is an honest man: this would scarcely be singular; many a man is honest without any other good qualifications. What circle would gentlemen fix the committee in to amend this Address, if they are not to give scope to these sentiments? Better appoint no committee at all. If we address the President at all, I hope it will be respectfully, for loth respect is insult in disguise. I hope we shall not alter the original draft of the Address, but agree according to our former intentions to present a respectful and cordial Address.

Mr. Swanwick rose to explain to those parts of the observations of some gentlemen who had lately spoken (Mr. Dayton and Mr. Ames) on that part of the paragraph, which speaks of our gratitude to Providence. He should be sorry if such an idea was entertained from any thing he had observed. It was not that part of the paragraph, but the part where we are contrasted with other nations, that he objected to principally. Although, he must observe, it was not spoken in a style common to devotion, to tell Providence how wise and enlightened we were. It does not boast of our philanthropy, to say how much wiser and better we are than other nations. He thought the gentleman's reference to a clergyman very curious. It would not be right in us to say to God, we thank thee, we are wiser or more enlightened than others! If we are so, let us rejoice in it, and not offend others by our boasting. Gentlemen say, we are happier than though we were at war; are we at peace? No: we are involved in the worst of wars. Witness our spoliations from Algerine, English, and French cruisers, from some of which he himself had suffered materially. The President does not think we are at peace: he recommends a navy as the only efficient security to our commerce. How could that little island (England) command such influence in foreign dominions? It is by her navy. We cannot boast of such power. While we think ourselves much happier and stronger than others, others think us more diminutive; let us not boast. He feared that the revenues of this country would suffer materially through the great stagnation of commerce. He did not think they would be as productive as formerly. He feared it was too generally known, that this was not a time of very great prosperity. As he did not, for one, feel the prosperous situation of the country, he could not consent to violate his feelings by speaking contrary to them. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Ames) last session, spoke with great eloquence and at great length of the horror of war; which he considered as inevitable if the British Treaty (then the subject of debate) was not carried into effect.

Mr. Christie moved for the committee to rise. The House divided on the motion; 43 members appeared against it, 31 only in favor of it. It was lost.

Mr. Giles rose and observed that he should not have troubled the committee with any further observations, but his ideas had been misrepresented; although he endeavored to prevent a possibility of misconstruction, yet it seems he had not been able to accomplish his wish. It was not wonderful, he said, that the President's popularity should be introduced into the debate when it had been so long in question. It had been too commonly done, he thought, but he hoped the influence of it would not be very great. As to the unanimity of the committee who drew up the Address, he cared very little about it; he should be extremely sorry to see it have any influence on the members of that House.

Gentlemen have said, that if we take out the expressions of our sense of the wisdom and firmness of the Administration of the President, they cannot find any ground on which to compliment him; if so, he for one would not be willing to present an Address at all. But his views were quite different; he thought it could be effectually done without adulation. He could not consent to acknowledge the wisdom and firmness of his Administration. Gentlemen had inquired for instances in evidence of this assertion. He said, that without seeking for more instances, that of the British Treaty was a standing proof in support of the assertion. Though many gentlemen believe nothing has been done injurious to the United States through that treaty, yet I acknowledge I see very great danger; we are not now in that state of security which could be wished. It is well known that the operation of the British Treaty is the groundwork of all the recent complaints of the French Government. It may be said that many of the complaints of the French Minister originated from actions previous to the British Treaty. It may be so, but that was the means of calling forth complaints which, perhaps, would otherwise never have been made; else why did not this calamity befall us before? It certainly may be ascribed to that instrument. Gentlemen may talk as they please about the law of nations; but the law of nations is, that a neutral nation shall not do any thing to benefit one belligerent power to the injury of another. Mr. G. said, he thought matters carried a serious aspect, and he very much disapproved of the declaration of a gentleman (Mr. Ames) who says, now is the time of danger; we are on the eve of a war with France, now let us boldly assert our rights. At the time the British Treaty was debating on, that gentleman was overcome with the prospect of a war; he then depicted it in horrible forms; but now how different his language! He now seems not afraid to embrace all its horrors, and was zealously calling out for the nation to support the Administration. Why did we not hear this when the British spoliated on our commerce! If we are upon the eve of a war with France, as the gentleman supposes, it will be disastrous to this country; we have reason to deplore it; it will be calamitous indeed. France has more power to injure this country than any nation besides, and none we can injure less. What an influence can she command over our commerce? She can exclude us from our own ports; spoil our trade with Great Britain, and from her own extensive country; she can shut us out from the East Indies, as well as the West Indies; ruin our trade in the Mediterranean, which, owing to the late conquests of the French, may be rendered very flourishing and important to us; and by her alliance, offensive and defensive, with Spain, we not only have another enemy, but lose our late advantages in the navigation of the Mississippi. Suppose, by the influence of her politics, the doctrine of liberty and equality were to be preached on the other side of the Alleghany mountains, what numerous enemies may they breed in our own country? France can wound us most, and we have the least reason to provoke her. It would be policy in her to go to war with us; by ruining our trade with England, she could give a violent wound to her enemy; yet that gentleman says, now is the time to assert our rights, now we are in danger. The war-whoop and the hatchet, of which the gentleman spoke so feelingly last session, is no longer in his thoughts. If this was the only reason he had, it would be enough to influence his vote against an acknowledgment of the wisdom and firmness that has dictated our Administration.

Mr. Williams rose and said, he was sorry to trouble the committee at such a late hour, but he could not be satisfied with giving a silent vote on an occasion when the President's popularity was doubted. He thought members ought to speak the will of the people they represent. He could assert that it was not merely his own opinion he spoke, but that of his constituents, when he voted for the Address as reported. He was sorry to hear the gentleman last up speak in the style he had done, although he owned it was not altogether new to him. The gentleman wished the first clause to be struck out. Mr. W. thought it was the duty of every pious man to thank God for the benefits he enjoys. And shall not we, as a nation, thank him for keeping us from a state of war? Gentlemen's ideas were to strike the whole out in a mass; but he hoped they would not be gratified. Mr. W. said, he was very sorry to hear the gentleman speak against the wisdom and firmness of the President, which assertion seemed to have its foundation in the Treaty concluded with Great Britain. He would ask the gentleman whether that act of ours should have any influence on our situation with France? Wherein have we differed from the compact made with France by our treaty made with that country? We surely had a right to treat with Great Britain, else we could not be an independent nation; and France will not deny this. In 1778, the Ambassador of France informed the British Court that his nation had entered into a treaty with the United States, and at the same time informed them that great attention had been paid by the contracting parties not to stipulate any exclusive advantage in favor of the French nation, and that there was reserved, on the part of the United States, the liberty of treating with any nation whatsoever upon the same footing of equality and reciprocity. But the gentleman (Mr. Giles) says, we ought not to give an advantage to an enemy. Mr. W. said, that no advantage was given to Britain, but, on the contrary, the article complained of must be of advantage to France; it is an encouragement for American vessels to go to their ports; it insures them against loss, if they are interrupted in their voyage. It had been said that it would be to the interest of France to go to war with us; if they consider it so, all that gentleman can say will not prevent it. When we reflect on a Treaty entered into on this principle with Great Britain, should France complain?

Thursday, December 15.

Address to the President.

The House, according to the order of the day, resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the answer to the President's Address, Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair.

The question before the committee was Mr. Giles' motion for striking out.

Mr. Nicholas said, he sincerely wished that such an answer might be agreed to, as would give a general satisfaction. He hoped some mode would be adopted to unite the wishes of every gentleman; his disposition, he said, led him to vote for the paragraph; he thought himself at liberty so to do, as he was satisfied the Administration had been, in many instances, wise and firm. He thought it improper that such debate should take place at the present time. He could see no inconvenience that could arise from voting for the Address. The words on which most stress had been laid, were those expressive of the wisdom and firmness of the President's administration. He declared he thought it had much contributed to the success of this country; and if success had attended his measures, there could be nothing inconsistent in their acknowledging it; which was all the compliment necessary to give satisfaction.

Mr. Rutherford.—My colleague has in a great measure anticipated my sentiments on this occasion. I am sorry for the mistaken zeal the gentlemen of the committee should have shown for the President, by introducing expressions into the Address so exceptionable, and which should be subject to such an uncomfortable exposure of that character.

I was able yesterday only to attend a part of the debate, through indisposition, but what I did stay to hear, hurt me very much. I heard gentlemen speak ill of the common parent of our country, whom we all revere; and was a slip, but one criminal slip, to rob the President of his good name? We have seen the goodness of the heart of that man, and with satisfaction. We have seen him wrestling with his own feelings to continue in the important and weighty business of Government; we have seen him contending with two great rival nations, and yet preserved peace. When he had made a slip, the people of America have stepped forward to assist him, and dropped the generous tear, sensible that to err is human, and that we are all liable to do wrong. I am sure that my colleagues and every one in the House hold the character and virtue of that man in high esteem. I am sorry to see that division of sentiment which has taken place; it would make the world believe that we wish to rob him of those qualifications. It is the justice and duty of this House to do that man, that patriot, all the honor they can, whilst it is the interest of this nation to hold in view those great points with generous satisfaction, and good wishes to the man who has stepped forward, and not in vain, to the support of our Republic in the war, and under Divine assistance was made our deliverer. And now for gentlemen to come here and speak of the troubles of the country, ascribing all our adversity to him, it is like applying cold water where the strongest energy is necessary. Again I would repeat, that if that man, our common parent, has committed errors, it is no more than we all may do—it is the general lot of all. If there have been faults in the Administration, I do not think they lie at his door, but at his counsellors'; he has had bad counsellors; his advisers are to blame, and not him. I never saw how he could have done otherwise than he did. And now, sir, said Mr. R., it is our duty to bear those great actions and generous sentiments in our view, that, on his retirement from his public station, we may render him all the respect due to his character. Nor would I less remember our situation with France, that great and generous Republic, under whom we owe our liberty. Let us not give offence to her, but by every mark of gratitude and respect, act a part consistent with a just sense of our peaceable intention. Let us act with the greatest circumspection and deliberation.

Mr. Livingston was sorry the answer was not drafted so as to avoid this debate. He said it was his sincere desire and hope that the candor of gentlemen who advocated the Address in its present form, and those who wished it amended, would so combine as to make it agreeable to all. He said he intended to oppose the amendments which had been proposed, although he did not see the Address every way right; with a view to reconcile parties, when the present motion was disposed of, he should move to strike out some words, in order to insert others. He could not, like some gentlemen, draw consolation from the misfortunes of other nations; their distresses were rather matter of regret; nor did he see a propriety, as another gentleman had done, of likening our affairs with those of the members of a family; but, even if it would bear, he could not see that tranquillity in this family as was expressed. His only objection, he said, to the paragraph in question, was the words "tranquil prosperity." He believed the United States did not enjoy that tranquil prosperity; on the contrary, he thought this was a time of great calamity in the country, and he thought that it was owing, principally, to the measures of the Government. There were other clauses in the Address, he said, he should, when they came to be considered, make objections to, and he thought they could be all easily removed by motions suitable; however, he said there were many sentiments in the Address in which he heartily concurred. He should vote against the striking out the eight clauses in question, as he thought such amendments could be proposed as would make the Address meet his hearty concurrence, and he believed give general satisfaction.

Mr. Giles' motion was then put, to strike out those clauses, and negatived.

Mr. Parker renewed the motion he made yesterday, to strike out the words "freest and most enlightened in the world."

Mr. Ames hoped that the motion to strike out would not prevail; for, without being over tenacious on the subject, he must give a preference to the copy of the report which was printed; the members had the advantage of weighing it in their minds, which they would lose by adopting the substitute; besides, he thought the ideas were so crowded in that proposed, as to render it heavy; he hoped the reported Address would be agreed to.

Mr. Harper's motion was then put and negatived. Twenty-five members only voting for the motion.

Mr. Parker again moved to strike out "freest and most enlightened," &c.

Mr. W. Smith said yesterday, in the discussion on the subject, gentlemen had assigned for their reason to strike out those words that other nations would be offended at us. It was usual, he said, for nations to applaud themselves, and he thought it could give no offence to any. He did not hear gentlemen mention what nation was meant. He presumed the only nation that could be alluded to was the French Republic. If, however, it can be proved that they have used similar language, he supposed it would give gentlemen some ease as to this particular. In looking over some papers, he had seen several bombastical expressions in a note of Barthelemy, a report to the Convention of Laviere, and of Cambaceres, in the name of the three committees. In one are these words, "a Government so powerful as the French." In another, he calls it "the most enlightened in the civilized world." In another, "the first in the universe." He hoped that while that nation could use expressions like these, the gentlemen of this House would not think the expressions referred to would give offence to that or any other nation.

Mr. Parker said, when he made the motion he did not refer to any particular nation; he had neither France nor England in view; he did not wish to see us contrast our political situation with that of any other country. His objections to the words, he said, arose from our making the declaration ourselves. Our Government, he acknowledged, was free; it was the best, in his opinion, any where. He wished to believe the people as enlightened as any other; he believed they were, and if they were not, they had only themselves to blame; but however enlightened or free we were, in his opinion, we were not the proper organs to declare it; however enlightened we might be, he thought the last four years Administration had convinced many, as well as himself, that the Administration was not the most enlightened; if they had, they would not have suffered such shameful spoliations on our commerce, and shameful acts of cruelty to our seamen. He said the two little monarchies of Denmark and Sweden, neither of which, in point of extent, can be compared with the United States, more (to use the comparison of the gentleman from Pennsylvania yesterday) than a speck is to the sun; nor are they either of them in population nearly equal to the United States; and although they are surrounded by the greatest warlike powers in a belligerent state, yet they have preserved their neutrality inviolate; their ships have not been wantonly seized, nor have their seamen been torn from their ships, or whipped at the gang-way of British ships-of-war, or been shot by their press-gangs. To mention the instances of British cruelty towards our seamen in every instance that could be adduced, would take up time unnecessarily; one alone, that recently happened, I shall relate:

The brother of a member of this House (Mr. Franklin, of N. C.) was impressed on board a British ship-of-war in the West Indies; he was unacquainted with seamanship, having only made a passage from North Carolina to the Islands; being awkward and not being a seaman, he was discharged. The same evening, a press-gang of the same ship fell in with him and made him a prisoner; in attempting to make his escape, he was shot at. The ball was aimed at his body; it was not winged with death, but the young man was wounded in the hand.

Mr. Ames said, if any man were to call himself more free and enlightened than his fellows, it would be considered as arrogant self-praise. His very declaration would prove that he wanted sense as well as modesty, but a nation might be called so, by a citizen of that nation, without impropriety; because, in doing so, he bestows no praise of superiority on himself; he may be in fact, and may be sensible that he is less enlightened than the wise of other nations. This sort of national eulogium may, no doubt, be fostered by vanity, and grounded in mistake; it is sometimes just, it is certainly common, and not always either ridiculous or offensive. It did not say that France or England had not been remarkable for enlightened men; their literati are more numerous and distinguished than our own. The character, with respect to this country, he said, was strictly true. Our countrymen, almost universally, possess some property and some pretensions of learning—two distinctions so remarkably in their favor, as to vindicate the expression objected to. But go through France, Germany, and most countries of Europe, and it will be found that, out of fifty millions of people, not more than two or three had any pretensions to knowledge, the rest being, comparatively with Americans, ignorant. In France, which contains twenty-five millions of people, only one was calculated to be in any respect enlightened, and, perhaps, under the old system, there was not a greater proportion possessed property; whilst in America, out of four millions of people, scarcely any part of them could be classed upon the same ground with the rabble of Europe. That class called vulgar, canaille, rabble, so numerous there, does not exist here as a class, though our towns have many individuals of it. Look at the lazzaroni of Naples; there are twenty thousand or more houseless people, wretched, and in want! He asked whether, where men wanted every thing, and were in proportion of 29 to 1, it was possible they could be trusted with power? Wanting wisdom and morals, how would they use it? It was, therefore, that the iron-hand of despotism was called in by the few who had any thing, to preserve any kind of control over the many. This evil, as it truly was, and which he did not propose to commend, rendered true liberty hopeless. In America, out of four millions of people, the proportion which cannot read and write, and who, having nothing, are interested in plunder and confusion, and disposed for both, is small. In the Southern States, he knew there were people well-informed; he disclaimed all design of invidious comparison; the members from the South would be more capable of doing justice to their constituents, but in the Eastern States he was more particularly conversant, and knew the people in them could generally read and write, and were well-informed as to public affairs. In such a country, liberty is likely to be permanent. They are enlightened enough to be free. It is possible to plant it in such a soil, and reasonable to hope that it will take root and flourish long, as we see it does. But can liberty, such as we understand and enjoy, exist in societies where the few only have property, and the many are both ignorant and licentious?

Mr. Christie wished to make an amendment to the paragraph, which he thought would answer the end equally as well as striking it out; if agreeable to the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Parker,) he would move to put the word "among" after the word "freest," which would read "the freest and among the most enlightened." He could not say we were the most enlightened, but he did think us the most free; not that he was afraid of offending any nation, but he thought this a more consistent declaration.

Mr. Swanwick said, nobody doubted but we were free and enlightened, but he thought their declaration was no evidence of the truth of it. He thought the last amendment very good, but it would be still better if the gentleman would put the word "among" a little further back, so as to read "among the freest and most enlightened." A pacific disposition could not be proved by any thing so well as treating others with respect as well as ourselves; we may not be exclusively free or enlightened. He hoped it would be thus altered.

Mr. Christie thought we were the freest people in the world; he, therefore, could not agree to the amendment last proposed.

Mr. Coit could not say with the gentleman last up, that we were the freest, but he was very willing to agree with the amendment of a gentleman, that we were among the freest and most enlightened; he thought the first amendment much improved by this; he said it removed great part of the difficulty from the minds of many gentlemen; however, he hoped no unnecessary time would be taken up with such trifles.

Mr. Dayton (the Speaker) said, that some of the observations which had been brought into the present debate, were of too delicate a nature to be commented upon or even repeated; he should not, therefore, follow the gentleman who spoke last, in his inquiry, how far this country was exposed to be annoyed by France in the possible, though happily not probable, event of a rupture with France?

As to the words "freest and most enlightened," which were more immediately the subject of discussion, he did not object against them on the ground of fact, but he considered the expression as resolving itself into a question of decorum and delicacy, the rules of which appeared to him to be violated, in their ascribing to themselves such a superlative preference, however true, in a comparison with every other people. The amendment of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Christie) very much softened the terms and rendered them more palatable.

Mr. Kitchell thought we had given a very good proof that we are not the most enlightened people in the world, by this discussion; and if we declare to the world that we are, that declaration will be a still more glaring proof. It appeared to him quite unnecessary; he thought it spending a great deal of time to no purpose; it was not important enough for that waste of time, when the session was to be so short; he therefore wished the question to be put.

Mr. Sitgreaves agreed that a very useless and improper latitude had been assumed in the discussion, and he thought that a few moments would not be misspent in recalling the attention of the committee to the real question before them. The assertion that we are the freest and most enlightened nation in the world was found fault with, and while some gentlemen moved to strike it out altogether, others proposed to qualify it in different ways. Mr. S. believed that, in any modification of the expression, the criticism was, in itself, extremely unimportant; and if, as some gentlemen had treated it, it was a mere question of decorum, he should feel perfectly indifferent whether it was rejected or retained. But when he heard one member deny that we are the most free, and another that we are enlightened; and most especially when he heard that the expression was contended to be improper in relation to the acts and the administration of the Government, he confessed it did appear to him to be of some consequence not to part with the expression, lest, by doing so, the House should give countenance to these objections. For his own part, he believed the proposition to be true; he conceived the word "enlightened," as applicable to political illumination; and not to our rank in arts, sciences, or literature; and he considered the sentence as equivalent to an assertion that we enjoy the most enlightened system of political freedom extant. In this view of it, he thought it literally true; and, if true, he could not discern the indecorum of declaring so on the present occasion. He was strongly impressed with the propriety of the idea which he had suggested yesterday, that this should be considered as an act of intercourse purely domestic, an expression of self-gratulation on our superior happiness, which, by the forms of society, ought not to be noticed by any other nation. We may be deemed, without too bold a figure, to be speaking in soliloquy; and to listen to what we say would be no better than eavesdropping: the indecorum would rest with those who overhear us, and not with ourselves. It could not be denied that such a belief of the superiority of our political situation ought to be cherished among us. If we did not believe it, we should take shame to ourselves, because our Government is the work of our own hands. If the belief that we are free and enlightened is valuable, the expression of it is also valuable, because it tends to preserve us so; it is a sentiment which we cannot dwell upon too much.

But, he contended, the propriety of this or any other expression could not be justly estimated by considering it in the abstract—it ought to be viewed in its application and use. We are about to lose the services of the President, who is admitted on all hands to have been a useful and patriotic officer. The House of Representatives are desirous that he should take with him to his honorable retirement the only reward which the nature and spirit of our political institutions admit of—the approbation of his country. It will surely be admitted that we ought to give to the expression of this approbation all the value of which it is susceptible; and it is obvious, from the slightest perusal of this paragraph in the Address, that the words in question give to it all its force and energy, and that without them, it would be an unmeaning compliment. The spectacle of a nation, neither free nor enlightened, offering to its first Magistrate the tribute of approbation and applause, would neither be "novel nor interesting," since the days of history are stained with numberless instances of prostituted praise and courtly adulation; but when it is the voluntary homage of a free and enlightened people, offered with sincerity to an illustrious fellow-citizen, it is truly a precious reward for patriotic labors. Those who object to this expression, therefore, ought to move to strike out the whole paragraph. To reject the words would totally defeat the intended compliment; to qualify them would spoil it. Mr. S., therefore, wished to retain them as they were reported.

Mr. Thatcher said, he did not think the object of the present question of much consequence, nor did he care much about it; however, he would wish to see the members more unanimous on the subject; he would, therefore, propose an amendment, which he thought would have some tendency towards it, which was to leave out the superlative, and let the passage read, "The spectacle of a free and enlightened nation."

Mr. Henderson commended the ingenuity of the last motion, as he thought it would more concentrate the ideas of the members. He would vote for it.

Mr. Christie's motion was then put, and negatived.

Mr. Thatcher's motion was put, and passed in the affirmative.

Mr. Livingston then moved to strike out the words from the next paragraph, "Wise, firm, and patriotic Administration," and insert in their place, "Your wisdom, firmness, and patriotism has been." He could not say that all the acts of the Administration had been wise and firm; but he would say, that he believed the wisdom, firmness, and patriotism of the President had been signally conducive to the success of the present form of government. He was willing to give him every mark of respect possible, but he believed some of his public acts of late rendered the present motion necessary.

Mr. W. Smith opposed the amendment, as he thought the gentleman who proposed it conceived the words to imply more than was meant by them—they are not meant to include every act of the Executive. He thought that the Administration in general had been wise, firm, and patriotic; that the wisdom and firmness of the President had been conducive to the success of the present form of government. Had not the words been put in the reported Address, he thought it would not have been of consequence whether they were ever inserted; but the difference is very great. Now they are inserted, they are made public, and, to erase them now, and substitute words in any manner deficient in sentiment to them, would be to carry censure and not respect. That the Administration of that valuable man had been wise and conducive to the good of this country, will not admit of a doubt; and for us to rob him of that honor which is his due, would be insult. And any thing short of the words in the Address he thought would not carry a proper mark of respect.

Mr. Giles observed, that he thought the Administration had been very deficient in wisdom. Many gentlemen, he said, were very particularly opposed to the British Treaty and to the great emission of transferable paper. Could it then be supposed these gentlemen could, in this instance, so change their opinion? The gentleman last up had said, that because the words were in the reported Address they ought not to be struck out. He thought that the House had now as much power to act as though the committee had made no report. He thought they ought not in any way to be influenced by the report of the select committee, but act as though they had to form the Address themselves. He believed that the President possessed both wisdom and firmness. He was willing to compliment the President as much as possible in his personal character, but he could not think it applicable to his Administration. He thought the amendment proposed would meet his concurrence, and he hoped it would be agreed to.

Mr. Gilbert hoped and presumed that the motion of his colleague would not obtain. He understood that the House addressed the President in answer to his Speech, always as a public man, and not in his private capacity. How extraordinary, then, will it appear in this House to refer only to his private conduct! It is, in substance, complimenting him as a private man, while the very words reprobate him in his public station. We are now to address him as President of the United States. We may tell him of his wisdom and his firmness, but what of all that unless we connect it with his Administration?

Mr. Isaac Smith.—The sin of ingratitude is worse than the sin of witchcraft; and we shall damn ourselves to everlasting fame if we withhold the mighty tribute due to the excellent man whom we pretend to address. Posterity, throughout all future generations, will cry out shame on us. Our sons will blush that their fathers were his foes. If excess were possible on this occasion, it would be a glorious fault, and worth a dozen of little, sneaking, frigid virtues. I abhor a grudging bankrupt payment, where the debtor is much more benefited than the creditor. The gentleman from Virginia misrepresents his own constituents—I am sure he does all the rest of the Union. On the present occasion we ought not to consult our own little feelings and sensibilities. We should speak with the heart and in the voice of millions, and then we should speak warm and loud. What! "Damn with faint praise:" and suppress or freeze the warm, energetic, grateful sensations of almost every honest heart from Maine to Tennessee! I will not do it! Every line shall burn! This is a left-handed way of adoring the people.

Mr. Dayton (the Speaker) said, the motion then before them was of great importance, and every man who thought favorably of the President's Administration should there make a stand. For, if the words were struck out, it would convey an idea to the world that it was the opinion of that House that the Administration of the President had neither been wise nor patriotic. Gentlemen might very well concur in the Address in its present form, who did not think that every single act of the President had been wise and firm, since it was his Administration in general which was referred to, and not each individual act. He hoped, therefore, the amendment offered would be decidedly opposed, and that the words proposed to be struck out would be retained.

Mr. Gallatin thought the words objected to were conceived to mean more than they really did mean by gentlemen who supported the present motion; nor could he conceive how the words "firmness and patriotism," proposed to be inserted, could apply to any thing but the public character of the President. On the first view of the Address, Mr. G. said, he thought with the gentlemen from New York and Virginia, and it was not without considerable hesitation that he brought himself to agree to this part of the Address. He found, however, on further examination, that they did not go so far as he at first thought they did. Had they approved of every measure of the President of the United States, he should have voted against them. But, in the first place, he would observe, that his Administration did not include Legislative acts; so that whatever evils had arisen from the funding or banking systems were not to be charged to the President. They did not mean to pay compliments to themselves but to the President: therefore, the words in question related only to the Administration of the President alone, and not to those officers of State which had been supposed by some gentlemen. The first question was, then, whether that Administration had been marked with wisdom, firmness, and patriotism? And, he would briefly say, so far as related to the internal situation of the country, it had borne these marks. He did not recollect any instance where he could say here was any want of wisdom, or there of firmness or patriotism. If they proceeded to foreign affairs, a great number of members were found (he for one) who wished that certain acts had not taken place; and, if he thought, in giving approbation to this Address, he was approving of these measures, he would certainly vote against it. But, as the gentlemen from South Carolina and New Jersey (Mr. Smith and the Speaker) had observed, as the approbation went to the Administration in toto, it had respect to no particular act. Nor did he believe the literal sense of the words would apply to the business of the late treaty. [He read the words.] The most clear meaning of these words related to the present Government and constitution; and the word "success" could apply to those parts of the Administration only which had had time to be matured. He did not believe that at the present period it could be said that the Treaty with Great Britain had been successful, and, therefore, could not be included within the meaning of the expression. Not meaning to pledge an approbation of that act, and not conceiving that the sentence could have such a meaning, he would vote against the proposed amendment, and for the original.

The question was put on the amendment and negatived. The committee then rose, reported the Address with the amendments, when the House took them up, and having gone through them—

On the question being about to be put on the answer as amended, Mr. Blount wished the yeas and nays might be taken, that posterity might see that he did not consent to the Address.

The main question being put, it was resolved in the affirmative—yeas 67, nays 12, as follows: