ROMANA

[Pamphlet 17.]

Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord:

In the contention most sharply and most learnedly carried on between the Defenders of the Poor and the Fisc in the case of the murders committed by persons led by Count Guido Franceschini against the person of Francesca Pompilia his wife, and Pietro and Violante Comparini, I refuse to descend into the arena, lest I may seem to fail in the office which I discharge in common with the said Defenders. My silent pity has delayed and let time slip by; because I believed it would be to the prejudice of Guido and his fellows imprisoned for that offence (in whose excuse the plea of injured honour is especially strong) if I should wish to push the defence (which was committed to me long ago) of the shame and honour of the same Francesca Pompilia; for her tender mind has been stained by no infamy arising from impure lust, and against her the suspicious husband could have made no objection, unless wife-murder had followed, as if from this he wished to prove the adultery merely because he could then kill his wife, and he killed her that she might be believed to be an adulteress.

But now since the case has been most sadly terminated as regards all of those imprisoned (for thus these things terminated which should not have been begun) I begin anew the dispute over that most unfortunate question, and assert most safely (both for the reasons fully given in my argument for exclusion of the asserted rape, which is reassumed gratuitously, and for those more fully gathered by his Honour, My Lord Advocate of the Fisc, in his very learned allegations distributed in both presentations of the case), first that the memory of the aforesaid Francesca Pompilia should be utterly absolved from the crime of adultery, which was unjustly and all too bitterly charged upon her by her husband, and second that declaration should be made by a definitive sentence that she has never violated her marriage vow. And this is in spite of the fact that such insistence may seem incongruous. For although all crimes cease with the death of the criminal [Citations], nevertheless when a crime is atrocious, and of such a nature that it involves in itself a brand of infamy, its memory ever endures. And therefore it is worth while for the principal to vindicate the fame of the authoress from the asserted crime of adultery, etc. Pellegrini speaks as follows: "The thirteenth case is when the heirs of one dead, for the purpose of purging him from the infamy which works against him publicly on account of crime, wish that [the court] take knowledge of the crime itself, for the purpose of establishing his innocence, for this is conceded by law." And Bossius asserts: "Note that even if death does utterly remove any further penalty, yet the heirs of one who is dead may make a stand for his fame and honour, in order that a declaration may be made about that crime." And Caballus: "For although with the death of the delinquent, a crime may be said to be extinct so far as his own person is concerned, yet the heirs of the accused, in their own interest and to wipe out the infamy of the one who is dead, may petition that the court go on to give an opinion, and that it be declared that the dead one had not committed crime." And he affirms the same under the following number.

And indeed this is not without manifest reason. For just as the Fisc may go further in the investigation of a crime that had been perpetrated during the lifetime of the one now dead, even for the purpose of damning his memory [Citations], likewise it cannot be denied by the principal himself, as the beneficiary heir and successor of the same Pompilia and Pietro Comparini, that inasmuch as her innocence is evident he may insist upon carrying away a sentence of absolution; for in other cases any one at all may have a chance to defend one who is dead. [Citations.]

And to delay such a judgment it is not right that the flight again be alleged, which the said Pompilia made in the company of Canon Caponsacchi, with whom she was arrested at the inn of Castelnuovo. For to remove that charge it is quite enough for one to allege the judgment of this Most Illustrious Congregation, given under the date of February 18, last past, against Guido Franceschini, because of which he was publicly put to death on the twenty-second day following, notwithstanding the fact that, to avoid the penalty of wife-murder, he insisted solely upon the asserted adultery, which he claimed had resulted from the aforesaid flight from home. All suspicion whatsoever of her dishonesty ceases because of the defences then made and because, in the very prosecution, there was apparent a very just reason, on account of which the wretched wife attempted to flee thus from the home of her husband. Nor was it for the purpose of satisfying lust with the asserted lover, but that she might go back to her own hearth, and there, with her parents, might live a safe and honest life. This cause is very plainly proved by the notorious quarrels which arose on account of the poverty of the domestic establishment immediately after her arrival at the City of Arezzo along with Pietro and Violante Comparini in execution of the agreement included in the marriage-contract. And on account of this poverty the Comparini were obliged, after a few months, to go back to the City, with no small bitterness on account of the deception which they had detected. This is evident from the letters of Abate Paolo Franceschini, which presuppose these complaints that resulted from the said deception, and especially from the letter written March 6, 1694: "I write again to you that I do not wish to imitate him in his manner of writing, not being of his mind to sow broadcast in my letters such words as would well merit response by deeds, and not by words. And these are so offensive that I have kept them for his reproof and mortification." And further on: "So that if you give trouble, which I will never believe, you yourself will not be exempt therefrom." It is also evident from the letters given in my past information, and especially in § Videns igitur, with the one following. And although this does not show the nature of the altercation, yet, since Abate Paolo has not shown the letters written to himself, the presumption presses upon him very strongly that the complaints were just and that the cause of their quarrels and altercations was well founded. [Citations.]

It is also true that a very bitter lawsuit was brought by Pietro Comparini for the nullification of the dowry contract and for the proof of the pretence of birth, which had been made by Violante, the mother, both to deceive her husband and to bar his creditors, who were pressing him hard at the time. And since the dowry included all the property and the entire patrimony of Comparini, which was of no small value when we consider the rank of the persons concerned, controversy had indeed been raised for a considerable amount by the father-in-law. And this, as experience teaches from time to time, is accustomed to bring forth implacable hatred and deadly enmity. [Citations.] It produced indeed such an effect for this unfortunate wife, so that the love of her husband, which had long been disturbed by the preceding altercations, was finally quite extinct. And this was so to such an extent that she often found herself exposed to deadly peril because of the severity of her husband, who at times pursued her with abuse, and again even with a pistol. And it cannot be questioned that such perils are quite suited to strike fear even into any hardy man. [Citations.] Hence it can be much more affirmed of Francesca Pompilia, a girl of tender age, who was destitute of all aid, and away from her own home and her parents. [Citations.] And Mogolon [Citation] declares that the mere sight of arms, even if the one who has them does not use them nor unsheath them, is just cause for fear; and in § 7, No. 15, he considers the absence of relatives as a ground for fear. And D. Rainaldi [Citation] says that it is enough if one sees signs or acts of manifest desire, or such as are preparatory.

Therefore, since so many very relevant circumstances concur, on account of which Pompilia was moved to desert her husband's bed by flight, all suspicion whatsoever of dishonesty and of violated conjugal faith is utterly removed. For whenever we have two causes, one of which is lawful and permissible, while the other is iniquitous and abominable, the former is to be fully received, and thereby the charge of crime is quite excluded. [Citations.] [And this is true] in spite of the fact that this lawful cause may seem to be excluded [first] by the letter written by Francesca Pompilia to Abate Paolo. For in the letter, after she had thanked Abate Paolo because he had joined her in marriage with his brother, pretence is made that her parents gave her the depraved counsel to destroy the entire home and to go back to the City with her lover; [it also makes pretence] that since their departure she was enjoying a quiet and tranquil life. [Second] from the company of the Canon Giuseppe Caponsacchi, with whom she had fled; because of which he was banished to Civita Vecchia for three years.

For however it may be with the asserted letter, whether it is substantiated or not, and whether or not the qualification should be considered probable, which is added in her sworn testimony by the same Pompilia, namely that her husband had marked the characters and she had blackened them with ink by tracing them with a pen, because she herself did not know how to write; yet it is certain that if the letter be read attentively it will be absolutely impossible to assert that she had written it with a calm mind. For who can be found so unmindful of filial love and duty toward parents as to persuade himself that this tender girl could have laid upon her parents such detestable crimes? Because at the time she was not more than fourteen years old, according to the certificate of baptism given in the Summary of the Fisc, in the second setting forth of the cause, No. 2. And she was away from her own home and still grieving for the very recent departure of her parents, and was badly treated in the home of her husband, as is clearly shown by the continual complaints and recourse made not merely to the most reverend Bishop, but also to the Lord-Commissioner of the city. Nor is it probable that she would have informed her brother-in-law, who was so very unsympathetic toward her, of these matters unless, as she has frankly confessed in her sworn examination, she was compelled thereto by her husband. Nor without very evident peril of death could she show any reluctance to him because of his excessive severity, which she had very often felt before. And as this improbability is well suited to strike horror into those who read it, so likewise it very well shows that the letter was not written voluntarily, but under compulsion. [Citations.] Caballus asserts that what no sane mind would approve is inadmissible. [Citation.] And indeed such excessive cunning in extorting the said letter from the wife plainly proves Guido's craft, and the fact that the letter was obtained by false pretence, in order that he might quiet the mind of the same Abate, his brother. For the latter had been harassed by continual complaints on account of ill treatment of the wife, and had not ceased to criticise Guido daily for them. [Citation.]

As to her association with Canon Caponsacchi, this likewise does not seem enough to establish the blot of dishonour. For the most wretched wife was utterly destitute of all earthly aid and had vainly entreated the authority of the most reverend Bishop, and of the Lord-Commissioner, to free her from deadly peril; and on account of her age and sex it was not suitable that she should flee alone or in the company of some low-born serving-woman, for in that way she would carelessly expose herself to graver peril, as might have happened to her if she had been overtaken while alone on the journey. For then it could be said of her: "She fell upon Scylla while trying to avoid Charybdis." Therefore we should not be surprised if she took the aforesaid Canon as a companion. For he had been proposed to her by both Canon Conti and Gregorio Guillichini, who were related to Pompilia's husband. And it is utterly incredible that they would have consented to such a flight if they had not known it was quite necessary to evade the peril of death, which they very well knew was threatening the luckless wife, and if they had not had strong faith in the honesty and integrity of her companion. Therefore, as such a necessity was pressing so hard upon her, her prudent choice of the lesser evil eliminates any shadow whatsoever of her pretended dishonesty. [Citations.]

[This is especially true when we] consider the manner in which the flight was executed, by taking the most direct road to the City with the utmost possible speed. And it very well shows that the sole motive was to save her life, and not to debase herself by licentious delights. For if this latter had indeed been the principal cause, she would not have gone to Rome by the shortest road, where she might immediately be taken by her brother-in-law and her parents, but would have gone to some more distant regions, or else she would not have gone with such swiftness, but would have delayed out of the public highway, and in a place where her husband could not find her, and where she could fulfil to satiety her lust.

This utter improbability therefore very well shows the truth of the cause for flight adduced by the wife in her sworn testimony—namely that she had gone swiftly to the City in order that she might there place her life and honour in safety in the home of her parents. For just as the strongest sentence of blame may arise from mere probability, so likewise no less presumption of innocence should arise from this improbability. [Citations.]

And this is strongly urged by the frank protestation made in the very act of arrest at the inn of Castelnuovo to the husband himself by the Canon, who rebuked him concerning this flight: "I am a gallant man, and what I have done, I have done to free your wife from the peril of death." So testifies Jacopo, son of the former Simon, a witness for the Fisc, in the prosecution for flight (page 50). And an example was offered by me in my allegation as regards that flight, namely that of Scipio Africanus. For when the beautiful young wife of Aleucius, the chief of the Celtiberi, had been captured by Scipio's soldiers, he said in restoring her to her husband: "Your wife has been with me as she would be with her own parents. Her virtue has been preserved for you so that she can be given back to you again, a gift unviolated and worthy of me and you." Titus Livius bears witness to this in his Histories, book 26, and page 493 in my volume.

And although it may be very difficult for a beautiful woman to preserve the decorum of her honour while journeying in the company of a young lover, yet it is not utterly impossible, as the examples seem to show, which were related in my allegation, § Quidqud dicat. And to these I add that of Penelope, of whom Ovid sings in book 3 of his elegies [Amores, III., 4, 23]: "Although she lacked a guard, Penelope continued chaste among so many suitors."

And this is especially true since neither the journey nor the company of the Canon were voluntary, but were merely for the purpose of avoiding the peril of death. And since such necessity was present, the presumption drawn from Ovid's Ars Amandi is rendered still further inapplicable, namely that "From a passionate young man, can she be believed to have returned a virgin?" [Heroides, 5, 129.]

Nor do the letters which were found in the closet of the inn at Castelnuovo seem to stand in the way and hinder the sentence petitioned, and impose a blot of infamy upon Francesca Pompilia. It is claimed that these were written by her to the Canon on account of the very devoted love with which she was pursuing him. But the exceptions and responses made in the past informations hold good. The first is that they were not acknowledged by her, nor was the identity of the handwriting proved; and some uncertainty is still present, since it is not evident to whom they were directed; nor would it be improbable that they might have been framed by the husband. For he was present at the capture and search, and hoped, indeed, that therefrom might result more readily the fixing of the crime of adultery. And he insisted very strongly upon this, in order that he might gain the desired dowry and lucre. This mere possibility to the contrary is enough to avoid the proof, which it is claimed may be drawn from them. [Citations.]

The second response is that, even though such exceptions as the above might not hold good, yet no proof of violated conjugal faith and of dishonour can be drawn from these letters. For even though proof of adultery may result from love-letters, it is utterly excluded in our case when we see that they were directed to a licit end, namely toward soliciting the Canon that he might afford her aid in her flight and that she might avoid deadly peril. For then, just as the end is permissible, so should the means also be considered lawful and permissible, even though suspicion is not lacking; for these should be considered, not in themselves, but on account of their end. [Citations.] But indeed, unless from the love-letters themselves there result an implicit confession of fornication, proof of adultery cannot be drawn from them. [Citations.]

It should be specially noted that she had very strong confidence in her own continence and in the integrity of the Canon. And she trusted him much, and hoped that he would conduct himself modestly during the journey, since it is evident from these same letters that she had found fault with him for his freedom once: "And I marvel, that you who have been so chaste, have composed and copied matters that are so dishonourable." And further on: "But I would not have you do in any case as you have done in these books. The first of them is honourable, but the other octaves are quite the contrary. I cannot believe that you, who have been of such honour, have become so bold." For such sincere objurgation and the very tenor of the letters in which no dishonesty is read, clearly show and declare the spirit of Pompilia, who wrote them. For just as words are to be understood according to the thought of the one proffering them, so likewise should letters be interpreted according to the intention of the one writing them. [Citations.]

Since therefore the honour and modesty of Pompilia is vindicated from the flight and the letters, of still lighter weight are the other proofs of pretended dishonour. These are deduced from the approach of the Canon to her home for the purpose of speaking to her; from the insidious manner in which the flight was prepared and put into execution, by means of an opiate administered to her husband and the servants; from their mutual kisses on the journey; and from their sleeping together at the inn of Castelnuovo. For beside the general response that no conclusive proof is offered for all these, such as would be necessary to establish Pompilia as guilty of adultery, there is a separate response for each of them.

The entry and egress at night time into the home of Francesca rests merely upon the deposition of a single witness, Maria Margherita Contenti, who is under two very relevant exceptions: namely those of singleness and of harlotry. Her word therefore can impose no blot of infamy. [Citations.] And since such approach would tend toward the single end of arranging for the flight and rescue of the unfortunate wife from the very imminent peril of death, it should not be presumed to be for an evil end. For when an express cause is plainly present, to which a matter may be referred, and this cause is entirely lawful, the matter should not be attributed to a cause that is illicit and criminal. [Citation.]

The insidious manner, also, whereby Francesca Pompilia put into execution the flight, by preparing an opiate for her husband and all the household (aside from the fact that it is not proved), would afford proof of sagacity rather than of dishonour, even if it were proved. For the wife would have been very foolish if she had attempted flight without such a precaution.

Under the same lack of proof labours the asserted mutual kissing during the journey; for that proof is entirely too slight, which is pretended to result from the deposition of a single witness of the lowest class. Especially since his word is shown to be too much prejudiced; for he swears that, while he was driving the carriage swiftly at night time, he saw Francesca Pompilia and the Canon kissing each other. Nor does he give any reason, as that the moon was shining, or that some artificial light was present to dispel the darkness. Inasmuch as such a detail is necessary in a witness who is testifying about a deed at night time, its omission takes away all confidence in him. [Citations.] For there is to be added another very strong improbability, namely that, while he was driving the carriage with such velocity that it seemed to fly rather than to run, he could see their mutual kissing by looking backward. Still more is this improbability increased by the very word of this same witness, since he swears that he had driven Pompilia without knowing that it was she, until afterward returning to Arezzo, he had met Guido Franceschini, her husband, following her. Because if he had seen her kiss, he would have recognised her straightway, since he had often seen her before and she was well known to him. And therefore it should be absolutely declared that, either influenced by the tedium of his secret prison, he had been compelled to swear so, or, as is more probable, since on account of the very great speed of the carriage the bumping together of those seated therein might chance, he had believed that this chance jostling of their heads and faces was for the base purpose of kissing. Hence the proof arising from his deposition was justly held in contempt in the prosecution for flight. And it would have been considered if it had had any probability.

Finally the proof of dishonour drawn from the asserted sleeping together in the same tavern at Castelnuovo is far weaker, since it was constantly denied by both Pompilia and Caponsacchi in their testimony. And only a single witness, the house-man of the same tavern, swears to it; and this also not from certain knowledge, but presumptively, because they had asked him for a room with a single bed. Canon Caponsacchi frankly confesses why he had ordered that only a single bed should be prepared—namely that Francesca Pompilia, who was worn out because of ill-health and the discomfort of their precipitate journey, might rest a little, while he himself kept guard. Such an act should not be assigned to an illicit cause, as Cravetta [Citation] advises in such circumstances. And in No. 15, he says that interpretation should always incline to the humaner side, even when the rigorous side may seem the more likely. And the same author continues thus in Nos. 20 and 21. For it would not suffice as a full proof of adultery that any one be found alone and naked with her alone and naked, and that a young man be found unclothed and with shoes off in a closed chamber with a woman. Much less can such proof arise from a very brief delay in the same chamber for the purpose of keeping watch.

Very slightly does it stand in the way that Francesca Pompilia, in her cross-examination, concealed this delay by asserting that she had arrived at the tavern at dawn. For she was very well aware of the credulousness of her husband, and possibly asserted this to avert further suspicion of violated honour, which certainly might have arisen if she had confessed that she had spent a longer time in the tavern. As even if she had not denied such a stay, the confession under circumstances that still argue for the preservation of her modesty would not have been to her prejudice, so likewise the lie can do no injury. [Citations.]

But all suspicion of pretended dishonour is quite eliminated by the assertion of the most unfortunate woman, which was made in the very face of death, after many severe wounds had been inflicted upon her by her husband. [For she declared that] she had never sinned against her marriage vow, as is very evident from the numerous depositions of religious men, who ministered to her in death. They assert that they heard her continually praying that she might be given no forgiveness by the Divine Clemency for such a sin. This assertion made in the very face of death, deserves all faith, since no one placed in that condition is presumed to be so unmindful of eternal safety as to be willing to lie. [Citations.]

Finally, no foundation for accusing the memory of Francesca Pompilia of dishonesty can be established upon the asserted decree of this most Illustrious Congregation, by whom Canon Caponsacchi was condemned to three years' banishment in Civita Vecchia, with a statement made of his running away and criminal knowledge of Francesca Pompilia. For, as the Fisc himself admits, there was demanded by me, though not in extenso, the modification of that title by the honourable Judges, with the approval of his Excellency the Governor. And therefore, in the order for imprisonment, these words were suppressed and others were put in their place: Pro causa de qua in actis.

All further difficulty is removed from the mere consideration that such a decree had been issued, while no defences had been made for Francesca Pompilia, and while she was still utterly without a hearing. For she had not the slightest knowledge of it, since she had not been notified. But in the decree for the assignment of the home as a prison, only a cause relative to the trial was expressed. Hence it could not injure her, since it was issued against a third party while she herself had not been cited. [Citations.] And in the circumstances that a sentence given against an adulterer can do no injury to the adulteress when she has not been cited is the text. [Citations.] "If he is condemned, the wife is not condemned thereby, but shall carry on her own case." [Citation.]

This is especially true since we are not now contending to free the husband from wife-murder, and to infer a just cause apart from belief in the dishonour of the wife resulting from the said decree, and which would excuse him from the penalty of the Cornelian law. In this case, the changing of the said decree might possibly serve for an escape. But we are contending about the damning of the memory of a woman now dead, and about rescuing her and her family from infamy. And in the latter case just as such a harsh decree could not injure her during her lifetime, so likewise it cannot do her injury after her death.

Antonio Lamparelli, Procurator of Charity.

[in old writing.]

And according to the letter of Carolo Antonio Ugolinucci, May 17, 1698, I understand that the Criminal Court after two votes, decided on absolution.

INSTRUMENT OF FINAL JUDGMENT

[Pamphlet 18.]

Given for the restoration of the good name and reputation of Francesca Pompilia, now dead; formerly the wife of Guido Franceschini of Arezzo, now dead; for acquittal in favour of Domenico Tighetti, as an heir beneficiary of the same Francesca Pompilia, from all disquietude, all molestations, vexations, and perturbations, brought or threatened to be brought by the Venerable Monastery of Saint Mary Magdalene of the Convertites in the Corso; together with the citations lawfully executed in observation of the four terms to instruct themselves as to the appeal and its legal prosecution, in order that the same sentence might pass on, as it has passed on, to judgment, because no appeal has been interposed.

In the name of God, Amen.

September 9, 1698, under the sixth declaration in the eighth year of the Pontificate of the Most Sacred Father in Christ, etc., Innocent XII., Pope by Divine Providence. This is a copy, or transcript, of the citations made by my own act, and written below, and of the sentence rendered respectively of the following tenor, namely:

The Most Reverend and Most Illustrious Governor in criminal matters:

Let the undernamed principals on the other side be cited, etc., to appear in the Criminal Court to-morrow, which will be the nineteenth day of the current month, at the accustomed hour of convening court, lest it seem good that each and all the terms be repeated as ill founded, and that they therefore are to be held and observed as null and void in their force for any powers whatsoever, and lest the one so insisting be freed from censures, so far as, etc., it be concluded, or seem best to be concluded in the case, and that the final sentence be heard in due form according to the aforesaid insistence by Domenico Tighetti, heir-beneficiary of the former Francesca Pompilia, the wife of the former Guido Franceschini, as principal, or, etc.

Notary for the Poor.

The Most Illustrious Francesco de Gambi, Procurator General of the Fisc, and of the Reverend Apostolic Chamber.

The Honourable Giovanni Maria Serbucci, Procurator and Manager of the lawsuit brought by the former Guido Franceschini.

The Honourable Francesco Paracciani, Procurator of the Venerable Monastery Santa Maria Magdalena of the Convertites in the Corso.

Against the Procurator General of the Fisc, etc. He says that no sentence can be given, unless in favour of the Fisc, and so far as, etc., insists that he be granted delay for the purpose, and in the meantime they cannot go on to any expediting of the cause, except for reason given in full court, and by the vote of the Lords thereof, and by testimony of the opposition in prison, and without citing all who have interest, etc., this 18th day of August, 1698.

Francesco Gambi, Procurator General of the Fisc.

I have made the above citation against the Fisc personally this day, and against the others by copy, which was sent to their homes, this August 18, 1698.

Balatresius.
Aloysius Pichius, Substitute for the Fiscal General.

August 19, 1698.

When he had made statement of fact, Antonio Lamparelli, Procurator, presented his case and petitioned as above. Thereupon the Most Illustrious and Most Excellent Lord, Marcus Antonius Venturinus, J.V.D., who holds the judicial bench, for the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Governor of our dear City in criminal cases, gave sentence, as in this schedule, which he has taken in his own hands, has seen, read, and subscribed, and given and consigned to me as a notary for publication of the following tenor, etc., in the presence of Antonio Bernardino Piceno and Antonio Toparino of Caprarola, witnesses, etc.

In favour of Domenico Tighetti, in the name, etc., against the Fisc and those consorting with him in the suit.

In the name of Christ, whom we have invoked, we who sit for this Tribunal, and who have only God before our eyes, give this as our definitive sentence, which we offer in these writings by the advice of those skilled in law, in the cause or causes which have been tried before ourselves in the first place, or in the second, and which are now being considered, between Domenico Tighetti, as heir-beneficiary of the former Francesca Pompilia, wife of the former Guido Franceschini of Arezzo, on the one part; and the Fisc and Giovanni Maria Serbucci as Procurator and Manager of the lawsuit of the former Guido Franceschini, and Francesco Paracciani, Procurator of the Monastery of Santa Maria Magdalena of the Convertites in the Corso, for all their rights and parts in that interest, on the other part; concerning and upon the pretended adultery committed by the said former Francesca Pompilia with Canon Giuseppe Maria Caponsacchi, and as regards other matters in the conduct of the cause or causes of this kind, more fully deduced, etc. By authority of the decree for the remission of the case, which was made by the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Auditor S.S., by the acts of Pascasius, concerning which in the conduct, etc., and for cause given in the Court, and by vote of the same, we say, pronounce, declare, and finally adjudge from what has been newly deduced, that proof is not established as regards the pretended adultery, and therefore the memory of the same Francesca Pompilia should be and is entirely restored to her pristine good name and reputation; and that the same Domenico Tighetti, in whose name the above was deduced, should be and is absolved and liberated from each and all disquietudes, molestations, vexations, and perturbations brought, or threatened to be brought, by occasion of these as on account of the statement of these we have restored, absolved, and freed him, as above. And for this restitution and absolution and freedom, we wish and command that it be held as law that the suit or suits, of whatever nature, which have been brought thereupon be abolished, as we abolish them. And we charge that perpetual silence be imposed upon the Fisc and his consorts in the suit. And we have thus spoken, pronounced, declared, and finally given sentence, not only, etc.

I, Marcus Antonius Venturinus, who hold the judicial bench have so pronounced.

Given on this 19th day of August, in the presence of Antonio Bernardino Piceno, and Antonio Toparino of Caprarola, Witnesses, etc.

By the Most Illustrious Governor of the City in criminal cases, or the Most Excellent Lord Venturini.

Let the undernamed be cited for learning the appeal, and its lawful prosecution for the first time, at the aforesaid instance of Domenico Tighetti, as principal heir-beneficiary of the aforesaid Francesca Pompilia, formerly wife of Guido Franceschini:

Charitas.

The Honourable Giovanni Maria Serbucci, as Procurator and Manager of the legal proceedings of the said former Guido Franceschini, as principal on the other side.

The Honourable Francesco Paracciani, the Procurator of the Venerable Monastery and Convent of St. Mary Magdalene of the Convertites in the Corso for all, etc.

I have made the said citation at his home, August 31, 1698.

Molinellus.

September 1, 1698.

When we had made statement of fact, R. D. Alexander Cassar, Substitute Procurator of Charity, appeared, petitioned, and was granted, as above.

By the Most Illustrious Governor of the City in criminal causes, or by the Most Excellent Lord Venturini.

Let those named below be cited for learning of the appeal and its legitimate prosecution this second time, at the aforesaid instance of Domenico Tighetti, heir-beneficiary of the former Francesca Pompilia, formerly wife of the former Guido Franceschini, principal, or, etc.

Charitas.

D. Giovanni Maria Serbucci, as Procurator and Manager of the lawsuit brought by the former Guido Franceschini, as the principal on the other side.

D. Francesco Paracciani, Procurator on the other side for the Venerable Monastery and Convent of St. Mary Magdalene of the Convertites in the Corso, for all, etc.

September 1, 1698, I have made this.

Molinellus.

By the Most Illustrious Governor in criminal causes, or by the Most Excellent Lord Venturini.

September 3. When he had made statement of fact, R. D. Alexander Cassar, Substitute Procurator of the Poor, appeared, petitioned, and was granted, as above.

Let those named below, be cited for learning of the appeal and its lawful prosecution, this third time, at the aforesaid instance of Domenico Tighetti, heir-beneficiary of the former Francesca Pompilia, wife of the former Guido Franceschini, as principal, or, etc.

Charitas.

D. Giovanni Maria Serbucci, as Procurator and Manager of the lawsuit brought by the former Guido Franceschini, as principal on the other side.

D. Francesco Paracciani, Procurator of the other side for the Venerable Monastery and Convent of Santa Maria Magdalena of the Convertites in the Corso, for all, etc.

I made this September 3, 1698.

Molinellus.

September 4, 1698.

When he had made statement of fact, R. D. Alexander Cassar, Substitute Procurator of the Poor, appeared, petitioned, and was granted as above.

By the Governor in criminal causes, or the Most Excellent Lord Venturini.

Let those named below be cited for learning of the appeal and its lawful prosecution, this fourth time, and of the final presentation, and the decree, etc., at the aforesaid instance of Domenico Tighetti, heir-beneficiary of the former Francesca Pompilia, formerly wife of the former Guido Franceschini, as principal, or, etc.

Charitas.

D. Giovanni Maria Serbucci, as Procurator and Manager of the lawsuit brought by the former Guido Franceschini as principal on the other side.

D. Francesco Paracciani, as Procurator of the Venerable Monastery and Convent of Santa Maria Magdalena in the Corso, for all, etc.

I have done this, September 4, 1698

Balatresius.

September 5, 1698.

When he had made statement of fact, R. D. Alexander Cassar, Substitute Procurator of the Poor, appeared, petitioned, and was granted, as above.

I, Domenico Barlocci, Notary of the Court of Criminal Causes of the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Governor of the City, as Notary for the Poor, have found this copy correct by collating it, although it was extracted from the original documents by one who is trustworthy in my eyes, etc. In pledge of the above, I have subscribed and have published it, as I am required to do.

[The seal of the said Notary.]

"The following pages contain a MS. contemporaneous account of the execution of the principal actors in the tragedy which has been immortalised in the poem of the Ring and the Book.

"I am enabled by the kindness of my friend, Mr. Browning, to give it a place in these Miscellanies of the Philobiblion Society."

John Simeon.

(I shall not attempt to say with what a feeling I correct proof-sheets received on the day subsequent to that which brought the intelligence of the death of this great-hearted and noble-minded man, characteristically good and gracious to the very last.)

R. B., May 24, 1870.

The above words are the introduction by Sir John Simeon and the comment by the poet (Philobiblion Society Miscellanies, xii. 1868-9), on the reprint of the subsequent pamphlet in the original Italian.

It was found in London by one of Browning's acquaintances, who, knowing the poet's interest in the subject, sent it to him. Internal evidence indicates that it was probably written (but not published) some few years after the crime, and it is more popular in style than any part of The Book. The writer during the first half of his pamphlet follows closely the affidavit of Pompilia and the second anonymous pamphlet [No. 15] of The Book. He then adds much interesting information as to the murder and the pursuit, arrest, trial, and execution of the criminals. Browning uses almost every scrap of additional information it affords. He accepts its fact with the same fidelity he shows in using The Book, and uses it extensively and without discounting its value as compared with the official record. It is therefore treated as an essential portion of the present source-study. Its new matter will be indicated by italics in the following translation.

Mrs. Orr has published somewhat less than half of the pamphlet in her Handbook in translation, which has been reprinted in the Camberwell Browning, and in the Browning Guide Book by G. W. Cook. The present version is made directly from the Italian text of the Philobiblion Society reprint.

THE
DEATH OF THE WIFE-MURDERER GUIDO
FRANCESCHINI, BY BEHEADING

Guido Franceschini, a nobleman of Arezzo, in Tuscany, had stayed for some time here in Rome in the service of a person of some eminence. He decided to take a wife with dowry enough to be of advantage to his own house. When he had revealed this desire to a certain hairdresser near the Piazza Colonna, she proposed to him the Signora Francesca Pompilia, thirteen years of age, the daughter of a certain Pietro Comparini and Violante Peruzzi. For beside the promised dowry, she was heir to the reversionary interest in bonds and other properties worth about 12,000 scudi. When he had heard of this advantageous dowry, which seemed to him to be quite to his point, he lost no time in revealing it to his brother Abate Paolo, who had dwelt here in Rome for many years in the service of a Cardinal. He went along with Guido to the mother of the young woman, as they flattered themselves that they would succeed better in this way than by demanding her of the father, who was somewhat hard to approach. When they had made it appear that their income was of considerable amount, they succeeded in their intent; although it was then found out that their entire capital did not amount to the total of their income as given in that note.

It was easy for Franceschini to win over this woman, as she was driven by the ambition of establishing her daughter in the home of persons of good birth. She gave her own consent, and so worked upon her husband as to induce him to sign the marriage bond. Then when Comparini had been informed by a person who knew the resources of Franceschini, that they were quite different from what they had been represented to him, he changed his mind, nor did he wish under any consideration to carry out the marriage. He gave as a pretext the very tender age of his daughter, along with other reasons. The mother of Francesca, however, not seeing any chance to give her daughter to Franceschini, had her secretly married during December, 1693, in San Lorenzo in Lucina.

When this marriage reached the ears of Comparini, he was much angered at Violante. But she had such a gift of gab that Comparini not only agreed to it, but beside the dowry of 2,600 scudi, on which he had already paid700 scudi, he also made gift of his entire possessions to the couple.

After several days, Franceschini decided to conduct his wife and her parents back to Arezzo, and this took place in the same December. When they had arrived there, the parents of the wife could see that the state of their son-in-law was much worse than they had imagined it. Therefore they were all the more embittered at the penuriousness they showed in the food, and many other matters. One morning while they were at the table they heard their daughter [Violante according to The Book] denied fire for warming her bed, and saw the Franceschini practise many other cruelties toward her. They were much troubled at it, and all the more so when they saw a Canon of the Franceschini household, a brother of the husband, rush upon their daughter [Violante according to The Book]. He struck Francesca with a dagger in his hand, who had to make her escape by running into a room and shutting the door. Then one evening her father went to visit a friend, and when he had come back home he found the door shut. Therefore his daughter, who was still awake, was obliged to go downstairs to open it for him, but not without first having called her husband, who never even opened an eye. Then when she had gone down to open the door and had gone outside a few steps to meet her father, all of a sudden she found herself shut outside the house along with her father. For that reason they were both of them obliged to sleep outside of the house that night, her father at the inn and the daughter at one of the neighbours. Therefore, more and more, as the days passed, the Comparini decided to return to Rome. But as they were without money they were obliged to beg it of Franceschini, who scarcely gave them the necessary expenses of the journey.

When the old Comparini had departed, Franceschini thought to hide what had happened. He constrained his wife to write to Rome to the Abate, his brother, to tell him that she cherished in her heart his memory. This letter was dictated by the husband himself. The ignorant girl did as Guido wished, whose purpose was to have it believed that his parents-in-law were the fomentors of the dissension which prevailed between the couple and the relatives of Franceschini.

When the Comparini had reached Rome, ill-contented as they were with the house of their son-in-law, for whom they now saw they had sacrificed their daughter, they did not know how to hold their peace about that matter, of which they themselves had been the cause. All the more so when they were harassed for the remainder of the dowry, beside the fact that they saw the rest of their property in danger. While affairs were in this state a Jubilee was announced; under these circumstances Violante Comparini revealed in confession that Francesca Pompilia, who was married to Franceschini, was not their daughter, but that the birth had been pretended. She had in fact been born of a poor widow, a foreigner, and had then been adopted to bring it about that the reversionary interest would fall to their house, and hence to make good the many debts of her husband. When the confessor heard this, he charged her to reveal all the affair to her husband himself. Violante obeyed, and Comparini was greatly surprised at it, and rebuked his wife sharply. He then submitted the matter to judgment before Monsignor Tomati; the following was spoken in sentence: It should be maintained that Francesca Pompilia shall be and is in quasi-possession of her relationship as daughter. Therefore appeal was taken by Comparini to the Tribunal of the Sacred Rota, but the suit still remains undecided. In the meantime the Franceschini, seeing that they had been deluded by this circumstance, since they could not get possession of the residue of the dowry, redoubled their cruelties to the poor Pompilia even to the point of threatening her with death. Hence she was very often obliged to save herself by fleeing into some other house, or before the authorities, or even into the presence of the Bishop, whom she finally begged to save her by putting her in some monastery. But this prelate thought it better to send her back to her husband's home, urging him not to mistreat her.

When the unfortunate woman saw that the admonitions of this Bishop had been useless, and that this way of softening the heart of her husband and his relatives had proved vain, and when they reproved her for sterility and for coquetry, and for other faults of their own imagining, she betook herself to an Augustinian, Romano, that he might write to his Superiors or to her parents to find some provision for her. But although the Father promised to do as she desired, his letters never reached their destination. The wretched woman was therefore desperate and determined to get to Rome in some manner or other. She told the whole matter to Canon Conti, a relative of the Franceschini, to whom she made a most pathetic picture of her situation. He was moved thereby, and answered that he would aid her, as he did, by offering to have her taken to Rome by Canon Caponsacchi, his friend, since he himself ought not and could not do it. When the circumstances had been told to Caponsacchi, he was opposed to it, for fear of incurring the anger of the Franceschini; but when he had been urged both by Conti and the woman, he consented thereto. And on the last Monday of April the wife arose from bed as soon as day dawned, without her husband knowing about it. She took some things of her own, some jewels, and money, left the house, and at the gate of the city found Caponsacchi, who was awaiting her with a carriage. They mounted together and set out on the road toward Rome.

When Franceschini awoke and discovered the flight of his wife, as he already suspected that she had started for Rome, he began to pursue her, and on the following Tuesday [should be Wednesday] overtook her at Castelnuovo in the post-house, where she was in company with Caponsacchi. The young woman was not at all terrified at the sight of her husband, but on the contrary she mustered her courage and reproved him for all the cruelties practised upon her, because of which she had been forced to this step. Then Franceschini was thunderstruck, and did not know how or what to respond. Hence he thought it best to have recourse to the authorities. The fugitives were arrested by the Governor of the place, and both of them were taken to Rome and placed in the New Prisons, and were charged with adultery because they had run away together. He tried to prove the charge by certain love-letters which had been found, and by the deposition of the driver. But as the adultery was not proved, the Canon was condemned for three years to Civita Vecchia, and the wife was shut into the monastery of the Scalette on the Lungara.

When the husband therefore saw that this had not helped him in gaining the dowry, he decided to go back to his own country, leaving the care of his case in the hands of his brother, the Abate, who was in the service of a Cardinal. But although the Abate tried by many a turn to succeed in his intent before the tribunals, he could not achieve it. Hence he also decided to leave Rome. And he was spurred all the more by its becoming known that his sister Pompilia was with child. For this reason, the Governor of Rome had constrained him to consent that she should keep her own home as a prison, under security of 300 scudi to present herself at every demand of the Tribunal. The Abate indeed was unwilling to give his consent unless Pietro Comparini should first assume obligation, by an official document, to furnish her with food. And then, when he had obtained the permission of his Cardinal, he sold his furniture and books, and when he had made them pay over the 47 scudi which had been found upon Pompilia at Castelnuovo, he left Rome. After that Pompilia bore a son, whom she named Gaetano, after the saint to whom she made her vows.

Franceschini, who was now overwhelmed with manifold troubles, and was urged on now by honour and again by self-interest to take vengeance, at last yielded to his base thoughts and planned to kill his sixteen-year-old wife and her parents. When four other criminals had been admitted to the scheme, he left Arezzo, and on Christmas eve reached Rome. He stopped at Ponte Milvio, where there was a villa of his brother. There he remained in hiding with his followers until a time opportune for the execution of his designs should come.

They spied out all the ways of the Comparini family, and on January 2, which was Thursday, at about seven o'clock in the evening, he approached the Comparini home with his companions. He left on guard at the street door Biagio Agostinelli and Domenico Gambassini, and knocked at the door. When he had said that he brought a letter of Canon Caponsacchi from Civita Vecchia the door was opened to him. Immediately this cut-throat Franceschini, assisted by the other two criminals, leaped upon Violante who had opened it and struck her dead to the ground. Pompilia in this crisis extinguished the light, hoping thus to escape the assassins, and ran to the neighbouring door of a locksmith crying out for help. But when she saw that Franceschini was provided with a lantern she went to hide under the bed; but she was dragged from there, and was barbarously slain with 22 wounds by the hand of her husband. Not content with that, he dragged her to the feet of Comparini, who was likewise wounded by one of the other assassins, and was crying out "confession."

When the uproar of this horrible slaughter was heard abroad, people ran thither, but the criminals succeeded in escaping. But in their haste one of them left his cloak, and Franceschini his cap, which betrayed him afterward. The unfortunate Francesca Pompilia, under the burden of such wounds as those with which she had been cut to pieces, implored the Holy Virgin for the favour of confession, and obtained her prayer. Hence she survived some little while, and was able to tell about this horrible crime. She told that after the deed was done her husband had asked of one of the cut-throats who had done the murder with him, if she were indeed dead. When that one had assured him, he replied: "Let us lose no time, but return to the vineyard." And so they made their escape. In the meantime the police had been summoned, and came with a captain. A confessor was quickly called and also a surgeon who gave his attention to the luckless girl.

When the Governor had been informed of the outcome, he immediately despatched Captain Patrizi to arrest the criminals. When the posse arrived at the vineyard, he found that these were no longer there, but that about an hour ago they had left in the direction of the highway. Then Patrizi followed without interrupting his journey, and when he had reached the inn he learned from the host that Franceschini had demanded horses with threat of violence, but they had been denied him, because he lacked the necessary order. Hence he had travelled afoot with his companions toward Baccano. Patrizi continued his march, and, after taking the necessary precautions, arrived at the tavern of Merluzza. There he found the assassins, who were straightway arrested. On them were found, still stained with blood, those daggers with which they had done the murders, and upon Franceschini were found 150 scudi in money. This arrest indeed cost the life of Patrizi, because having been overheated and wounded with a slight scratch he died in a few days.

Franceschini's dagger was of a Genoese pattern, triangular, and with certain hooks made in such a way that in wounding they could not be drawn from the wound without such laceration as to render the wound incurable.

When the criminals were known to be at Ponte Milvio, in that very inn they were heard on their preliminary examinations by notaries and judges sent there expressly, and satisfactory confession was had.

When the capture of the delinquents was known in Rome, a countless throng of people rushed thither to see them, while all the criminals were tied to their horses and conducted to Rome. It is told that Franceschini, while making the journey, asked one of the officers how in the world the crime had ever been discovered. And when he was answered that his wife, whom they had found still living, had revealed it, he was so astounded that he was, as it were, deprived of his senses. About five o'clock in the evening they reached the prisons. A certain Francesco Pasquini, of the town of Castello, and Alessandro Baldeschi of the same town, both of them 22 years old, along with Guido Franceschini had been the slayers of the Comparini. And Gambassini and Agostinelli were those who had stood guard at the street door.

In the meantime there were exposed in San Lorenzo, in Lucina the bodies of the assassinated Comparini, who were so disfigured, and especially the wife of Franceschini, by wounds in the face that they were no longer recognisable. The unfortunate Francesca, when she had taken sacrament and had pardoned her murderers, and had made her own will, died, not yet having completed her seventeenth year. This was on the 6th, which was the day of the Epiphany. She was able to justify herself against all the calumnies inflicted by her husband. The surprise of the people at seeing the said bodies was great, because of the atrocity of the deed, which truly made them shudder, seeing that two old septuagenarians and a young girl of 17 years had so wretchedly perished.

As the trial of the criminals advanced, there were many arguments made on the matter, laying stress on all the more aggravating circumstances which accompanied this horrible massacre. Others also were made in the defence with much erudition, especially by the Advocate of the Poor, who was a certain Monsignor Spreti. He succeeded in delaying the sentence, because Baldeschi made denial, even though "the cord" was administered to him twice, under which he swooned. Finally he confessed, and the others did likewise. They also revealed that they had planned to kill Franceschini himself, and to rob him of his money, because he had not kept his word to pay them as soon as they left Rome.

On February 22 was seen in the Piazza del Popolo a great platform with mannaia, and two great gallows, which had been built for the execution of the criminals. Many stands were constructed for the accommodation of those curious to see such a terrible execution, and so great was the concourse of people that some windows brought as much as six dollars each. At the eighth hour [2 a.m.] Franceschini and his companions were informed of their death and were placed in the Consorteria. There they were assisted by Abate Panciatichi and Cardinal Acciajoli, nor did they delay in preparing themselves to die well. At the 20th hour [2 p.m.] the Company of Death and of Pity arrived at the Prisons. The condemned were made to go downstairs, and were placed upon separate carts to be drawn to the place of execution.

The first to mount the cart was Agostinelli, the second Gambassini, the third Pasquini, the fourth Baldeschi, and the fifth Franceschini, who showed more intrepidity and composure than the others, to the wonder of all.

They left the Prison and followed the Pilgrims Street, the Street of the Governor, of Pasquini, Piazza Navona, the Pantheon, Piazza Colonna, and the Corso.

The first who was executed was Agostinelli, the second Gambassini, the third Pasquini, the fourth Baldeschi, and the last Franceschini. When the last-named had mounted the platform, he asked pardon for his sins, and begged them to pray for his soul, adding that they should say a Pater, an Ave, and Salve Regina for him. When he had made the confessor announce that he was reconciled, he adjusted his neck upon mannaia and, with the name of Jesus on his lips, he was beheaded. The head was then shown to the people by the executioner.

Franceschini was low of stature, thin and pallid, with prominent nose, black hair and a heavy beard, and was fifty years of age. He wore the same garb as when he committed the crime—that is a coat of brown cloth, black shirt, a vest of goatshair, a white hat and cotton cap; clothed presumably as he had been when he had set out from Arezzo.

The execution took place during the Pontificate of Innocent XII., in 1698.

TRIAL AND DEATH OF
FRANCESCHINI AND HIS COMPANIONS
FOR THE
MURDER OF COMPARINI, HIS WIFE, AND DAUGHTER
WHICH HAPPENED DURING THE TIME OF INNOCENT XII.

EDITORIAL NOTE

The following additional account of the Franceschini murder case was discovered a few years ago in the Royal Casanatense Library, Rome (Misc. MS. 2037), in a volume entitled Varii successi curiosi e degni di esser considerate, containing thirteen pamphlets by various authors, most of them concerning famous criminal trials, from Rome of the seventeenth century. The volume is in a hand of the early eighteenth century, and contains an endorsement to the effect that a copy was made from it in 1746. The Franceschini murder is the subject of the tenth narrative of the volume. Internal evidences indicate that it was written somewhat later than the secondary source pamphlet, by one who has considerable knowledge of the crime and whose attitude of mind shows him to have been a priest. It presents a better story and a fuller account of the motives of the actors, especially those of Abate Paolo and Violante, together with a number of additional matters of fact not contained in The Book. It never fell in Browning's way, and hence has no immediate source-relation to the poem, but it does prove in some cases the accuracy of Browning's conjectures of unknown facts when definite data failed him.

The pamphlet was printed in translation by W. Hall Griffin in the Monthly Review, November 1900. The present version has been made by the editor from a transcript of the original Italian executed by a friend in Rome.—C.W.H.

TRIAL AND DEATH OF FRANCESCHINI AND
HIS COMPANIONS

FOR THE

MURDER OF COMPARINI, HIS WIFE,
AND DAUGHTER

WHICH HAPPENED DURING THE TIME OF
INNOCENT XII.

The Abate Franceschini, born in Arezzo, Tuscany, of a family which was noble, but poor of estate, having the cleverness to advance his own fortunes, proceeded to the city of Rome, and was admitted by Cardinal Lauria into his household as Secretary of the Embassy. His inherent mental aptness won for him the favour of the Cardinal, who was held in great esteem in the Sacred College by reason of his learning, and who stood so high that he might well have aspired to the Papal Chair. In this lucky juncture, Abate Paolo, wishing to take advantage of his good fortune, thought to provide a wife for his brother Guido and to recoup his family fortunes by a rich dowry. Guido had served Cardinal Nerli in the same capacity, as Secretary of the Embassy; but either because he had not the good luck or the ability of his brother he left that service. Although Paolo knew that the idle state of his brother would be hurtful to his claims of dowry, he did not cease aspiring to a very advantageous one, flattering himself that his own distinction might make up for the shortcomings of his brother.

Now Guido had reached full maturity, was of weak temperament, ordinary in appearance, of a disposition more gloomy than pleasant, and, moreover, was of scant means. Hence, unless Abate Paolo should use his own influence, he could have little expectation for Guido. After having attempted several alliances of high rank, Paolo fixed his thought on Francesca Pompilia, the daughter of Pietro and Violante Comparini. As she was their only child, and as her parents were too far advanced in years to have other offspring, she would fall heir to a reversionary interest of 12,000 scudi; and he hoped that he could easily make the match, as the Comparini were rather inferior to him in birth.

A certain hairdresser frequented the home of the Comparini with the familiarity admitted by those women who desire to make themselves appear more beautiful to their husbands' eyes than they are and which some husbands tolerate who rely too much upon the fidelity of their wives. Paolo considered this woman to be the best means for aiding his designs for the marriage of Guido, and the latter often went to her shop with the purpose of winning her confidence by odd jobs. When he had often turned the talk to the subject of taking a wife, she told him one day he might readily apply for the daughter of the Comparini, for she had a suitable dowry, besides being heiress to a reversionary interest, and was of a small family connection, which were his very requirements. When through her efforts he had succeeded in achieving the marriage, it was understood he should reward her with 200 scudi. The hairdresser lost no time in broaching the matter to Violante, who, anxious for the advancement of her daughter and for the establishment of her own interests, agreed to speak of it to her husband, and, if the matter were as stated, to persuade him to effect it. Violante spoke to her husband about it and he did not reject the proposal, provided that the vaunted riches of the Franceschini were verified, but he said this would have to be given in a written statement attested by well-known and reliable persons. When the hairdresser had carried back this word to the Franceschini, they sent a statement of their real estate in Arezzo, with an income amounting to 1700 scudi, attested by persons well known to the Comparini, and who confirmed it to them orally.

Abate Paolo, fearing lest this fortune might escape him, gave them no time to change their minds, and in order to make the matter surer he desired to secure it by the hand of Cardinal Lauria, his patron, by whom he had the marriage agreement drawn up; for his Eminence was pleased to show kindness to the advantage of a man whom he regarded with some favour. Meanwhile Comparini had become better informed of the rank and property of the Franceschini and found them far different from the preceding account, both in rank and in property. Therefore he had a warm dispute with his wife, who persisted in the marriage, and declared that he had been advised by persons envious of the good fortune of one or the other house, and who wished to hinder it, and that she was not shaken in her original desire; for she was very sure, from other truthful witnesses, that the Franceschini were of the first rank of nobility of Arezzo, and not of the second, as those had said, and that the property given in the list had been untampered with. But the more she warmed to the matter, the cooler became Pietro; for being very diplomatic, if he could not gain, at least he wished not to lose by the marriage of his daughter. But what does not a man lose when he allows his wife to rule him? He loved her so tenderly that from the first day of their marriage he had constituted her the arbitress of his wishes. Violante, nevertheless, fearing lest Pietro, in a case of such importance, might be more influenced by reason than by flattery, could suffer no delay in making secure the reversionary interest which another house could claim if the Comparini were without an heir; she therefore resolved to have the marriage performed without the knowledge of Pietro. When she had secured the consent of the daughter, who was always obedient to her commands, and had made an appointment with Guido, she conducted her, suitably clothed, one morning to San Lorenzo, in Lucina, and espoused the two.