314. This metope is cast from the original in the Acropolis Museum at Athens. It represents a Centaur seizing a Lapith wife or maiden. Carrey's drawing gives the head, left foreleg from the knee, and left hindleg of the Centaur, and the right arm of the female figure, all which parts are now wanting. The group presents a somewhat involved and complicated composition. The Centaur grasps the female figure's left arm with his left hand; his right arm, not shown, we must suppose to be passing round the back of her waist. While the left foreleg of the Centaur is firmly planted on the ground, his right foreleg clasps the left leg of the female figure, pressing at the back of her knee, so as to throw her off her balance. Her dress, a chiton with a diploïdion, is disordered in the struggle. The action of her right hand, as drawn by Carrey, indicates that she is attempting to readjust the upper part of her chiton. Her right leg from the knee to the ankle is supplied by a cast from a fragment at Athens; the foot is cast from another fragment, of which the original, No. 342, 1, exhibited in a Wall Case, probably belonged to the Elgin Collection. The action of this leg is awkward and ungainly.

Michaelis, pl. 3, xii.; Stereoscopic, No. 96a.

Next follow in Carrey's drawings thirteen metopes (Michaelis, xiii.-xxv.) of which we have only a few fragments. Of these the first eight (xiii.-xx.) represent subjects of which the import is unknown, and in which draped female figures predominate. Nos. xxii.-xxv. represent combats between Centaurs and Lapiths or Lapith women. If we suppose that No. xxi., which represents two women standing by an archaic statue as if for sanctuary, belongs to the Centaur series, then twelve metopes at each end of the south side, namely, i.-xii., xxi.-xxxiii. are devoted to this subject, while the eight central metopes are an independent series.

Fragments have been recognised as belonging to the thirteen metopes which have been destroyed since the time of Carrey. They are more fully described below.

315.

This metope, the 26th in the original series, is from the eastern half of the south side of the temple. It represents a contest between a Centaur and Lapith. The Centaur, rearing, has raised his arms above his head, in order to strike his antagonist with some weapon, perhaps a branch of a tree. His antagonist thrusts the toes of his left foot against the equine chest of the Centaur between his forelegs, and, pressing his left hand against his adversary's right elbow, is trying to force him back on his haunches. His right arm, now wanting, has been drawn back to deal a blow; its position is marked by a projection on the ground of the relief. A chlamys hangs down at his back. From the want of apparent support for the right foot of the Lapith, the action of this figure appears weak and undecided. On the left upper arm are two holes for the attachment of some object, perhaps an end of drapery hanging free in front of the arm. Another hole on the flank of the equine portion of the Centaur, between the ribs and haunch, shows where the end of a skin, hanging down from the back, may have been attached. Parts of the right hind leg appear to have been attached by metal rivets. Carrey's drawing shows that this metope has suffered little since his time.

Mus. Marbles, VII., pl. 8; Michaelis, pl. 3, xxvi.; Stereoscopic, No. 89.

316. In this metope, the 27th in the original series, the Centaur, wounded in the back, attempts to fly, but is checked by the Lapith, whose left hand grasps him round the left side of the head, while his left leg presses against his hind-quarters. The right arm of the Lapith is drawn back to deal a blow, perhaps with a lance. The Centaur, rearing up in agony, presses his right hand against the wound in his back; his left arm, now wanting, must have been raised, as appears from Carrey's drawing, in which a small piece of the upper arm is given. The left foot of the Lapith presses firmly against a rock. A mantle falls over both arms, hanging in festoons behind his back. Carrey's drawing gives both the head, and right leg, and part of the right forearm of the Lapith. In composition and execution this is one of the finest of the extant metopes.

Mus. Marbles, VII., pl. 9; Baumeister, Denkmaeler, p. 1176, fig. 1365; Michaelis, pl. 3, xxvii.; Stereoscopic, No. 90.

317. In this metope, the 28th in the original series, the Centaur is victorious; the Lapith lies dead under his feet. Brandishing the lion's skin on his extended left arm with a triumphant gesture, and lashing his tail, the Centaur rushes forward to meet a new foe, with the ends of the lion's skin flying behind him. His right arm, now wanting, must have wielded the weapon with which he has slain the Lapith. The Lapith lies on his chlamys, his head thrown back, his right leg bent up, his right hand lying over his right flank, his whole form relaxed by death. Carrey's drawing gives the head, left foreleg, and greater part of the right arm of the Centaur, but wholly misinterprets the figure of the Lapith. For dramatic power in the conception and truth in the modelling of the forms, this metope is unrivalled.

Mus. Marbles, VII., pl. 10; Baumeister, Denkmaeler, p. 1177, fig. 1366; Michaelis, pl. 3, xxviii.; Stereoscopic, No. 91.

318. In this metope, the 29th of the original series, the Centaur is carrying off a Lapith woman. Clasping her firmly round the waist with his left hand, he has raised her from the ground. We see from Carrey's drawing that his right hand, now wanting, grasped her right arm above the elbow, so as to make her efforts to escape of no avail; with her left hand she vainly endeavours to loosen his hold round her waist. The disorder of her drapery shows the violence of the struggle. Her chiton has slipped from its attachment on the left shoulder, leaving her left breast exposed. Over her left arm is the end of a mantle, which, passing round her back, and twisted over her right arm, floats unconfined behind the Centaur. His head has the pointed ears which are characteristic of the semi-bestial type, but which do not occur on the other heads of Centaurs in these metopes. Carrey's drawing gives the head of the female figure, and the right arm and tail of the Centaur. There are traces of the bead and reel moulding on the margin of this metope. The drapery is beautifully wrought, but the design in its present condition seems rather tame.

Mus. Marbles, VII., pl. 11; Michaelis, pl. 4, xxix.; Stereoscopic, No. 92.

319. This metope, the 30th in the series, much resembles No. 311, both in composition and in style. The Lapith has fallen with his left leg bent under him; his left arm rests on a stone, which he grasps in his left hand. His right hand, which is disarmed, presses feebly against the left side of the Centaur, who with his left hand seizes the hair of his antagonist, and presses his left forefoot on his right thigh, drawing back his right arm to deal a blow. The countenance of the Lapith expresses bodily pain, as if he had just been half stunned by a blow on the head. His bent knee does not yet touch the ground, but the action of the Centaur deprives him of all chance of recovering his erect position. A lion's skin floats in the air at the back of the Centaur. A chlamys hangs from the right arm of the Lapith, and passes behind his back. The treatment of both the heads is a little austere, but the bodies are well modelled, and the composition is finely conceived. There are on this metope some remains of the bead and reel moulding on the upper margin.

Mus. Marbles, VII., pl. 12; Michaelis, pl. 4, xxx.; Stereoscopic, No. 93.

320. In this metope, the 31st of the original series, the Centaur seems to have the advantage. The Lapith has, with his right hand, seized him by the hair, pressing his right knee on the Centaur's breast; his left arm is drawn back, and has been slightly bent at the elbow. The Centaur, rearing up, grasps his antagonist by the throat, twisting his forelegs round the Lapith's right leg, so as to paralyse its action. The position of the Centaur is obviously much the stronger, and the bent left knee of the Lapith indicates that he is tottering. We do not know what weapon he held in his hand. The composition in this metope is very good. In the faces there is the same austere character as in No. 319. This metope seems in the same state as when drawn by Carrey.

Mus. Marbles, VII., pl. 13; Baumeister, Denkmaeler, p. 1178, fig. 1367; Michaelis, pl. 4, xxxi.; Stereoscopic, No. 94.

321. In this metope, the 32nd of the original series, the Centaur has seized the Lapith by the back of his head with his left hand, of which a fragment is still visible. His right arm has been drawn back to deal a blow, probably with a spear. The left foreleg passes round the loins of the Lapith, while the other foreleg has been locked round his right thigh. His adversary, firmly planted on the ground with his right leg advanced, has drawn back his left arm to prepare a blow, probably with a sword. The action of his right shoulder shows that he has seized the Centaur by the hair with his right hand. A drawing by Feodor, one of the artists employed by Lord Elgin at Athens, shows that the left arm and left leg of the Lapith, now wanting, were then perfect, and that he may have worn a bronze helmet up to the date when the drawing was made. The direction of the missing portions of the left arm and leg is indicated by projections on the ground of the relief. The right arm was wanting from the elbow. In Carrey's drawing, all the right arm of the Centaur is given; but his legs were mutilated.

Mus. Marbles, VII., pl. 14; Michaelis, pl. 4, xxxii.; Stereoscopic, No. 95.

Of the thirty-two metopes which originally adorned the north side of the Parthenon, only twelve (i.-iii. and xxiv.-xxxii. of Michaelis, pl. 4) remain in their original position, and three of these (ii., xxvi., xxx.) are so defaced that their subjects cannot be made out. In the explosion of 1687, twenty metopes (iv.-xxiii.) were destroyed, all but a few fragments. The subjects of the metopes which have perished may have been the combats of Centaurs and Lapiths. Michaelis supposes xxiv., xxv. to represent a scene from the taking of Troy.

322. The only metope from the north side, of which a cast is exhibited in the British Museum, is the last of the series, at the north-west angle of the temple. It represents a draped female figure seated on a rock, towards whom advances from the left another draped female figure, extending forward her left hand muffled in drapery. Both figures wear talaric chitons, over which fall diploïdia and mantles. The figure advancing wears sandals. The folds of the drapery are very rich and abundant. There is a careful drawing of this metope by Feodor in the British Museum, taken when it was in a considerably better state.

Michaelis, pl. 4, xxxii.; Stereoscopic, No. 96.

On the western front of the Parthenon all the fourteen metopes, except vi. and vii., remain in position on the temple, but their surface has been so much injured, that their subjects cannot be made out. The best preserved of these metopes appear to represent a battle of Greeks against Amazons.

323. This is a cast from the first of the metopes of the west side, and represents a figure mounted on a horse, moving to the right, with the right hand drawn back as if aiming a spear, and having a chlamys flying behind. If the metopes on this front represented an Amazonomachia, this figure may be an Amazon. The surface is much damaged. A drawing by Pars in the British Museum makes this a male figure.

Michaelis, pl. 5, West side, i.; Stereoscopic, No. 80.

The corresponding metopes on the east side of the Parthenon remain on the building, but have all suffered great injury. They appear to have represented scenes from the war of the gods and giants.

Michaelis, pl. 5, East side, i.-xiv.

The frieze is nearly 3 ft. 4 in. high. The height of the relief is somewhat greater at the top than at the bottom. At the top the height of the relief may be as much as 2¼ inches, with an average height of about 1½ inch. At the bottom it varies between low relief and about 1¼ inch. The whole surface of the relief is thus slightly tilted over towards the spectator, in order to compensate as far as possible for the disadvantageous conditions under which the frieze had to be viewed. The length of each end of the Parthenon frieze was 69 ft. 6 in.; the length of each long side was 191 ft. 11 in. The length of the entire frieze was therefore 522 ft. 10 in.

The frieze, which was nearly complete in the time of Carrey, suffered greatly in the explosion, particularly about the middle of the two long sides. Unfortunately, however, Carrey only made drawings of the west end; the east end, except its central slab which had been taken down; about 74 feet in the middle of the south side; and about 78 ft. 6 in. at the east end of the north side. Stuart and Pars drew a considerable amount of the frieze, but not much of what has since been entirely lost. The following table shows approximately the state of the whole frieze.

The subject of the frieze of the Parthenon has been considered, by most of the writers who have discussed it, to be connected with the Panathenaic procession at Athens. Those who have held a different view have been the early travellers, such as Cyriac of Ancona, who described the subject of the frieze as 'Athenian victories in the time of Pericles,' and a few recent authors. Davidson (The Parthenon Frieze) sees in the frieze a representation of a Panhellenic assembly, which Pericles tried to collect at Athens without success. Weber and Boetticher held that the scene represented is the preparation and rehearsal, rather than the procession itself. C. Petersen thought that different festivals are represented on different sides* (cf. Michaelis, p. 205).

* The frieze of the Parthenon records in sculpture the passionate delight with which Greeks, and more particularly Athenians (cf. Hel. Aeth., III. 1), regarded festal processions.

A vivid commentary on the Parthenon frieze is to be found in the third book (chaps, i.-iii.) of the Aethiopica of the novelist Heliodorus. The passage adds the sound, colour, and movement needed for a complete conception of the scene. The writer, however, is describing the procession of a Thessalian embassy at Delphi, and some of the details only partially agree with those of the frieze. "The Hecatomb led the procession, escorted by men initiated in the mysteries. These were somewhat rustic in dress and manner, and had their white tunics closely girded. The right shoulder and breast were bare, and they carried an axe in the right hand. The bulls were followed by a crowd of other victims, each kind being led separately and in order. Meanwhile flute and pipe were playing a melody which was, as it were, an introduction to the sacrifice. The cattle and their escort were followed by maidens with flowing hair. They were in two troops; the first carried baskets of fruits and flowers, the second troop carried flat baskets (κανᾶ κανηφοροῦσαι) with sweetmeats and incense, and filled the place with sweet smells. They bore their burdens on their heads leaving their hands free, and kept their ranks true both from front to rear and from side to side, that they might march and dance while the first troop gave the time, singing a hymn in honour of Thetis. The troops were so harmonious and the sound of marching was so accurately timed to the song, that hearing seemed better than seeing, and the spectators followed the maidens as they passed as if they were drawn by the melody. But at length the appearance of the youthful cavalry and of its leader proved that a noble sight was better than any music. There were fifty ephebi, in two troops of five-and-twenty, acting as body-guard of the leader of the embassy. Their boots were laced with purple thongs, and tied above the ankle. Their cloaks were white with dark blue borders, and were fastened on their breasts with golden brooches. The horses were all Thessalian, and breathed the freedom of their native plains. They tried to spue out their bits and covered them with foam, as if rebellious, yet submitted to the will of the riders. It seemed as if there had been a rivalry among the masters in adorning their horses with frontlets and phalerae, silver or gilded. But, as a flash of lightning makes all else seem dark, so, when the captain, Theagenes (the hero of the novel), appeared, all eyes were turned to him. He also was mounted, and wore armour, and brandished an ashen spear, tipped with bronze. He had not put on his helmet, but rode bareheaded. He wore a purple cloak, embroidered in gold with a fight of Centaurs and Lapiths; on his brooch was an amber figure of Athenè, wearing the Gorgon's head on her breastplate. A gentle breeze gave him further grace, spreading his hair about his neck, and parting the locks on his forehead, and blowing the ends of his cloak about the back and flanks of his horse. And the horse itself seemed conscious of the exceeding beauty of its master, as it arched its neck, and pricked up its ears, and frowned its brows, and advanced proudly, giving ready obedience to the rein, balancing on alternate shoulders, lightly striking the tips of its hoofs on the ground, and attuning its pace to a gentle motion." Interesting passages of Xenophon describe horses that prance as they ought in processions, and also lay down the duty of the leaders of a procession of horsemen (Xen. Hipp. 11 and Hipparch. 3).

Before examining how far the frieze represents the Panathenaic procession in detail, it may be well to state what facts respecting the festival have been handed down to us by ancient authors. Its origin was ascribed in antiquity to pre-historic times. Its mythic founder was Erichthonios, the son of Hephaestos and foster-son of Athenè herself; and the festival is said to have been renewed by Theseus when he united all the Attic demes into one city. The goddess in whose honour it was celebrated was Athenè Polias, the tutelary deity of the Athenian Acropolis, where she was supposed to dwell in the "Old Temple," and where her worship was associated with that of Erechtheus, who dwelt under the same roof.

A solemn sacrifice, equestrian and gymnastic contests, and the Pyrrhic dance, were all included in the ceremonial; but its principal feature was the offering of a new robe, peplos, to the Goddess on her birthday. The peplos of Athenè was a woven mantle renewed every four years. On the ground, which is described as dark violet and also as saffron-coloured, was interwoven the battle of the Gods and the Giants, in which Zeus and Athenè were represented. It was used to drape the rude wooden image of Athenè.

The festival was originally an annual one, but after a time it was celebrated once every four years with more splendour and solemnity. The institution of this greater Panathenaia is attributed to Peisistratos. From his time (b.c. 560-527) dates the distinction between the Greater and the Lesser Panathenaia. The sons of Peisistratos added a contest of rhapsodes reciting the Homeric poems. The festival was further amplified by Pericles, who introduced a musical contest and himself acted as athlothetes or judge.

On the birthday of the Goddess the procession which conveyed the peplos to her temple assembled in the outer Cerameicos, and passed through the lower city round the Acropolis, which it ascended through the Propylæa. During its passage through the city the peplos was displayed on the mast and yard of a ship, which was drawn on rollers. In the procession of Rosalia at Palermo, a ship is employed for a similar purpose (Brydone, Tour, Letter xxx.). In this solemn ceremony, the whole body of Athenian citizens were represented. Among those who are particularly mentioned as taking part in the procession were the noble Athenian maidens, Canephori, who bore baskets, kanea, with implements and offerings for the sacrifice; the Diphrophori, who attended the Canephori with stools (diphroi); the metoik or alien Scaphephori, whose function it was to carry certain trays, skaphæ, containing cakes and other offerings; the aged Athenian citizens who bore olive branches, and were hence called Thallophori. It has also recently been ascertained that the selected maidens who prepared the peplos (the Ergastinae, and perhaps the Arrhephori) also took part in the Panathenaic procession. An Attic decree of 98 b.c. records that these maidens had performed all their duties, and had walked in the procession in the manner ordained with the utmost beauty and grace (πεπομπευ[κέναι κα]τὰ τὰ προστεταγμένα ὡς ὅτι κ[άλλισ]τα καὶ εὐσχημονέ[στατα]), and had subscribed for a silver cup which they wished to dedicate to Athenè. After this preamble the decree doubtless awarded certain public honours such as are enumerated in an inscription found by Mr. Murray at Petworth. (Bull. de Corr. Hellénique, xiii., p. 169; Athenische Mittheilungen, viii., p. 57.) At the Greater Panathenaia each town in which land had been assigned to Athenian settlers contributed animals to the sacrifice, perhaps a cow and two sheep. The colonies also appear to have sent envoys who had charge of the victims. Chariots and horsemen took an important part in the procession. On this occasion appeared certain quadrigæ, which were only used in procession, and were hence called pompic chariots; and an escort of Athenian cavalry and heavy infantry completed the show. The arrangements for the sacrifice were under the direction of the hieropoioi, and the multitudinous procession was marshalled and kept in order by the demarchs, the hipparchs, and by the heralds of a particular gens, the Euneidæ.

When, with a knowledge of these facts, we examine the composition of the frieze, we may recognise in its design the main features of the actual procession. In our description we begin with No. 1, on the left of the east side. We first observe Canephori and others leading the procession of which the main part is seen on the south side. Next are persons, perhaps Hieropoioi or magistrates receiving this procession. In the centre of this side a solemn act (commonly supposed to be the delivery of the peplos) is being performed in the presence of an assembly of deities, separated into two groups interjected among the heads of the procession who have arrived and stand waiting. These deities are supposed to be invisible, and doubtless in a picture they would have been placed in the background, seated in a semicircle and looking inwards. In the narrow space of a frieze a combined arrangement was necessary, such as we see here. Next we see the persons receiving the procession on the north side, and then at the head of that procession are Canephori, victims with their attendants, Scaphephori, Spondophori, musicians, pompic chariots and cavalry. After going down the north side, meeting the procession, we pass along the west side, where it is still in a state of preparation for departure. We then pursue the other main stream along the south side of the Temple passing the cavalry, chariots and victims. All through the frieze are magistrates and heralds marshalling the order of the procession. It has been objected that many features which we know to have formed a part of the original ceremony, as, for instance, the ship on which the peplos was borne, are not found on the frieze; but Pheidias would only select for his composition such details from the actual procession as he considered suitable for representation in sculpture, working, as he here did, under certain architectonic conditions.

NOTE. The numbers of the slabs, painted in Roman figures on the lower moulding, and placed in the right-hand margin of this catalogue, agree throughout with the numbers of Michaelis. The numbers of the separate figures assigned to them here and painted in Arabic numerals above the frieze, do not agree with those of Michaelis, except in the case of the west side.

  324.  1. I. A man standing on the return face of slab xliv. (South Frieze), looks back as if to make a signal to the procession approaching along the south side, and thus makes a connection between the south and east sides of the frieze.

2-5. II. With slab ii. the band of maidens leading the southern half of the procession begins. When complete the slab contained five maidens, each probably carrying a circular bowl, with a boss in the centre (φιάλη ὀμφαλωτή); portions now remain of four alone; compare however No. 345, 1. They are draped in long chiton and mantle. [Two casts of the slab are exhibited, side by side, in order to represent the missing portion.]

6-10. III. Five maidens carry each a wine jug, supposed to be of gold or silver. Several such vessels occur in the Treasure lists of the Parthenon. No. 6 wears a chiton with diploïdion; Nos. 7-10 have a chiton and mantle.

11-14. In front of these are four maidens, walking in pairs. Nos. 12 and 14 each carry in the right hand an object not unlike the stand of an ancient candelabrum, which tapers upwards from its base. This object is more distinctly shown on the marble between Nos. 11 and 12, than between Nos. 13 and 14. It is encircled by a double torus moulding at the top, and above this moulding a hole is pierced in the marble, as if there was here a ring for suspension or to serve as a handle. It is probable that these are metallic objects of some kind, which, like the censer carried by No. 55 on the opposite side of the eastern frieze, were part of the sacred furniture used in the festival and usually kept in the Treasury of Athenè. Michaelis suggests that they may be the stands, krateutae, in which turned the ends of the spits used in roasting the sacrifice. This would explain the ring at the top.

15, 16. A pair of maidens with empty hands leads the procession. Nos. 11-16 are all dressed alike, in long chiton, with diploïdion, together with a small mantle. They also appear to have the hair similarly dressed. It falls in a mass on the shoulders, as in the Caryatid of the Erechtheion (No. 407).

17. In front of the procession is a man, probably one of the marshals, who seems to approach a group of five persons, and to hold out his hand as if with a gesture of greeting to the nearest of the group. This figure is turned towards the marshal, and leans heavily on his staff which is seen below his knees. The marble fragment with parts of the feet of Nos. 16 and 17 was acquired from the collection of M. Steinhäuser. The lower part of 18.No. 18 is cast from a fragment at Athens.

19-22. IV. On the left of the next slab are four men of the same character as No. 18. They all wear himation and boots. They converse in pairs and stand in easy attitudes, leaning on their staffs. There is a corresponding group of four male figures (Nos. 42-45) on slab vi., and Michaelis supposes that the group of five figures (Nos. 18-22) and the opposite group (Nos. 42-45) of four figures represent the nine Archons. That they are functionaries of high rank can hardly be doubted, when we consider their privileged place between the head of the procession on each side and the seated divinities, but they might well be Athlothetae, who controlled all the arrangements (Aristotle, Ἀ θ. πολ. ed. Kenyon, 60).

23-40. The central portion of the eastern frieze now to be described has been the subject of much controversy. Nearly all the authorities who have written on this question agree in recognising the two groups of seated figures as deities. This is indicated not only by the dignity of their appearance but also by their scale. While the figures of the mortals are about 3 ft. 2 in. high, those of the deities are about 4 ft. 4 in. high. Though by the principle known as Isokephalism the heads in a relief are usually nearly on a level, this marked difference of scale can hardly fail to indicate divine rank; compare the frieze of the Theseion (No. 404). There is, however, a wide divergence of opinion as to the particular divinities here represented. From the destruction of most of the faces and the absence of attributes or other indications by which the figures can be severally identified, it is very difficult to judge between the rival schemes of interpretation which have been proposed. In Michaelis' Parthenon, pp. 262, 263, a tabular view is given of these schemes (cf. Guide to the Elgin Room, I., Table C). The attributions proposed by Michaelis himself are for the most part adopted here, with certain changes suggested by Flasch in his memoir: Zum Parthenonfries (Würzburg, 1877).

The interpretations proposed by those who hold that the seated figures are deities, are of two kinds. Most writers have tried to identify some at least of the figures with personages who were worshipped near the Acropolis, or connected with the mythological history of Athens. By this system, deities of lower rank such as the Dioscuri, or heroes like Triptolemos are admitted, on the frieze, to the company of the Olympian Gods. Petersen and Flasch, on the other hand, argue that the twelve Olympian deities are represented in the two groups, without regard to local considerations. Hestia alone is omitted, who always stays in Olympos to keep the hearth. (Plato, Phaedr., 247a). Petersen substitutes Peitho for Hestia; he also introduces Dionysos (24), making No. 38 Apollo. Artemis is thus excluded from his scheme. The arrangement of Flasch is happier, as Hestia alone is excluded of the Olympian divinities. The attributions proposed by Michaelis, Petersen, and Flasch are as follow, where they differ between themselves:—

23. IV. The earlier writers saw the Dioscuri, Castor and Pollux in the two figures, Nos. 23, 24. It is now generally agreed that the youthful elastic figure to the left is Hermes, of whom the high boots, and the petasos spread on his knees are specially characteristic. His right hand is pierced and has held a metallic object, probably the herald's staff, caduceus. The drapery is a small chlamys fastened by a brooch, but at present worn about the loins. The more robust figure leaning on his shoulder 24.(No. 24), has his body turned in a direction contrary to that of Hermes, and the singular manner in which his lower limbs are so arranged as to clasp between them the knees of the seated goddess (25.No. 25) seems to indicate some intimate and special relation between them. The goddess holds a torch, the usual attribute of Demeter, and Michaelis sees in the group (Nos. 24-26) the triad of Dionysos, Demeter, and Triptolemos. Flasch recognises Apollo and Artemis in Nos. 24, 25, on the ground of their intimate relationship. If we adopt this interpretation of this group, it follows that the youthful figure 26.(No. 26) cannot be Triptolemos. We must rather look for an Olympian deity in this figure, and the suggestion that it represents Ares, which has found favour with several interpreters of this frieze, seems liable only to one objection, that the form appears too slight and youthful. The somewhat negligent attitude is that of a person tired of sitting on a seat without a back, and clasping his knee with his hands, to relieve the spine of the weight of the head and shoulders. Flasch absurdly describes the attitude as that of a passionate character, forcibly restraining himself.

27-29. V. The bearded figure (No. 29) on the left of the central group is distinguished from the rest by the form, and ornaments of his chair, which has a back and a side rail which is supported by a Sphinx, while all the other figures are seated on stools. It has been generally admitted that this deity is Zeus. It is therefore reasonable to suppose that the goddess seated next to him (No. 28) is his consort, Hera. The type and action of this figure who raises her veil, and looks towards Zeus, are very suitable to her.

The winged maidenly figure (No. 27) standing behind Hera must be either Nikè or Iris, and is probably Iris, whose station is close to Hera, while Nikè is usually more closely associated with Zeus (Murray, Class. Rev. iii., p. 285). The head of Iris which was discovered in 1889 in the excavations on the Acropolis is admirably perfect. The left hand raises a mass of the hair as if to coil it on the head (Plate vi., fig. 1).

The slab to which the head belongs was removed from its original position at some early time, probably at the conversion of the Parthenon into a church, when an apse was built at the eastern end. In 1672 it stood on the ground (cf. Michaelis, pp. 47, 258), and the faces seem to have suffered deliberate mutilation.

The exquisite preservation of the head of Iris is explained if, as is suggested, it was broken off in the sixth century, and immediately built into a Byzantine wall (Waldstein, American Journ. of Archæology, v. pl. 2, p. 1).

30-34. Between the group of Gods just described and the corresponding group on the right side of the centre, we have a group of five figures.

We must suppose that these figures are in front of the two groups of Gods who sit in a continuous semicircle. (Murray, ii. pl. 1.)

No. 30 is a maiden holding an uncertain object, perhaps a casket in her left hand, and supporting on her head a seat (δίφρος) covered with a cushion, not unlike the seats on which the Gods are, but smaller. She has a small pad (τύλη) on her head to make the weight easier to bear. The legs of the seat are now wanting, but a rivet hole near the maiden's right elbow shows where one leg was attached. The other may have been painted on the ground of the frieze. The cut (fig. 10), showing one of the slaves of Cepheus carrying a stool with a cushion, is taken from a vase in the British Museum, No. E. 188.

No. 31 is another maiden, advancing slowly to the right, bearing on her head a seat similar to that carried by No. 30. The foremost leg of the seat still exists, being of marble. The position of the hinder leg is marked by a rivet hole. On each of these stools is a circular object, probably a thick cushion. These two figures have been called Arrhephori, or Ersephori, on the assumption that they are carrying those mystic objects, the nature of which it was forbidden to divulge; but it is doubtful whether the Arrhephori took part in the Panathenaic festival. There is evidence that the priestess of Athenè had two attendants, of whom one was called κοσμώ (Adorner), and the other τραπεζοφόρος (Table-bearer, Harpocration), or τραπεζώ (Hesychius emended), and it has been suggested that Nos. 30, 31 may have these titles, and a corresponding ritual significance. Neither figure, however, carries a table. (Miss Harrison, Class. Rev. iii., p. 378; cf. ibid., p. 423; and Waldstein, Journ. of Hellen. Studies, xi., p. 143). The same names were proposed by C. O. Müller in 1820, but merely on the supposition that two of the Ersephori were thus styled. (Müller, Minervae Poliadis Sacra, p. 15.) On the other hand, Diphrophori are mentioned by several ancient authors as being in attendance on the noble Athenian maidens. They were the daughters of aliens, and perhaps inferior rank as well as youth is indicated by the scale on which they are represented. No. 31 is confronted by a large and matronly woman (No. 32), who raises her right hand to the under side of the chair. Archæologists have been uncertain whether the woman (No. 32) has just placed the chairs on the heads of the maidens, or is just about to remove them. There can be little doubt, however, that No. 31, if we consider the position of her feet, has hardly ceased approaching to No. 32, who is just raising her hands to lift down the chair (cf. Flasch, Zum Parthenonfries, p. 83). The left hand instinctively prevents the himation being displaced by the raising of the right arm.

An elderly bearded man (No. 33), wearing a long chiton with short sleeves and shoes, stands next to No. 32. On his head are traces of metallic rust. He therefore may have worn a metallic wreath, for which the marble at the back of his head appears to have been hollowed. He turns his back to No. 32, and is engaged with a boy. The two figures between them support a large piece of cloth, folded once lengthwise, and twice breadthwise. In this case also archæologists have been doubtful which is the giver and which is the receiver of the cloth; but the action represented is not one either of giving or receiving. From the peculiar way in which the boy grips an angle of the folded cloth between his elbow and his side, while his hands are otherwise occupied, the act of folding the cloth square seems to be represented. The portion nearest to the spectator is being dropped down till its edges are parallel with those of the lower part, so that the two parts should be exactly doubled.

The group of figures just described (30-34) contains the centre of the composition, and the interpretation of the frieze as a whole depends on the meaning we attach to this group. Leaving on one side the writers referred to on p. 147, who hold that the frieze does not represent the Panathenaic festival, we find that a majority of writers describes No. 32 as a Priestess of Athenè, giving the sacred vessels to the Arrhephori or Ersephori, and No. 33 as a priest or Archon Basileus receiving or giving the sacred peplos of Athenè. This view of Nos. 30-32 was necessarily abandoned, when it had been perceived that the objects held by the maidens are chairs, not baskets. As regards Nos. 33, 34, the main arguments for interpreting the cloth as the peplos are, that the accounts of the procession preserved in ancient authors show that the conveyance of the peplos of Athenè was the principal feature in it. If we look to the place assigned to this group in the eastern frieze, we find that these two figures (Nos. 33, 34) stand in the centre of the eastern front, under the apex of the pediment, and over the eastern door of the cella. They therefore occupy the most conspicuous place in the frieze, from the points of view alike of the sculptured Gods and of the human spectator, and accordingly may well be supposed to be busy with the chief ceremony of the festival. This view is opposed by Flasch. He argues that if the delivery of the peplos is represented, there is a violation of the unity of time, as the act which was the main motive of the procession is being completed, while the procession is still in progress, and in part has not yet started. Flasch therefore holds that we have here the priest and priestess preparing for the sacrifice that is to take place on the arrival of the procession. The priestess is receiving chairs for herself and for the priest from the Diphrophori. Meanwhile the priest, who now only wears a long chiton, with short sleeves, has taken off his himation, and, after folding it several times, is seen giving it to an attendant to hold.

If, however, the action represented is merely that of folding, and is not yet completed, it is impossible to determine which is the giver and which the receiver. Nor would the difficulty be solved if this could be ascertained, as we do not know what ceremonies were performed when the peplos arrived. The surface of the cloth on the frieze is left quite plain; but, if it is the peplos, some indication of the embroidered design may have been given in colour.

35. We now reach the second group of deities, seated to the right of the central scene. The first figure is clearly that of Athenè. She sits in a position corresponding to that of Zeus, and the Goddess of Athens is thus put in the same rank as the supreme God. Athenè is dressed in a chiton with diploïdion and has short hair. An indistinct object about her left wrist has been supposed to be a snake from the fringe of the aegis of Athenè, or by some writers to be the snake of Hygieia. But the object seems merely to be a bracelet in the form of a snake, which is not uncommon, and there is therefore no indication of an aegis. Four rivet holes in a straight line show that Athenè held some attribute, probably a spear in her right hand.

36. Next to Athenè is an elderly bearded figure, who turns his head towards her. He has a knotted staff under his right arm, and leans upon it heavily. This figure is usually known as Hephaestos. It is supposed that his lameness may be indicated by the awkward pose of his right foot, and by the staff on which he leans.

37. VI. This slab, containing figures Nos. 37-47, now in a very fragmentary condition, was complete when drawn by Carrey, in 1674. A bearded male figure (No. 37) with his left hand raised is probably Poseidon. The left hand, according to Flasch, once held a trident. The next figure 38.(No. 38), beardless and youthful, and seated in an easy attitude, has of late years gone by the names of Apollo Patroös or Dionysos. The latter title seems best suited to the somewhat effeminate figure, more fully draped than any other of the Gods. A series of holes round the head shows the position of a bronze wreath, and one at the elbow shows that the left hand may have been supported by a thyrsos or sceptre.

39. A matronly figure (No. 39) is seated next to Dionysos, wearing a chiton, which is slipping off from the left shoulder, himation, cap and sandals. This figure is called Peitho by Michaelis and Peterson, on the ground that the worship of Peitho was associated with that of Aphroditè Pandemos (No. 40) on the south side of the Acropolis. Flasch with more probability makes this goddess Demeter, arguing that Peitho was not entitled to a place among the great Gods of Olympos, while Demeter is appropriately placed between Dionysos and Aphroditè. Flasch suggests that the right hand may have held an ear of corn. A hole shows that the object in question was made of bronze.

40. The next figure (No. 40) most of which is only preserved in Carrey's drawing (Fig. 11), is unmistakably shown to be Aphroditè, by the winged boy Eros who stands at her knee. Aphroditè wears a chiton, himation, a cap, and to judge from Carrey's drawing a veil. She rests her left hand on the shoulder of Eros, extending her forefinger, as if pointing out some object in the procession to the boy. Eros 41.(No. 41) carries a parasol which conveniently fills the space above his head and his wings.