Citt. You may take his part as ye please, But there's a Famous Lecturer charg'd him Publiquely for Popery, in his Answer to the Appeal; and for falling upon Dr. Lloyd.
True. He did so; but at the same time that Lecturer found no fault with the Appeal it self; and the best on't is, his Tongue's no more a slander then his Pen: And whoever reads what he has written concerning the Late King, and the Episcopal Church, will think never the worse of L'Estrange for what he says. Now for the Reverend Dean of Bangor, I dare say he never spake, or thought of him, but with Veneration. Let me see the book.
Look, ye here, 'tis pag. 18. in L'Estrange's Impression, and 'tis pag. 15. in this; and here's the Point [Their Loyalty and Good service paid to the King (says the Appealer speaking of the Papists) was meerly in their own Defence.] Now see L'Estrange's Reply upon it, If it lies (says he) as a Reproach upon them that they did then not serve the King out of Loyalty; that which they did, was yet better then not serving him at all; and better in a Higher degree still, then Fighting against him. And a little after. It is worth the Observation, that not a man drew his Sword in the opposite Cause who was not a Known Separatist; and that on the Other side, not one Schismatick ever struck stroke in the Kings Quarrell.
And now for your Notes upon his Answer, they are so silly, that it were Ridiculous to Reply upon 'um [who knows (says he) but the Regicides were Papists in disguise, pag. 19.] And a deal of such senselesse stuff; enough to turn a bodies Stomach. And if you'd inform your self of his Malice; look ye here pag. 4. p. 9. and p. 33 how he Palliates, if not Justifies, the Late Rebellion, the Murther of the Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews, and the drawing of the Sword against the King.
Briefly, 'tis an Insipid Bawling piece of Foolery, from One end to the Other. And it is not but that I highly approve of your Zeal for the Discovery of the Plot, and Suppressing of Popery, but we are not yet to Trample upon Laws, and Publique Orders, for the attaining even of those Glorious ends.
But now I think on't; deal freely with me; did you really go to the Registers ye spake of, to furnish Names for your Subscriptions?
Citt. No; That was but a Flourish: but all the Rest we Literally did.
True. Are not you Conscious to your selves of your Iniquities? who made You a Commissioner for the Town, or You for the Country? But we are like to have a fine business of it, when the Dreggs of the People set up for the Representatives of the Nation; to the Dishonour of the most Considerable, and Sober part of the Kingdome. Pre'thee Bumpkin, with thy Poles, and Baltiques, how shouldst thou come to understand the Ballance of Empires? who are Delinquents, and who not? the Right of Bishops Votes? And You (forsooth) are to Teach the King when to call a Parliament, and when to let it alone. And are not you a fine Fool i'the mean time, to Drudg for the Faction that Sets ye on, to be afterwards made a slave for your pains?
And then for You, Citt, with your Mouldy Records, your Coordinate Estates, and your Sovereign Power of the People. Do not I know all your Fallacies, your Shifts, and Hiding-holes? There's not one step you set, but I can trace you in't: You have your Spies upon all Libraries, as well as Conversations; your Agents for the procuring of old Manuscripts, and Records, and for the Falsifying of New ones, to make them look like Old Ones. Nay, the Papers of State themselves had much ado to scape ye. Those that assert the Just Rights of the Crown, you either Bury or Conceal; only Publishing the Presidents of Seditious Times, in Vindication of such Principles.
Citt. I must confess I take the Government to be Coordinate, and the King One of the Three Estates, with submission to be better inform'd.
True. If it be so, how comes it that the House of Commons even in their most Popular seasons, have still own'd the Crown of England to be Imperial? How comes it that all our Laws are call'd the Kings Laws: all our Courts of Justice his Majesties Courts, and all Publick Causes try'd in the Kings Name, and by the Authority of his Majesty?
Citt. But have not the Two Houses their share in the Legislative Power?
True. You must distinguish betwixt the Consent, and the Sanction; the Preparatory Part is Their's, the Stamp is the Kings: The Two Houses Consent to a Bill; It is only a Bill, when it is presented, and it remains yet a Bill, even when the King has Consented to it; and in this Common Consent, in Order to a Law, the Two Houses may be said to share with his Majesty: But then the Fiat, that superinduces an Authority, and is Only, and Properly the Act of Legislation, is singly in the King. So that though they share in the Consent, they have no pretence at all to the Sanction: which is an Act of Authority; the other but of Agreement.
And yet again, admitting your Coordination; First, every King runs the hazzard of his Crown upon every Parliament he calls: For That Third Estate lies at the Mercy of the Other Two: And further, 'tis a kinde of Ringing the Changes with the Government, the King and Lords shall be Uppermost One day, the King and Commons, Another, and the Lords and Commons, the Third: For in this Scale of Constitution whatsoever the One will not, the Other Two, may.
Citt. Well, but Ours is a MIXT Government, and we are a Free People.
True. If ours be a Mixt Government, so as to any Popular Participation of Power with the King, then it is not a Monarchy: (which is the Government Only of One) but if you'l call it a Qualifi'd Government; so as to distinguish it from an Absolute and Unlimited Government, I'le agree with you. But let the Government be what it will, and where it will, let it do Right or Wrong, it is Equally Unaccountable, for there lies no Appeal, but to a Superiour, and the Supreme has none but God Himself.
Citt. But if we be a Free People, have not We as much Right to Our Liberties, as the King has to his Crown?
True. Yes, we have, but the King has this Advantage of us, that We may Forfeit our Liberties but He cannot forfeit his Crown.
Citt. What if a King will Transgresse all the Laws of God and Man? may not the People resume their Trust?
True. No, not unlesse you can produce an expresse stipulation to That very purpose. But let me shew you, First, the Errour of taking That to be a Trust from the People, which, in truth, is an Ordinance of Providence, For All Power is from God; And Secondly, the Absurdity of the very Supposition, even in the Case of a Trust conferr'd by the People. If the King breaks his Trust, the People Resume it: but who are These People? If a Representative, they are but Trustees Themselves, and may incur a Forfeiture too, by the same Argument. Where are we next then? For if it devolves to the Loose Multitude of Individuals, (which you will have to be the Fountain of Power) you are Then in an Anarchy, without any Government at all; and There you must either Continue in a Dissociated State, or else agree upon Uniting into some Form of Regiment, or other: and whether it be Monarchy, Aristocracy, or Democracy, it comes all to a Point. If you make the Government Accountable upon every Humour of the People, it lapses again into a Confusion. To say nothing of the ridiculous phansy of a Sovereignty in the People upon This Account; that they can never be so brought together either to Establish or to Dissolve a Government, as to authorize it to be the Peoples Act. For there must be, First, an Agreement to Meet and Consult. Secondly, an Agreement upon the Result of That Debate; and any One Dissenter spoils all, where every Individuall has an Equall Right: So that unlesse the People be all of the same minde, This Supposition will be found wholly Impractible and Idle.
Citt. But is there no Fence then against Tyranny?
True. Only Patience, unless you run into Anarchy, and then into that which you call Tyranny again; and so tread Eternally that Circle of Rigour and Confusion. In fine, the Question is this, whether people had better run Certainly into Confusion to avoid a Possible Tyranny, or venture a Possible Tyranny, to avoid a Certain Confusion.
Citt. But where we finde Positive Law and Provisions to fail us, may we not in those Cases, betake our selves to the Laws of Nature and Self-Preservation?
True. No, ye may not; for many Reasons. First, it makes you Judges; not only when those Laws take Place, but also what they are. Secondly, the Government is Dissolved, if Subjects may go off or on at pleasure. Thirdly, Self-Preservation is the Plea only of Individuals; and there can be no Colour for the exposing of the Publick in favour of Particulars. What would ye think of a Common Seaman that in a Storm should throw the Steers-man Overboard, and set himself at the Helm? Or of a Souldier that shou'd refuse a Dangerous Post for fear of being knock'd on the Head, when the whole Army, depends upon the Maintaining of That Pass.
Citt. Pray'e tell me what it is that you call Government, and how far it extends? for you were saying even now, that the Reason of all Governments is alike.
True. Government is the Will, and Power of a Multitude, United in some One Person, or More, for the Good, and safety of the whole. You must not take it that all Governments are alike; but the Ratio of all Governments is the same in some Cases. As in the Instance of Self-Preservation; which is only Pleadable by the Supream Magistrate, in Bar to all General Exceptions; for he is First, presumed in Reason, to be vested with all Powers necessary for the Defence, and Protection of the Community: without which his Authority is Vain. He is Secondly, Oblig'd in Duty to exert those Powers for the Common Good: and he is Thirdly, entrusted with the Judgment of all Exigences of State, be they Greater or Lesse; wherein the Publick Good may be concern'd. Now put the Case that a Magistrate should make a wrong Judgment of Matters, and misemploy those Powers; it were an Infelicity in the Administration; but the Sacredness of Authority is still the same: And he is a Mad man, that plucks down his House, because it rains in at the Window. And in case of the Magistrate, it is not so much He, as They; for the King is (as I said before) the United Power and Will of the People. And so Fare ye well.
The End.
1. 'Fraudulant' changed to 'Fraudulent'. (Introdution)
2. 'deux ex machina' changed to 'deus ex machina'. (Introdution)
3. Closing bracket inserted. (The mean ways of promoting their Designs.)
4. Possibly this should be 'Gaols' rather than 'Goals'. (The way of getting hands in and about _London_.)
5. Possibly this should be 'Gaol' rather than 'Goal'. (A Salvo for a Lye.)
6. 'Dop' should read 'Drop'. (Consciences of State or Interest.)
7. 'original' changed to 'Origin'. (PUBLICATIONS IN PRINT 1964-1965- 109.)
_Errata._ (From the original, these errors have been corrected)
Page 1. line 24. for his, reade this.
p. 3. l. 27. for Religion r. Religions;
p.11 l. 25. for Hands, r. Heads.
p.22. l. 9. for on all r. on to all.
WILLIAM ANDREWS CLARK MEMORIAL LIBRARY
University of California, Los Angeles
PUBLICATIONS IN PRINT
1948-1949
15. John Oldmixon, Reflections on Dr. Swift's Letter to Harley ... (1712) and A. Mainwaring's The British Academy ... (1712).
17. Nicholas Rowe, Some Account of the Life of Mr. William Shakespeare (1709).
1949-1950
22. Samuel Johnson, The Vanity of Human Wishes (1749) and two Rambler papers (1750).
23. John Dryden, His Majesties Declaration Defended (1681).
1950-1951
26. Charles Macklin, The Man of the World (1792).
1951-1952
31. Thomas Gray, An Elegy Wrote in a Country Church-yard (1751); and The Eton College Manuscript.
1960-1961
85-6. Essays on the Theatre from Eighteenth-Century Periodicals.
90. Henry Needler, Works (1728).
1961-1962
93. John Norris, Cursory Reflections Upon a Book Call'd, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1960)
94. An. Collins, Divine Songs and Meditacions (1653).
95. An Essay on the New Species of Writing Founded by Mr. Fielding (1751).
96. Hanoverian Ballads.
1962-1963
97. Myles Davies, Selections from Athenae Britannicae (1716-1719).
98. Select Hymns Taken Out of Mr. Herbert's Temple (1697).
99. Simon Patrick, A Brief Account of the New Sect of Latitude Men (1662).
100. Simon Patrick, A Brief Account of the New Sect of Latitude Men (1662).
101-2. Richard Hurd, Letters on Chivalry and Romance (1762).
1963-1964
103. Samuel Richardson, Clarissa: Preface, Hints of Prefaces, and Postscript.
104. Thomas D'Urfey, Wonders in the Sun, or, the Kingdom of the Birds (1706).
105. Bernard Mandeville, An Enquiry into the Causes of the Frequent Executions at Tyburn (1725).
106. Daniel Defoe, A Brief History of the Poor Palatine Refugees (1709).
107-8. John Oldmixon, An Essay on Criticism (1728).
1964-1965
109. Sir William Temple, An Essay upon the Origin and Nature of Government (1680).
110. John Tutchin, Selected Poems (1685-1700).
111. Anonymous, Political Justice. A Poem (1736).
112. Robert Dodsley, An Essay on Fable (1764).
113. T. R., An Essay Concerning Critical and Curious Learning (1680).
114. Two Poems Against Pope: Leonard Welsted, One Epistle to Mr. A. Pope (1730); Anonymous, The Blatant Beast (1740).
William Andrews Clark Memorial Library: University of California, Los Angeles
The Augustan Reprint Society
General Editors: Earl Miner, University of California, Los Angeles; Maximillian E. Novak, University of California, Los Angeles; Lawrence Clark Powell, Wm. Andrews Clark Memorial Library
Corresponding Secretary: Mrs. Edna C. Davis, Wm. Andrews Clark Memorial Library
The Society's purpose is to publish reprints (usually facsimile reproductions) of rare seventeenth and eighteenth century works. All income of the Society is devoted to defraying costs of publication and mailing.
Correspondence concerning subscriptions in the United States and Canada should be addressed to the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, 2205 West Adams Boulevard, Los Angeles, California. Correspondence concerning editorial matters may be addressed to any of the general editors. The membership fee is $5.00 a year for subscribers in the United States and Canada and 30/—for subscribers in Great Britain and Europe. British and European subscribers should address B. H. Blackwell, Broad Street, Oxford, England. Copies of back issues in print may be obtained from the Corresponding Secretary.
PUBLICATIONS FOR 1965-1966
Thomas Traherne, Meditations on the Six Days of the Creation (1717). Introduction by George Robert Guffey.
Charles Macklin, The Covent Garden Theatre [manuscript] (1752). Introduction by Jean B. Kern.
Roger L'Estrange, Citt and Bumpkin (1680). Introduction by B. J. Rahn.
Daniel Defoe and Others, Accounts of the Apparition of Mrs. Veal (ca. 1705). Introduction by Manuel Schonhorn.
Henry More, Enthusiasmus Triumphatus (1662). Introduction by M. V. DePorte.
Bernard Mandeville, Aesop Dress'd or a Collection of Fables Writ in Familiar Verse (1704). Introduction by John S. Shea.
ANNOUNCEMENT:
The Society announces a special publication, a reprint of John Ogilby, The Fables of Aesop Paraphras'd in Verse (1668), with an Introduction by Earl Miner. Ogilby's book is commonly thought one of the finest examples of seventeenth-century bookmaking and is illustrated with eighty-one plates. Publication is assisted by funds from the Chancellor of the University of California, Los Angeles. Price: to members of the Society, $2.50; to non-members, $4.00.
William Andrews Clark Memorial Library
2205 WEST ADAMS BOULEVARD, LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90018
Make check or money order payable to The Regents of the University of California.