But it has been said we ought to express the highest indignation at the conduct of France. Let us examine for a moment on what this is founded. Three grounds have been mentioned; the dismission of our Minister, the spoliations on our ships, and the interference with our Government, in attempting to divide the people from it. As to the first, the dismission of our Minister, said Mr. S., nobody can feel more sensibly than I do, this indignity; but it only leads me to regret, as I have often already expressed my regrets, at our sending so many diplomatic gentlemen to Europe. Wretched will be our case, if we are embroiled whenever these gentlemen shall be refused, or uncivilly treated. All history is full of instances of wars, founded on such points of etiquette as these, and they admonish us against employing embassies, as much as possible, to avoid these dangers from our foreign connections. But it seems, the Directory, by Mr. Pinckney's letter, at the same time sent away thirteen other foreign Ministers; yet we do not hear that these nations went to war on this account. One of them was Sweden, a very powerful maritime nation, possessed of a considerable fleet; her Minister was dismissed; she contented herself with sending away the French Minister also, and here the dispute ended. But, surely allowance ought also to be made for the present revolutionary state of France. If all things do not proceed there with the order they ought, it is perhaps because of their present warlike and revolutionary position, which cannot but mend every day, and should induce us to make some allowance for them.
Mr. Livingston said that, having listened to the gentlemen who had preceded him with the most respectful attention, and heard their ardent expressions of patriotism and the lively sense which they entertained of the true dignity of our Government, he should not attempt to follow them into a field which had been exhausted, but would leave it to the consideration of the committee and his country to determine upon his sentiments and the measures which he should suggest whether he was not equally disposed with others to promote the peace and honor, the happiness and security of his country and Government; he would leave it for his measures to speak for him; he would not be led away by any idle or extraneous vanity from objects so solemn and important; he should speak freely as became an American at a crisis so very pressing. First, then, he should notice the Address that was before the committee, and the amendment which had been proposed to be made to it; he was sorry to observe the manner in which they had been discussed. It had been considered, on one side, that to adopt any language in reply to the Address but that which has been laid before the committee in the report, would amount to a surrender of all our rights, privileges, and independence, as a nation, to France; on the other, it has been held that the differences between us and France are distorted, and that we should at least not shut up every avenue to negotiation by an obstinate and blind assertion of our own infallibility. If he believed with those of the former opinion, that we should in any shape incur the stigma of degrading ourselves, or if he suspected even that we should sacrifice one right of our country or Government by an adoption of the amendment proposed, or he thought we should not endanger our national character and safety by the adoption of the report, he should most certainly reject the amendment and adopt the report; or if he believed, with the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Otis,) that the demands of France now were any wise analogous to those of Great Britain on a former occasion, sooner than consent to a dereliction of independence and national character he would not stop short of the language of that report; but as he could not force his judgment to so outrageous a misconstruction, as he saw on the contrary numerous reasons to entertain a very different opinion, he would not consent to incur the perils and the errors in which that report would involve us; he could not consent to so hasty, so precipitate, and inconsiderate a step.
The question properly before the House at this time is, whether we shall continue to express so perfect a reliance on all the acts of our own Government; whether we shall say obstinately to France that there is no possible case in which our judgment could have been misled or mistaken in our conduct towards her; and, by determining to adhere to our former conduct, preclude every possibility to an amicable adjustment; or leave a reasonable opportunity open for an effectual discussion and adjustment of differences, wherever they may subsist.
The scope of the Speech of the President to both Houses, it must be confessed, goes to bind us to the former conduct; and it is too evident that the report, in strict coincidence with the sentiments of several, but not all its supporters, bears that same dangerous tendency. From which line of conduct are we to expect the most beneficent issue, to treat with a complaining power by a determination to show that its complaints are groundless, or by examining the complaints and the evidence in amicable negotiation and deciding afterwards? Let us examine the complaints of France, and then determine whether they are all so frivolous as to excite irritation at the mere mention of them; unless we are so convinced, unless we are thoroughly satisfied that they are so, we cannot vote the Answer as it is reported. Should we discover in such an examination that some of our measures have been founded at least in mistake, would it then be proper to adopt the language of the Address? But should we persist under such a possibility of mistake, what do we risk? an evil much more fatal than the worst that could follow the most sober resolution which we can now adopt; we risk the alternative of abandoning it after a war in which we may be sufferers, and after we may have retarded the increasing prosperity of our country half an age. We have an example before us in a nation that was eager to snatch at a remote pretext for an assumed interference in her Government; we have seen that nation, among the most powerful and haughty in Europe, the most vain of her dignity, (real or unreal,) the most apt to interfere in the government of others; we have seen her enter into a war, and we have seen her driven to the lowest state of humiliation; we have seen her obliged to pursue the most abject means of solicitation to obtain a peace from that very nation whom she had irritated to a war; and we saw her more humiliated still, by the rejection of those propositions which she had made to obtain peace. Have we a better prospect than that nation? Are our means equal to hers? Are we, indeed, ready to embark in a war—with France, too—and present such a lesson to the world as America at war with France, after France has defeated the efforts of all the world? He again asked, have we the means? Let gentlemen who are willing to plunge us into that dilemma make the reply; but let not gentlemen indulge in so hateful a picture. But, although we have no means, he was still against surrendering the honor of our country; fortunately, no such sacrifice is demanded, no such measure is necessary; and were we ten times more destitute even than we are, he should never submit to our national degradation, were there a power so insolent as to expect it.
It was, he knew, a very ungracious, and often an unpopular task, to display the errors of our own Government; there was a national vanity, a vain and unmeaning pride, which sought to be bolstered up by frippery of words and acts of dissimulation. He knew that this empty and pernicious vanity often assumed the post and place of the true dignity of a country, and blinked contumely on him that was disposed to prefer the plain, frank, open path of integrity and truth. He would choose between these opposite passions of a nation, and preferring his duty to unmerited reproach, he would neither repress the sentiments of his mind, nor foster those which he conceived to be pregnant with ruin; he would glory more in promoting the justice of his country than in conducting her to the most brilliant triumphs in an unjust cause; he would, therefore, calmly examine whether France had just cause of complaint; and whether she had or not a just cause, he would assert that France might, without exciting indignation, think herself injured; that she might, was a sufficient reason with him for preferring the amendment, as it left an opening for rather amicable discussion and accommodation, rather than the report which had the opposite character.
Mr. Giles rose.—He said that he had always been against this form of giving Answers, since the time the practice first began; it was derived from the British House of Commons, which was a bad source for precedents. In that House, however, the Speech and the Answer were both known to be the work of the Minister, and treated with great freedom. Mr. G. thought that it would be better to direct the Committee of Rules and Orders of the House, to make one standing Answer, which would serve regularly for all Speeches. This would be an improper time for such a regulation, but though we could not now get rid of a bad habit, it was not necessary to vindicate it. He said, that Mr. Livingston had yesterday taken part of the ground which he intended to take. The question before the House amounted to this: shall we recommend it to the President to place all nations on a level as to commerce, and to remove the inequalities between them? To assist him in deciding this point, he would refer to facts and dates; and, as he did not wish to represent things in false colors, he would be glad to be corrected, if he should happen to go wrong. He would begin at the 1st of February, 1793, when England dismissed the French Minister, and the Republic, in consequence, declared war against her. On the 22d of April following, the President declared this country to be in a state of neutrality, and warned the citizens to observe it. At this time, about the 10th May, M. Genet landed and raised a considerable alarm by commencing an improper correspondence with our citizens. Government from that time took a wrong impression, and acted under the idea of a dangerous French influence in this country. All this was a mistake. Genet was universally reprobated, unless by a few disorderly people, and Government from that trial should have learned to trust us. In consequence of the disturbance that Genet made, many societies entered into resolutions to support government. Even the pulpit reviled Genet. If execration, disappointment, and contempt, could fill up the measure of punishment, he had it. From the arrival of Genet to that of Fauchet, some sentiments were kept alive, and some phrases that he would review. The Friends of Order and the Disorganizers were two of them. Then we had the reign of moderation, but of so frantic a kind, for the short time which it lasted, as to exercise the greatest of despotism over opinion. This order, moderation, and disorganization, were all gone and no more said about them. Among Mr. G.'s constituents, when notice came of the Western insurrection, they were all ready to march in support of Government; instead of calling themselves the friends of order, they proved that they were so. The country remained from this time in a tranquil state till the arrival of Mr. Jay's Treaty. On the 5th of December, 1793, a Message was received from the President, speaking of France in the most friendly terms. In spite of Genet's quarrel there was no misunderstanding with the Republic, and Mr. G. quoted this circumstance to prove that there was no serious difference till the arrival of Mr. Jay's Treaty. Mr. G. said that he would review what was in the mean time passing in Europe. During the summer of 1793, Britain made no less than six treaties with different nations, and one stipulation in each of them was that the contracting parties should stop all provisions going to France, and force all other nations to do so. The first of these treaties was made with Russia, on the 20th of March, 1793: the second was with Spain; the third with Prussia; the fourth with the Emperor; the fifth with Portugal; and the last with the King of the two Sicilies. It was said that France preceded Britain in the order for stopping provisions; Britain did not publicly issue such orders until the 16th of June, 1793; but Britain had, in reality, adopted the practice long before. The French orders fluctuated; but, at one time, the United States were exempted from stoppage, when others were stopped. He then noticed the stoppage of provisions to the West Indies; the Orders of the 6th of November, 1793, and the 8th of January, 1794. In the very short interval between these two dates, France had gone on so fast that Britain found it better to ameliorate the condition of neutral States. During this time, England also made a truce for Portugal with Algiers, and this truce has cost us fifteen hundred thousand dollars, besides what it may cost hereafter. Timber had been promised to be cut for the Algerines, of a kind which this country could not furnish in due quality. Some of it was to be brought so far as from the north-west branch of the Susquehanna. He would pass over Lord Dorchester's speech to the Indians, and the British soldiers and savages joining the tomahawk against our Western frontiers. He mentioned these things, merely to keep them in view. There was something, he said, which he could never think of without surprise. This was a conversation between Lord Grenville and Mr. Pinckney. It was related in a letter, dated the 9th of January, 1794, from Mr. Pinckney. It took notice of Lord Grenville telling Mr. Pinckney the desire which the British Government had of maintaining harmony with the United States, and their readiness to support the Government of this country against a dangerous Jacobin faction who wanted to overturn it. Mr. G. said, that this betrayed more interference on the part of Britain than there ever had been on the part of France. From this time our Government had taken a leaning towards Britain. French influence was only a sentiment which we felt for the sake of liberty, but which was sometimes conjured up as a chimera to serve certain purposes. The United States had a real interest in cherishing the sentiment, which never could be dangerous.
As for British influence, it was a matter much more substantial. That people speak the same language with us, are scattered from one end of the continent to the other, intermarry with us, and have a very great commercial intercourse. Lord Grenville's proposition had led to Mr. Jay's Treaty. As to France trying to engage us in the war, any other nation in the world would be glad to do so. France had addressed the people of America, and was resisted: Britain had addressed our Government; and Mr. G. feared that the latter had not made so firm a stand. While Congress were taking proper measures to check the depredations, Mr. Jay, to the astonishment of mankind, was named Ambassador to England. The Treaty was signed on the 19th of November, 1794. The instructions, Mr. G. had never seen, but if we may judge from the Treaty itself, they were extremely full. For the making of such a Treaty he had never heard a reason, nor had he ever been able to learn one good consequence likely to accrue from it. It had been called an instrument of peace, and its first effect was, that we were summoned to fight with France, Spain, and Holland. One of the articles was that free ships do not make free goods. This was highly injurious both to France and the United States; it implied a breach of the law of nations, because, before you can search for an enemy's goods you must stop neutral ships. This regulation could only be understood as operating against France. If we could not help the practice going on, we should at least have suffered it to stand as it was, without any countenance. All the principal articles of export from the United States were declared contraband, except tobacco, and, indeed, that might be included under the general title of provisions, as people would sometimes be in want of a chew. He spoke of this provision clause as infamous. He referred to Count Bernstoff, Minister of Denmark, who had kept his country in a more honorable situation than perhaps any other in Europe had done during the present war. Mr. G. read the refusal of Count Bernstoff to comply with the British requisition to that effect. During the armed neutrality, the United States had owned that free bottoms should make free goods. Was there any reason since to alter our opinion? He would be glad to hear gentlemen answer if there was any. He had always said that the provision article was unjust to France, and yet on account of the British Treaty we are to plunge into a war before we know whether we are in the right or in the wrong. Gentlemen who had promoted the British Treaty now came forward to support it, but it would now be more manly to declare at once that we cannot do so. In Citizen Adet's complaints, many articles were unjust and trifling, but this was always the case in productions of that sort. Mr. G. then referred to the speech of Barras: he said that Britain still went on robbing and impressing American seamen. Mr. Harper had yesterday said that the impressments were few; but how were we to be certain of that? The men are not allowed to write to us, and Mr. Pinckney informs us that vast numbers of them are in French jails. He had always wondered at our having so few communications on this head from the Executive. A law had passed in this House and in the Senate upon this subject, without any information from that quarter. Gentlemen had allowed that it would be just enough to grant an equality of privileges to every foreign nation; but, Mr. Harper had objected, that if this were granted to France, she would still continue to demand. When she makes an unjust claim, said Mr. G., we should stop; he would not be for going any further. The French had not acted on vague claims; they take neutral and contraband articles; they take the ships, and when they find our seamen on board of British vessels, they threaten to treat them as pirates, and will not allow them to prove that they were impressed.
John Fowler, from Kentucky, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat.
The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the Address reported in Answer to the Speech of the President of the United States; when
Mr. Coit said he thought that part of the 5th paragraph which related to the Executive Directory would be less exceptionable, and equally convey their disapprobation of such sentiments, if it were expressed more generally, and without any allusion to M. Barras. He proposed, therefore, to strike out from "at," in the 4th line of the 5th paragraph, to "United States," in the 6th line, and to insert "any sentiments tending to derogate from that confidence; such sentiments, wherever entertained, serve to evince an imperfect knowledge of the real opinion of our constituents."
Mr. W. Smith objected to the amendment of the gentleman from Connecticut, (Mr. Coit,) because it was hypothetical. He wished, as the fact was clearly established, to have a direct reference to the Speech of Barras, in their indignation at the sentiments. As the matter had appeared of sufficient importance to find a place in the President's Speech, he thought it was also worthy of their notice. He insisted upon its being an attempt to divide the people of this country from their Government, by speaking insultingly of the latter, and flattering the former. He did not exactly know what was meant by the "suggestion of our former tyrants," but he supposed it meant bribery, and that by "perfidious people," General Washington was included.
Mr. W. Smith said, that by the Government, the Executive only was meant. He was convinced of this from the manner in which he had seen the word used in the French Government paper, entitled the Redacteur.
Mr. Coit believed, that whatever M. Barras had said, it was not worth their attention. We might defy France or Frenchmen to say worse of us than they themselves said. He did not himself know how far the Speech of Barras was an act of Government; for, said he, when we directed our Speaker to reprimand Randal and Whitney, the words he used upon the occasion were not an act of the House. On another occasion, when the House were about to receive the French flag, they could not call what was said by the Speaker on that occasion, an act of the House.
Mr. Williams said, if Mr. Pinckney's letter was an authentic paper, the Speech of Barras was likewise so; and if so, it was doubtless an indignity to Government. He did not think with the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Freeman,) that it was "childish gasconade." He believed it was intended as an insult to the Government of this country. As to the gratitude which had been said to belong to the French nation, for their assistance in the war, he thought their services were amply repaid by the separation of this country from Great Britain. Besides, he added, the French never came to the assistance of this country until they saw we were likely to be successful in our struggle.
Mr. Gordon said there could be no doubt of the authenticity of Barras' Speech, since it stood upon the same ground as the rest of the documents. It was a flagrant insult upon Government, in his opinion, and warranted all that had been said upon it, as it was doubtless an attempt to separate the people from the Government.
Mr. Thatcher said the question was, whether or not any notice should be taken of the insulting Speech of Barras. When, said he, the French flag was presented to this House, we were told we were not to stop to reason, but to express forthwith our feelings of affection. But now, when the most unexampled insult is offered us, such as one man would not receive from another, we are not to notice it at all, lest it should offend the French Republic. He knew of only one reason for passing it over in silence, and that, it was true, had some weight with him. That Barras spoke as the organ of the French nation, there could be no doubt; but he had his doubts whether he knew himself what he said. The Speech had strong marks of delirium, and he could not help believing that, when he delivered it, he was either drunk or mad. If the world went on for six thousand years to come, they would never again behold such a production.
Mr. McDowell was in favor of the amendment. He did not think himself bound, as had been insinuated by the gentleman from South Carolina, to echo all the sentiments in the President's Speech. He wished to have an opinion of his own. He agreed that Barras' Speech was an indignity to the United States. He felt it, and would express it: but he did not think this the proper time. He denied the justness of the construction put upon the Speech by the gentleman from South Carolina. He supposed by "perfidious persons," was meant the persons in this country, generally called the "British faction." He differed in opinion also with that gentleman on the subject of dividing the people and Government, and could not allow that the phrase "good people" was intended as an insult. He allowed it was going too far to say that we owed our liberty to France; but being in some respect true, it took off from the offence. He was sorry to see on one side of the House constant attempts made to excite the resentment of the people of this country against France. It was not necessary at present to raise such feelings. They were not about to unsheath the sword, and to say, "We conquer or die." What gentlemen could not effect by reason, they seemed inclined to effect in a different way. He did not think this fair conduct.
Mr. Venable supported the amendment. He did not think any of the objections made against it had much weight in them. He thought the mode of expressing our sense of the indignity shown to this country by the Speech in question, was judiciously chosen by the gentleman from Connecticut. It was most consistent with dignity. It was not wise in them to take notice of every harsh expression which might be used against this country in any foreign nation; for, if such were our conduct, foreign nations would have good ground of complaint against us, and on that floor the account would be settled. Nor did he think it very becoming or dignified in gentlemen in that House so to express themselves as to excite frequent risibility; nor was it very honorable to that Assembly. [Alluding to the gentleman from Massachusetts.]
Mr. Sitgreaves had no doubt of the Speech of Barras being an official paper, and that its object was to divide the people from the Government. If he proved this, he trusted the language of the report would be preserved. It would be allowed that Barras was the mouth of the Directory, and that the sentiments which he speaks, are not his own, but what were beforehand agreed upon. It was doubtless, therefore, a solemn official act. With respect to the observation of the gentleman from Virginia, that what he said respecting our Government was not applicable to the Executive, but to the people at large, he believed he was wholly mistaken, as the word Government, in the French language, constantly meant Executive, as was abundantly clear from the way in which it was used in Mr. Adet's notes. [He quoted a number of passages to prove his assertion.] It was generally used for the Executive in contradistinction to Congress, or any other of the constituted authorities. If it were clearly intended to convey an insult upon our Executive, (and there could be no doubt of it,) even the mover of the amendment could not think it unbecoming in that House to express themselves in the words of the Address.
Mr. Gallatin said, whatever might be the insult intended by the Speech of the Executive Directory, he thought it best to notice it in general terms as it was the sentiment which was objectionable and not the Government of France. But as so much had been said about Government and people, he would say, that an insult offered to the people could not be less offensive than one offered to the Government. He supposed they alluded to the British Treaty, which was as much the instrument of Congress as of the Executive, and of the people as either, since they very generally petitioned in favor of it. He then took notice of the perversions which the gentleman from South Carolina had put upon the words of Barras, and denied that there was the least ground for them, and said that the Gazette of the United States might as well be called a Government paper of this country, as the Redacteur, that of France. If, said Mr. G., it be our intention to declare war at once, then there might be some propriety in taking hold of every word which would bear to be construed into an insult, but if we wished for peace, it was unwise to do so. Besides, he said, this Speech was not communicated in an official manner, nor could it be so communicated. It was sent by Mr. Pinckney in a newspaper, from which the copy sent to them was translated, but the translation was not even authenticated, as usual. He did not dispute the fact, but it was a thing which they were not bound to notice; indeed, an error with respect to a name appeared on the face of the paper; and being delivered to Mr. Monroe, who was no longer Minister, it could not be officially communicated. He therefore thought it was not worth their notice.
Mr. Otis thought it right to pay respect to what was recommended by the President. The question was whether they should notice the insult generally, or in reference to the Directory. He was in favor of the first; but as this was the only opportunity given in the Address of expressing their opinion of the conduct of the French Government, he wished the Address to stand as reported.
Mr. O. remarked upon Barras' Speech. He did not know what was meant by granting peace. When parties were at war, one granted the other peace; or sometimes a stronger power suffered a weaker to be at peace. He supposed the French meant it in the latter sense towards this country. On condition that we respect her sovereignty! What was meant here? If it was sovereignty over their own nation, we had nothing to do with it; if it was any other, it must be the sovereignty they had over us. He concluded by remarking, that if there were any members in that House upon whom any imputation could rest of their being unduly attached to the French cause, he thought it a good opportunity to come forward and convince the world that the charges were unjust.
Mr. Livingston took notice of what had fallen from the gentleman last up, and showed the folly of adopting an irritating tone; as, if we charged a foreign government with making use of one disrespectful expression, they would have no difficulty in retorting the complaint, as in the course of that debate, the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Harper) had called the King of Spain the humble vassal of France, and had not been sparing of his epithets to other powers; and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Thatcher) had termed Barras drunk or mad. He also noticed the constructions put upon the words "granting peace," and "sovereignty," as very extravagant. The Speech, he allowed, was bad enough, but he saw no reason for torturing it in this manner.
Mr. Giles said the gentleman from Massachusetts had called upon persons who might lie under imputation of being friends to France, to come forward, and show the imputation false. He informed that gentleman that he did not feel his reputation hurt by any imputation which he or any other person might throw upon him. He would rather the gentleman would convince them they were wrong, than call them names.
Mr. Otis explained. He declared he meant only to say that they had been unjustly charged with those imputations, and that such a conduct would show it.
Mr. W. Smith again urged the propriety of retaining the words in the Address as reported, as the amendment proposed had no reference to the President's Speech, as that referred to an official act; whereas the amendment had no relation to France, but would apply to the people of China, or the people of this country, as well as to those of France. He believed the discussion had been of some use, because it was now on all sides acknowledged that the Speech of Barras was an insult, which was not allowed at the beginning of the debate. He could only say that gentlemen died hard; to use the expression of his friend from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Sitgreaves,) they seem determined to die in the last ditch. The objections to the words of the present Address, were like the objections of Thomas Paine to the writings of Moses. He denied that there was any similarity between expressions used in debate in that House, and expressions used by an Executive authority. No notice, he said, ought to be taken of what fell from members in that House, whilst they were allowed to be in order; and if foreign Ministers attended to hear their debates, and heard things which they did not like, they ought not to take exceptions at it, since they came there uninvited, and it was their duty to say what appeared to them right at the time.
The question was put on the amendment, when there appeared 49 votes for it, and 49 against it. The Chairman declared it carried in the affirmative.
The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the Answer to the President's Speech, Mr. Dayton's amendment being under consideration.
Mr. Hartley was persuaded there was but one wish in the House with respect to peace, notwithstanding insinuations to the contrary; but he could not agree with the proposed amendment, as he wished the negotiation to be left wholly to the President. The treaty entered into with France provided for their being placed on the same footing with other nations, and wished that right to be recognized by negotiation, and he doubted not the President would do it; for as he must see that peace was the desire of all, he would take such steps as would be best calculated to lead to it. He was against encroachments on the Executive, as, if they once begun, there was no knowing where they could stop. He thought there was no danger of war; it would be a disagreeable thing for men who fought in the Revolutionary war, to be obliged to unsheathe their swords against France; but he trusted before they rose, means would be taken for putting the country into a state of defence.
The question was then taken on the Address as amended, and resolved in the affirmative—yeas 62, nays 36, as follows:
Yeas—John Allen, George Baer, jr., Abraham Baldwin, David Bard, James A. Bayard, Theophilus Bradbury, David Brooks, John Chapman, Christopher G. Champlin, James Cochran, Joshua Coit, William Craik, Samuel W. Dana, James Davenport, John Dennis, George Dent, George Ege, Thomas Evans, Abiel Foster, Dwight Foster, Jonathan Freeman, Nathaniel Freeman, jr., Albert Gallatin, Henry Glenn, Chauncey Goodrich, William Gordon, Roger Griswold, William B. Grove, John A. Hanna, Robert Goodloe Harper, Carter B. Harrison, Thomas Hartley, William Hindman, David Holmes, Hezekiah L. Hosmer, James H. Imlay, John Wilkes Kittera, Samuel Lyman, James Machir, John Milledge, Daniel Morgan, John Nicholas, Harrison G. Otis, Elisha R. Potter, John Read, John Rutledge, jr., James Schureman, Samuel Sewall, William Shepard, Thompson J. Skinner, Thomas Sinnickson, Jeremiah Smith, Nathaniel Smith, Samuel Smith, William Smith, (of Charleston,) George Thatcher, Richard Thomas, Mark Thomson, Abram Trigg, John E. Van Allen, Peleg Wadsworth, and John Williams.
Nays—Thomas Blount, Richard Brent, Nathan Bryan, Samuel J. Cabell, Thomas Claiborne, Matthew Clay, John Clopton, Thomas T. Davis, John Dawson, Lucas Elmendorph, William Findlay, John Fowler, William B. Giles, James Gillespie, Andrew Gregg, Jonathan N. Havens, Walter Jones, Edward Livingston, Matthew Locke, Matthew Lyon, Nathaniel Macon, Blair M'Clenachan, Joseph McDowell, Anthony New, Josiah Parker, Samuel Sitgreaves, William Smith (of Pinckney District), Richard Sprigg, jr., Richard Stanford, Thomas Sumter, John Swanwick, John Trigg, Philip Van Cortlandt, Joseph B. Varnum, Abraham Venable, and Robert Williams.
Resolved, That Mr. Speaker, attended by the House, do present the said Address; and that Mr. Venable, Mr. Kittera, and Mr. Nathaniel Freeman, Jr., be a committee to wait on the President, to know when and where it will be convenient for him to receive the same.
And then the House adjourned.
A report was received from the Commissioners of the Federal City, which was ordered to be printed.
Mr. Venable, from the committee appointed to wait on the President of the United States, to know when and where it will be convenient for him to receive the Address of this House, in answer to his Speech to both Houses of Congress, reported that the committee had, according to order, waited on the President, who signified to them that it would be convenient to him to receive the said Address, at twelve o'clock this day, at his own house.
Mr. Lyon said he yesterday voted against the appointment of a committee to wait upon the President to know when and where he would receive their Address, because he believed the President should always be ready to receive important communications. He wished to make a motion, which was, "that such members as do not choose to attend upon the President to present the Answer to his Speech, shall be excused." He wished to be understood. He thought the motion a reasonable one, because it proposed to leave them at liberty to do as they pleased. And by the rules he saw, he was obliged to attend, except sick, or leave of absence was obtained; now, as he hoped not to be sick, he wished to put himself out of the power of the Sergeant-at-Arms, if he did not attend. He had been told he might stay behind without being noticed; but this was not enough for him, as he was a timid man, and the House had the law on their side, as he recollected something of a reprimand which had been given to Mr. Whitney. [The Speaker reminded him it was out of order to censure the proceedings of the House on any former occasion.] He said he stood corrected, and proceeded.
He had spoken, he said, to both sides of the House (as they were called) on the subject. One side dissuaded him from his motion, and laughed at it; the other side did not wish to join him in it, because it would look like disrespect to the person lately elected, who was not a man of their choice; but he trusted our magnanimous President would, with the enlightened yeomanry of America, despise such a boyish piece of business. This, he said, was no new subject with him, he had long heard the folly of the wise made a matter of wonder in this respect. It was said this was not the time to abolish the custom; but this was the cant used against every kind of reform. No better time could ever arrive, he said, than this, which was the threshold of a new Presidency, at a time when the man elected to the office was beloved and revered by his fellow-citizens; he was as yet unused to vain adulation; he had spent a great part of his life amongst a people whose love of a plainness of manner forbids all pageantry; he would be glad to see the custom done away. Were he acting in his own personal character, he perhaps might conform to the idle usage, but acting as he was for eighty thousand people, every father of a family in his district would condemn him for such an act.
Mr. Blount said he had seconded the motion of the gentleman from Vermont, in order to give him an opportunity of stating his reasons for making it, and not from any desire to rescind the rule.
Mr. Dana observed that the House would not wish to do violence to the gentleman's feelings. It was true some of the most respectable men in the United States had waited upon the President in a similar way, yet, if the gentleman thought it would not comport with his own dignity to do it, he hoped he would be excused.
The motion was put, and carried unanimously.
The Speaker informed the House the hour was arrived at which the President had appointed to receive them.
Mr. Macon moved that the House do now adjourn. He should wait upon the President; but it seemed to be understood that members were obliged to go. He thought, however the power of the House might extend to bringing a member into the House, there was no power to carry him out.
The motion was negatived without a division.
The House then withdrew, and waited upon the President of the United States with the following Address:
To the President of the United States:
Sir, the interesting detail of those events which have rendered the convention of Congress, at this time, indispensable, (communicated in your Speech to both Houses,) has excited in us the strongest emotions. Whilst we regret the occasion, we cannot omit to testify our approbation of the measure, and to pledge ourselves that no considerations of private inconvenience shall prevent, on our part, a faithful discharge of the duties to which we are called.
We have constantly hoped that the nations of Europe, whilst desolated by foreign wars, or convulsed by intestine divisions, would have left the United States to enjoy that peace and tranquillity to which the impartial conduct of our Government has entitled us; and it is now, with extreme regret, we find the measures of the French Republic tending to endanger a situation so desirable and interesting to our country.
Upon this occasion we feel it our duty to express, in the most explicit manner, the sensations which the present crisis has excited, and to assure you of our zealous co-operation in those measures which may appear necessary for our security or peace.
Although it is the earnest wish of our hearts that peace may be maintained with the French Republic, and with all the world, yet we will never surrender those rights which belong to us as a nation; and whilst we view with satisfaction the wisdom, dignity, and moderation, which have marked the measures of the supreme Executive of our country, in its attempts to remove, by candid explanations, the complaints and jealousies of France, we feel the full force of that indignity which has been offered our country in the rejection of its Minister. No attempts to wound our rights as a sovereign State will escape the notice of our constituents; they will be felt with indignation, and repelled with that decision which shall convince the world that we are not a degraded people, that we can never submit to the demands of a foreign power without examination and without discussion.
Knowing as we do the confidence reposed by the people of the United States in their Government, we cannot hesitate in expressing our indignation at any sentiments tending to derogate from that confidence. Such sentiments, wherever entertained, served to evince an imperfect knowledge of the opinions of our constituents. An attempt to separate the people of the United States from their Government, is an attempt to separate them from themselves; and although foreigners, who know not the genius of our country, may have conceived the project, and foreign emissaries may attempt the execution, yet the united efforts of our fellow-citizens will convince the world of its impracticability.
Sensibly as we feel the wound which has been inflicted by the transactions disclosed in your communications, yet we think with you, that neither the honor nor the interest of the United States forbid the repetition of advances for preserving peace. We, therefore, receive with the utmost satisfaction your information that a fresh attempt at negotiation will be instituted; and we cherish the hope that a mutual spirit of conciliation, and a disposition on the part of France to compensate for any injuries which may have been committed upon our neutral rights; and, on the part of the United States, to place France on grounds similar to those of other countries in their relation and connection with us, if any inequalities shall be found to exist, will produce an accommodation compatible with the engagements, rights, duties and honor of the United States. Fully, however, impressed with the uncertainty of the result, we shall prepare to meet with fortitude any unfavorable events which may occur, and to extricate ourselves from their consequences with all the skill we possess, and all the efforts in our power. Believing with you that the conduct of the Government has been just and impartial to foreign nations, that the laws for the preservation of peace have been proper, and that they have been fairly executed, the Representatives of the people do not hesitate to declare that they will give their most cordial support to the execution of principles so deliberately and uprightly established.
The many interesting subjects which you have recommended to our consideration, and which are so strongly enforced by this momentous occasion, will receive every attention which their importance demands; and we trust that by the decided and explicit conduct which will govern our deliberations, every insinuation will be repelled which is derogatory to the honor and independence of our country.
Permit us, in offering this Address, to express our satisfaction at your promotion to the first office in the Government, and our entire confidence that the pre-eminent talents and patriotism which have placed you in this distinguished situation, will enable you to discharge its various duties with satisfaction to yourself and advantage to our common country.
To which the President returned the following answer:
Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:
I receive with great satisfaction your candid approbation of the convention of Congress; and thank you for your assurances that the interesting subjects recommended to your consideration shall receive the attention which their importance demands; and that your co-operation may be expected in those measures which may appear necessary for our security or peace.
The declaration of the Representatives of this nation, of their satisfaction at my promotion to the first office in the Government, and of their confidence in my sincere endeavors to discharge the various duties of it, with advantage to our common country, have excited my most grateful sensibility.
I pray you, gentlemen, to believe, and to communicate such assurance to our constituents, that no event which I can foresee to be attainable by any exertions in the discharge of my duties, can afford me so much cordial satisfaction as to conduct a negotiation with the French Republic, to a removal of prejudices, a correction of errors, a dissipation of umbrages, an accommodation of all differences, and a restoration of harmony and affection, to the mutual satisfaction of both nations. And whenever the legitimate organs of intercourse shall be restored, and the real sentiments of the two Governments can be candidly communicated to each other, although strongly impressed with the necessity of collecting ourselves into a manly posture of defence, I nevertheless entertain an encouraging confidence that a mutual spirit of conciliation, a disposition to compensate injuries, and accommodate each other in all our relations and connections, will produce an agreement to a treaty consistent with the engagements, rights, duties, and honor of both nations.
JOHN ADAMS.
United States, June 3, 1797.
The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and the Speech of the President, at the opening of the session, having been read,
Mr. W. Smith said, he wished to lay upon the table a number of resolutions, which it appeared, if it should not be found advisable to carry the whole of them into effect, were at least worthy of discussion. He did not, however, at present, pledge himself to support the whole: they were as follow: