H.M. Eugénie, Empress of the French.
From a miniature by Sir W. K. Ross at Windsor Castle
Piccadilly, 26th April 1855.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state that the Members of the Cabinet who met yesterday evening at the Chancellor's were of opinion that the Austrian proposal adopted by M. Drouyn de Lhuys,AUSTRIAN PROPOSALS even with his pretended modification, could not be described more accurately than in the concise terms of H.R.H. the Prince Albert, namely, that instead of making to cease the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea, it would perpetuate and legalise that preponderance, and that instead of establishing a secure and permanent Peace, it would only establish a prospective case for war. Such a proposal therefore your Majesty's Advisers could not recommend your Majesty to adopt; but as the step to be taken seems rather to be to make such a proposal to Austria than to answer such a proposal which Austria has not formally made, and as M. Drouyn's telegraphic despatch stated that he thought that Lord John Russell would recommend such an arrangement to his colleagues, the Cabinet were of opinion that the best course would be simply to take no step at all until Lord John Russell's return, which may be expected to-morrow or next day, especially as Lord Clarendon had already, by telegraphic message of yesterday, intimated to the French Government that such an arrangement as that proposed by M. Drouyn, and which would sanction a Russian Fleet in the Black Sea to any amount short by one ship of the number existing in 1853, could not be agreed to by the British Government. Such an arrangement would, in the opinion of Viscount Palmerston, be alike dangerous and dishonourable; and as to the accompanying alliance with Austria for the future defence of Turkey and for making war with Russia, if she were to raise her Black Sea Fleet up to the amount of 1853, what reason is there to believe that Austria, who shrinks from war with Russia now that the Army of Russia has been much reduced by the losses of the last twelve months—now that her Forces are divided and occupied elsewhere than on the Austrian frontier, and now that England and France are actually in the field with great Armies, supported by great Fleets, what reason is there to believe that this same Austria would be more ready to make war four or five years hence, when the Army of Russia shall have repaired its losses and shall be more concentrated to attack Austria, when the Austrian Army shall have been reduced to its Peace Establishment, and when the Peace Establishments of England and France, withdrawn within their home stations, shall be less ready to co-operate with Austria in war? What reason, moreover, is there for supposing that Austria, who has recently declared that though prepared for war she will not make war for ten sail of the Line more or less in the Russian Black Sea Fleet, will some few years hence, when unprepared for war, draw the sword on account of the addition of one ship of war to the Russian Fleet in the Black Sea?
Such proposals are really a mockery.
Footnote 55: It had long become evident that Russia would refuse assent to the Third Point, terminating her preponderance in the Black Sea, but Austria now came forward with a proposal to limit the Russian force there to the number of ships authorised before the war. This was rejected by Russia, whereupon the representatives of England and France withdrew from the negotiations. Count Buol, representing Austria, then came forward again with a scheme the salient features of which were that, if Russia increased her Black Sea fleet beyond its existing strength, Turkey might maintain a force equal to it, and England and France might each have a naval force in the Black Sea equal to half the Russian force, while the increase of the Russian fleet beyond its strength in 1853 would be regarded by Austria as a casus belli. These terms were satisfactory neither to the British Government nor to the French Emperor, so that it was learned with some surprise that Lord John Russell and M. Drouyn de Lhuys (the French Plenipotentiary) had approved of them. Upon the Emperor definitely rejecting the proposals, M. Drouyn de Lhuys resigned; he was succeeded as Foreign Minister by Count Walewski, M. de Persigny becoming Ambassador in London. Lord John Russell tendered his resignation, but, at Lord Palmerston's solicitation, and most unfortunately for himself, he withdrew it.
Buckingham Palace, 28th April 1855.
The Queen returns these very important letters. She thinks that it will be of great use to ask the Emperor to send M. Drouyn de Lhuys over here after having discussed the plans of peace with him, in order that he should hear our arguments also, and give us his reasons for thinking the terms acceptable. The influence of distance and difference of locality upon the resolves of men has often appeared to the Queen quite marvellous.
Buckingham Palace, 1st May 1855.
My dearest Uncle,—On this day, the fifth birthday of our darling little Arthur—the anniversary of the opening of the Great Exhibition—the once great day at Paris, viz. the poor King's name-day—and also the birthday of the dear old Duke—I write to thank you for your kind and affectionate letter of the 27th. The attentat56 on the Emperor will have shocked you, as it did us; it shocked me the more as we had watched over him with such anxiety while he was with us.
It has produced an immense sensation in France, we hear, and many of his political enemies, he says, cheered him loudly as he returned to the Tuileries. As you say, he is very personal, and therefore kindness shown him personally will make a lasting effect on his mind, peculiarly susceptible to kindness. Another feature in his character is that il ne fait pas de phrases—and what is said is the result of deep reflection. I therefore send you (in strict confidence) a copy of the really very kind letter he wrote me, and which I am sure is quite sincere. He felt the simple and kind treatment of him and her more than all the outward homage and display.
Please kindly to return it when you have done with it.
I am sure you would be charmed with the Empress; it is not such great beauty, but such grace, elegance, sweetness, and nature. Her manners are charming; the profile and figure beautiful and particularly distingués.
You will be pleased (as I was) at the abandonment of the journey to the Crimea, though I think, as regarded the Campaign, it would have been a good thing....
Lord John is returned. I can't say more to-day, but remain, ever your devoted Niece,
We have a Childs' Ball to-night.
Footnote 56: An Italian, Giacomo Pianori, fired twice at the Emperor, while he was riding in the Champs Elysées, on the 29th of April; the Emperor was uninjured.
Buckingham Palace, 2nd May 1855.
The recent visit of the Emperor Napoleon III. to this country is a most curious page of history, and gives rise to many reflections. A remarkable combination of circumstances has brought about the very intimate alliance which now unites England and France, for so many centuries the bitterest enemies and rivals, and this, under the reign of the present Emperor, the nephew of our greatest foe, and bearing his name, and brought about by the policy of the late Emperor of Russia, who considered himself as the head of the European Alliance against France!
In reflecting on the character of the present Emperor Napoleon, and the impression I have conceived of it, the following thoughts present themselves to my mind:
That he is a very extraordinary man, with great qualities there can be no doubt—I might almost say a mysterious man. He is evidently possessed of indomitable courage, unflinching firmness of purpose, self-reliance, perseverance, and great secrecy; to this should be added, a great reliance on what he calls his Star, and a belief in omens and incidents as connected with his future destiny, which is almost romantic—and at the same time he is endowed with wonderful self-control, great calmness, even gentleness, and with a power of fascination, the effect of which upon all those who become more intimately acquainted with him is most sensibly felt.
How far he is actuated by a strong moral sense of right and wrong is difficult to say. On the one hand, his attempts at Strasbourg and Boulogne, and this last after having given a solemn promise never to return or make a similar attempt—in which he openly called on the subjects of the then King of the French to follow him as the successor of Napoleon, the Coup d'État of December 1851, followed by great ... severity and the confiscation of the property of the unfortunate Orleans family, would lead one to believe that he is not. On the other hand, his kindness and gratitude towards all those, whether high or low, who have befriended him or stood by him through life, and his straightforward and steady conduct towards us throughout the very difficult and anxious contest in which we have been engaged for a year and a half, show that he is possessed of noble and right feelings.
My impression is, that in all these apparently inexcusable acts, he has invariably been guided by the belief that he is fulfilling a destiny which God has imposed upon him, and that, though cruel or harsh in themselves, they were necessary to obtain the result which he considered himself as chosen to carry out, and not acts of wanton cruelty or injustice; for it is impossible to know him and not to see that there is much that is truly amiable, kind, and honest in his character. Another remarkable and important feature in his composition is, that everything he says or expresses is the result of deep reflection and of settled purpose, and not merely des phrases de politesse, consequently when we read words used in his speech made in the City, we may feel sure that he means what he says; and therefore I would rely with confidence on his behaving honestly and faithfully towards us. I am not able to say whether he is deeply versed in History—I should rather think not, as regards it generally, though he may be, and probably is, well informed in the history of his own country, certainly fully so in that of the Empire, he having made it his special study to contemplate and reflect upon all the acts and designs of his great uncle. He is very well read in German literature, to which he seems to be very partial. It is said, and I am inclined to think with truth, that he reads but little, even as regards despatches from his own foreign Ministers, he having expressed his surprise at my reading them daily. He seems to be singularly ignorant in matters not connected with the branch of his special studies, and to be ill informed upon them by those who surround him.
If we compare him with poor King Louis Philippe, I should say that the latter (Louis Philippe) was possessed of vast knowledge upon all and every subject, of immense experience in public affairs, and of great activity of mind; whereas the Emperor possesses greater judgment and much greater firmness of purpose, but no experience of public affairs, nor mental application; he is endowed, as was the late King, with much fertility of imagination.
Another great difference between King Louis Philippe and the Emperor is, that the poor King was thoroughly French in character, possessing all the liveliness and talkativeness of that people, whereas the Emperor is as unlike a Frenchman as possible, being much more German than French in character.... How could it be expected that the Emperor should have any experience in public affairs, considering that till six years ago he lived as a poor exile, for some years even in prison, and never having taken the slightest part in the public affairs of any country?
It is therefore the more astounding, indeed almost incomprehensible, that he should show all those powers of Government, and all that wonderful tact in his conduct and manners which he evinces, and which many a King's son, nurtured in palaces and educated in the midst of affairs, never succeeds in attaining. I likewise believe that he would be incapable of such tricks and over-reachings as practised by poor King Louis Philippe (for whose memory, as the old and kind friend of my father, and of whose kindness and amiable qualities I shall ever retain a lively sense), who in great as well as in small things took a pleasure in being cleverer and more cunning than others, often when there was no advantage to be gained by it, and which was, unfortunately, strikingly displayed in the transactions connected with the Spanish marriages, which led to the King's downfall and ruined him in the eyes of all Europe. On the other hand, I believe that the Emperor Napoleon would not hesitate to do a thing by main force, even if in itself unjust and tyrannical, should he consider that the accomplishment of his destiny demanded it.
The great advantage to be derived for the permanent alliance of England and France, which is of such vital importance to both countries, by the Emperor's recent visit, I take to be this: that, with his peculiar character and views, which are very personal, a kind, unaffected, and hearty reception by us personally in our own family will make a lasting impression upon his mind; he will see that he can rely upon our friendship and honesty towards him and his country so long as he remains faithful towards us; naturally frank, he will see the advantage to be derived from continuing so; and if he reflects on the downfall of the former dynasty, he will see that it arose chiefly from a breach of pledges,... and will be sure, if I be not very much mistaken in his character, to avoid such a course. It must likewise not be overlooked that this kindly feeling towards us, and consequently towards England (the interests of which are inseparable from us), must be increased when it is remembered that we are almost the only people in his own position with whom he has been able to be on any terms of intimacy, consequently almost the only ones to whom he could talk easily and unreservedly, which he cannot do naturally with his inferiors. He and the Empress are in a most isolated position, unable to trust the only relations who are near them in France, and surrounded by courtiers and servants, who from fear or interest do not tell them the truth. It is, therefore, natural to believe that he will not willingly separate from those who, like us, do not scruple to put him in possession of the real facts, and whose conduct is guided by justice and honesty, and this the more readily as he is supposed to have always been a searcher after truth. I would go still further, and think that it is in our power to keep him in the right course, and to protect him against the extreme flightiness, changeableness, and to a certain extent want of honesty of his own servants and nation. We should never lose the opportunity of checking in the bud any attempt on the part of his agents or ministers to play us false, frankly informing him of the facts, and encouraging him to bring forward in an equally frank manner whatever he has to complain of. This is the course which we have hitherto pursued, and as he is France in his own sole person, it becomes of the utmost importance to encourage by every means in our power that very open intercourse which I must say has existed between him and Lord Cowley for the last year and a half, and now, since our personal acquaintance, between ourselves.
As I said before, the words which fall from his lips are the result of deep reflection, and part of the deep plan which he has staked out for himself, and which he intends to carry out. I would therefore lay stress on the following words which he pronounced to me immediately after the investiture of the Order of the Garter: "C'est un lien de plus entre nous, j'ai prêté serment de fidélité à votre Majesté et je le garderai soigneusement. C'est un grand événement pour moi, et j'espère pouvoir prouver ma reconnaissance envers votre Majesté et son Pays." In a letter said to be written by him to Mr F. Campbell, the translator of M. Thiers's History of the Consulate and Empire, when returning the proof-sheets in 1847, he says "Let us hope the day may yet come when I shall carry out the intentions of my Uncle by uniting the policy and interests of England and France in an indissoluble alliance. That hope cheers and encourages me. It forbids my repining at the altered fortunes of my family."
If these be truly his words, he certainly has acted up to them, since he has swayed with an iron hand the destinies of that most versatile nation, the French. That he should have written this at a moment when Louis Philippe had succeeded in all his wishes, and seemed securer than ever in the possession of his Throne, shows a calm reliance in his destiny and in the realisation of hopes entertained from his very childhood which borders on the supernatural.
These are a few of the many reflections caused by the observation and acquaintance with the character of this most extraordinary man, in whose fate not only the interests of this country, but the whole of Europe are intimately bound up. I shall be curious to see if, after the lapse of time, my opinion and estimate of it has been the right one.
Buckingham Palace, 10th May 1855.
The Queen returns these interesting letters to Lord Clarendon. When the Emperor expresses a wish that positive instructions should be sent to Lord Raglan to join in a general forward movement about to take place, he should be made aware that Lord Raglan has been ready and most anxious for the assault taking place on the 26th, and that he only consented to postpone it for a few days at General Canrobert's earnest desire, who wished to wait for the army of Reserve. It should be kept in mind, however, that the English cannot proceed farther as long as the Mamelon has not been taken, and that as long as the French refuse to do this they must not complain of Lord Raglan's not advancing. The refusal to undertake this has, the Queen is sorry to say, produced a bad feeling amongst many of our officers and men, which she owns alarms her.57
Footnote 57: General Canrobert was deficient in dash and initiative; he knew his defects, and was relieved of his command at his own request, being succeeded by General Pélissier.
On the 24th of May (the Queen's Birthday) a successful expedition was made against Kertsch, the granary of Sebastopol, and vast quantities of coal, corn, and flour were either seized by the Allies, or destroyed in anticipation of their seizure by the Russians.
On the 7th of June, the Mamelon (a knoll crowned by a redoubt and protected by the Rifle Pits) was taken by the French, and the Gravel Pits, an outwork in front of the Redan, by the English.
Buckingham Palace, 22nd May 1855.
My dearest, kindest Uncle,— ... The state of affairs is uncomfortable and complicated just now, but our course is straight; we cannot come to any peace unless we have such guarantees by decided limitation of the Fleet, which would secure us against Russian preponderance for the future.58
Ernest will have told you what a beautiful and touching sight and ceremony (the first of the kind ever witnessed in England) the distribution of the Medals was. From the highest Prince of the Blood to the lowest Private, all received the same distinction for the bravest conduct in the severest actions, and the rough hand of the brave and honest private soldier came for the first time in contact with that of their Sovereign and their Queen! Noble fellows! I own I feel as if they were my own children; my heart beats for them as for my nearest and dearest. They were so touched, so pleased; many, I hear, cried—and they won't hear of giving up their Medals, to have their names engraved upon them, for fear they should not receive the identical one put into their hands by me, which is quite touching. Several came by in a sadly mutilated state. None created more interest or is more gallant than young Sir Thomas Troubridge, who had, at Inkerman, one leg and the other foot carried away by a round shot, and continued commanding his battery till the battle was won, refusing to be carried away, only desiring his shattered limbs to be raised in order to prevent too great a hemorrhage! He was dragged by in a bath chair, and when I gave him his medal I told him I should make him one of my Aides-de-camp for his very gallant conduct, to which he replied: "I am amply repaid for everything!"59
One must revere and love such soldiers as those! The account in the Times of Saturday is very correct and good.
I must, however, conclude now, hoping soon to hear from you again. Could you kindly tell me if you could in a few days forward some letters and papers with safety to good Stockmar. Ever your devoted Niece,
Footnote 58: Prince Albert, in a Memorandum dated the 25th of May, emphasised the difficulties in the way of peace caused by the attitude of Austria, and the possibility of her passing from the one alliance to the other.
Footnote 59: He was made a C.B. and a Brevet-Colonel; and also received the Legion of Honour.
Buckingham Palace, 19th June 1855.
The Queen has received Mr Vernon Smith's letter on the subject of Lord Dalhousie's resignation and the appointment of a successor. She was somewhat astonished that the name of a successor to that most important appointment should for the first time be brought before her after all official steps for carrying it out had been completed. If the selection should now not receive the Queen's approval, it is evident that great awkwardness must arise.60
Footnote 60: Mr Vernon Smith, in reply, referred to the statutory power then existing of the Directors of the East India Company to nominate a Governor-General, subject to the approbation of the Crown.
Buckingham Palace, 20th June 1855.
The Queen received Mr V. Smith's letter yesterday evening after her return from Chatham. She readily acquits him of any intentional want of respect towards her, or of any neglect in going through the prescribed forms with regard to the appointment in question, neither of which she meant to insinuate by her letter. But she does not look upon the question as one of form. She takes a deep and natural interest in the welfare of her Indian Empire, and must consider the selection of the fittest person for the post of Governor-General as of paramount importance. She had frequently discussed this point with Lord Palmerston, but the name of Lord Canning never occurred amongst the candidates alluded to. The Queen is even now quite ignorant as to the reasons and motives which led to his selection in preference to those other names, and Mr V. Smith will see at once that, were the Queen inclined to object to it, she could not now do so without inflicting a deep, personal injury on a public man, for whose personal qualities and talents the Queen has a high regard.
She accordingly approves the recommendation, but must repeat her regret that no opportunity had been given to her to discuss the propriety of it with her Ministers previous to the intention of the recommendation becoming known to all concerned in it.
29th June 1855.
(8.30 A.M.)
Lord Raglan had been going on favourably until four in the afternoon yesterday, when very serious symptoms made their appearance. Difficulty of breathing was experienced, which gradually increased. Up to five o'clock he was conscious, and from this time his strength declined almost imperceptibly until twenty-five minutes before nine, when he died. I have assumed the command, as Sir George Brown is too ill on board ship.
Footnote 61: On the 18th of June, the fortieth anniversary of Waterloo, a combined attack by the English on the Redan, and the French on the Malakhoff, was repulsed with heavy losses. The scheme was that of Pélissier, and Lord Raglan acquiesced against his better judgment. The result depressed him greatly; he was attacked with cholera, and died on the 28th.
Buckingham Palace, 30th June 1855.
Not being aware whether Sir George Brown is well enough by this time to assume the command of the Army, the Queen writes to General Simpson, as the Chief of his Staff, to express to him, and through him to the Army, her deep and heartfelt grief at the irreparable loss of their gallant and excellent Commander, Lord Raglan, which has cast a gloom over us all, as it must do over the whole Army.
But, at the same time, the Queen wishes to express her earnest hope and confident trust that every one will more than ever now do their duty, as they have hitherto so nobly done, and that she may continue to be as proud of her beloved Army as she has been, though their brave Chief who led them so often to victory and to glory, has been taken from them.
Most grievous and most truly melancholy it is that poor Lord Raglan should die thus—from sickness—on the eve, as we have every reason to hope, of the glorious result of so much labour, and so much anxiety, and not be allowed to witness it.
The Queen's prayers will be more than ever with her Army, and most fervently do we trust that General Simpson's health, as well as that of the other Generals, may be preserved to them unimpaired!
Buckingham Palace, 30th June 1855.
Dear Lady Raglan,—Words cannot convey all I feel at the irreparable loss you have sustained, and I and the Country have, in your noble, gallant, and excellent husband, whose loyalty and devotion to his Sovereign and Country were unbounded. We both feel most deeply for you and your daughters, to whom this blow must be most severe and sudden. He was so strong, and his health had borne the bad climate, great fatigues, and anxieties so well, ever since he left England, that, though we were much alarmed at hearing of his illness, we were full of hopes of his speedy recovery.
We must bow to the will of God; but to be taken away thus, on the eve of the successful result of so much labour, so much suffering, and so much anxiety, is cruel indeed!
We feel much, too, for the brave Army, whom he was so proud of, who will be sadly cast down at losing their gallant Commander, who had led them so often to victory and glory.
If sympathy can be any consolation, you have it, for we all have alike to mourn, and no one more than I, who have lost a faithful and devoted Servant, in whom I had the greatest confidence.
We both most anxiously hope that your health, and that of your daughters, may not materially suffer from this dreadful shock. Believe me always, my dear Lady Raglan, yours very sincerely,
Buckingham Palace, 7th July 1855.
When the Queen last wrote to General Simpson to express to him, and through him to her Army in the Crimea, her deep grief at the loss of their noble, gallant, and excellent Commander, it was not yet known that Sir George Brown would return home, and that the command of the Army would devolve upon General Simpson. She writes to him, therefore, to-day, for the first time as the Commander-in-Chief of her heroic Army in the East, to assure him of her confidence and support. It is as proud a command as any soldier could desire, but its difficulties and responsibilities are also very great.
General Simpson knows well how admirably his lamented predecessor conducted all the communications with our Allies the French, and he cannot do better than follow in the same course. While showing the greatest readiness to act with perfect cordiality towards them, he will, the Queen trusts, never allow her Army to be unduly pressed upon, which would only injure both Armies.
The Queen feels very anxious lest the fearful heat which the Army is exposed to should increase cholera and fever. Both the Prince and herself, the Queen can only repeat, have their minds constantly occupied with the Army, and count the days and hours between the mails, and it would be a relief to the Queen to hear herself directly from General Simpson from time to time when he has leisure to write.
The Prince wishes to be most kindly named to General Simpson, and joins with the Queen in every possible good wish for himself and her brave and beloved troops.
Piccadilly, 12th July 1855.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty....
Viscount Palmerston very much regrets to have to say that the adverse feeling in regard to Lord John Russell grows stronger and spreads wider every day, and there is a general desire that he should resign.62 This desire is expressed by the great bulk of the steadiest supporters of the Government, and was conveyed to Lord John this evening in the House of Commons by Mr Bouverie on behalf of those members of the Government who are not in the Cabinet. Lord John has himself come to the same conclusion, and informed Viscount Palmerston this evening in the House of Commons that he has finally determined to resign, and will to-morrow or next day write a letter to that effect to be laid before your Majesty. Viscount Palmerston told him that however great would be the loss of the Government by his resignation, yet as this is a question which more peculiarly regards Lord John personally, his course must be decided by his own judgment and feelings; but that if he did not think necessary to resign, Viscount Palmerston would face Sir Edward Bulwer's Motion with the Government as it is.63 He asked Lord John, however, whether, if he determined to resign, there was any arrangement which he would wish to have submitted for your Majesty's consideration, and especially whether, if your Majesty should be graciously pleased to raise him to the Peerage, such an Honour would be agreeable to him. He said that perhaps in the autumn such an act of favour on the part of your Majesty might fall in with his views and would be gratefully received, but it would not do at present, and should not be mentioned....
Footnote 62: Lord John Russell had, as stated above, favoured the proposals of Count Buol at Vienna, compromising the Third Point to the advantage of Russia. The Ministry had disavowed this view, but Lord John had remained in office. On the 24th of May, Mr Disraeli moved a vote of censure on the Government for its conduct of the war, fiercely assailing Lord John for his proceedings both at Vienna and as Minister. In repelling the charge, Lord John made a vigorous speech disclosing no disposition to modify the British attitude towards Russian preponderance in the Black Sea, and Mr Disraeli's Motion was lost by a majority of 100. On a subsequent night he made a further speech strongly antagonistic to Russia, his attitude as to the Austrian proposals being still undisclosed to the public. But these speeches caused Count Buol to reveal the favourable view taken of his proposals by the English and French Plenipotentiaries, and Lord John Russell's inconsistency aroused widespread indignation.
Footnote 63: This Motion was one of censure on Lord John Russell for his conduct at Vienna, and it was deeply galling to be informed by subordinate members of the Government that, unless he resigned, they would support the vote of censure. Lord John bowed before the storm and retired from office.
Piccadilly, 13th July 1855.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and submits for your Majesty's gracious acceptance the resignation of Lord John Russell's office, which Viscount Palmerston trusts your Majesty will think is expressed in terms highly honourable to Lord John Russell's feelings as a man and as a Minister.
The step, Viscount Palmerston regrets to say, has become unavoidable. The storm of public opinion, however much it may exceed any just or reasonable cause, is too overbearing to be resisted, and Lord John Russell has no doubt best consulted his own personal interests in yielding to it. After a time there will be a reaction and justice will be done; but resistance at present would be ineffectual, and would only increase irritation.
Viscount Palmerston is not as yet prepared to submit for your Majesty's consideration the arrangement which will become necessary for filling up the gap thus made in the Government....
Osborne, 13th July 1855.
The Queen is much concerned by what Lord Palmerston writes respecting the feeling of the House of Commons. Lord John's resignation, although a severe loss, may possibly assuage the storm which he had chiefly produced. But she finds that Sir E. Lytton's Motion will be equally applicable to the Government after this event as it would have been before it. She trusts that no stone will be left unturned to defeat the success of that Motion, which would plunge the Queen and the executive Government of the Country into new and most dangerous complications. These are really not times to play with the existence of Governments for personal feeling or interests!
Osborne, 14th July 1855.
The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter of yesterday, and returns Lord John Russell's letter,64 which reflects the greatest credit on him. The resignation had become unavoidable, and Lord Palmerston will do well to let the Debate go by before proposing a successor, whom it will be difficult to find under any circumstances. Having expressed her feelings on the position of affairs in her letter of yesterday, she will not repeat them here.
She grants her permission to Lord Palmerston to state in Parliament what he may think necessary for the defence of the Cabinet. She could have the Council here on Wednesday, which day will probably be the least inconvenient to the Members of the Government.
The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's letter of last night, which gives a more cheering prospect.65
Footnote 64: Stating that his continuance in office would embarrass and endanger the Ministry.
Footnote 65: In consequence of Lord John's resignation, the motion of censure was withdrawn.
Osborne, 24th July 1855.
My dearest Uncle,—I feel quite grieved that it must again be by letter that I express to you all my feelings of love and affection, which yesterday morning I could still do de vive voix. It was indeed a happy time; I only fear that I was a dull companion—silent, absent, stupid, which I feel I have become since the War; and the constant anxiety and preoccupation which that odious Sebastopol causes me and my dear, brave Army, added to which the last week, or indeed the whole fortnight since we arrived here, was one of such uncertainty about this tiresome scarlatina, that it made me still more préoccupée.
The only thing that at all lessened my sorrow at seeing you depart was my thankfulness that you got safe out of our Hospital.... Ever your devoted Niece and Child,